^{Note 1 in page 1} ms. Laud 595 in the Bodleian, fol. i ff.; see Warton-Hazlitt, History of English Poetry, 1871, ii, 122–23.

^{Note 1 in page 2} Die Angebliche Originalität des frühmittelenglischen “King Horn” (Festgabe für Wendelin Foerster, Halle, 1902, pp. 297–323).

^{Note 2 in page 2} Studien zur Hornsage (Kieler St. zur engl. Phil., Heft 4), Heidelberg, 1902, pp. 1–152.

^{Note 1 in page 3} As to the late English romance Horn Child, see below, Section viii.

^{Note 2 in page 3} For enumeration of the editions, etc., see Hartenstein, pp. 3 ff. Quotations are here made from Hall's edition, Oxford, 1901. Though otherwise admirable, this edition contains a very inadequate and confused chapter on “The Story” (pp. li-lvi).

^{Note 3 in page 3} Ed. Fr. Michel, Bannatyne Club, Paris, 1845; ed. Brede and Stengel (Ausgaben u. Abhandlungen, viii), Marburg, 1883. Quotations are here made from the Cambridge ms. as printed by Brede and Stengel.

^{Note 4 in page 3} By a strange blunder, which many (even some of the latest, e. g., Hall, p. liv, McKnight, pp. viii, xii, Billings, Guide, p. 5) of those who have written about the English, poems have unhappily made, this poem has been thought younger than KH, and much labor has been wasted trying to show either that it was, or that it was not, based on the latter. As a matter of fact, while there has been no final determination of the exact date of HR, all romance scholars are now agreed that it antedates the oldest English version. For example, Gaston Paris (Manuel, 2nd ed., p. 248) puts it about 1170; Söderhjelm (Rom., xv, 593, n. 2; 594) “au milieu ou vers la fin du xii^e siècle;” Suchier (Gesch. d. from. Litt., 1900, p. 109) in the reign of Stephen (1135–1154); Gröber, however, (Grundriss der rom. Phil., ii, 573) thinks this too early a date. For a discussion of the question, see Hartenstein, pp. 19 ff., who concludes: “Es ergiebt sich aus dem Vorherstehenden auf Grund sprachlicher (Suchier, Söderhjelm) wie rhythmischer (Vising, Gnerlich) Merkmale als Entstehungszeit des uns erhaltenen RH etwa die Mitte des 12. Jh.”

^{Note 1 in page 6} Gesch. der engl. Litt., ed. Brandl, Strassburg, 1899, i, 177 (trans. Kennedy, p. 150).

^{Note 2 in page 6} Haigh (The A.-S. Sagas, London, 1861, p. 63) identified the two names. Bishop Percy thought Sudene was Sweden (Religues, ed. Schröer, Berlin, 1893, ii, 877). Jacob Grimm translated it Südland (Museum f. altd. Lit. u. Kunst., ii, 1811, p. 284), but afterwards remarked: “Will man unter Sudenne etwa Bretagne, unter Estnesse England, unter Westnesse Irland verstehen, so habe ich nichts dagegen, obwohl z. B. in Yorkshire allein schon wieder zwei Gegenden Namens Estnesse und Westnesse liegen .... jene landernamen machen keine Schwierigkeit, dasz das gedicht nicht z. B. an lombardischer küste gespielt haben könnte” (pp. 311–12).

^{Note 3 in page 6} Adding: “da das Land Deutschland nicht fern zu denken ist” (Gesch. der franz. Litt., 1900, p. 111), this argument being based on a consideration of the proper names of persons in HR, which, however, ought not to have any weight in deciding the matter; see below, Section vii.

^{Note 4 in page 6} Altenglische Sprachproben, Berlin, 1867, p. 208.

^{Note 5 in page 6} Grundriss d. Gesch. d. engl. Litt., Münster, 1893, p. 98.

^{Note 6 in page 6} Gesch. d. engl. Litt., 1896, p. 97.

^{Note 1 in page 7} Foerster-Festgabe, pp. 318–19.

^{Note 2 in page 7} Studien, p. 131.

^{Note 3 in page 7} Index of edition, p. 454. The identification was accepted by Paulin Paris (Hist. Litt., xxii, 566).

^{Note 4 in page 7} Catalogue of Romances, i (1883), 450 ff.

^{Note 5 in page 7} Romania, xvi, 591–92.

^{Note 6 in page 7} Cf. Mather, King Pontus and the Fair Sidone (Pubs. Mod. Lang. Ass. of Amer., xii), p. xvii.

^{Note 7 in page 7} Edition, E. E. T. S., p. xix.

^{Note 8 in page 7} Edition, p. lvi.

^{Note 1 in page 8} Guide to the Middle Eng. Met, Roms. (Yale Studies in English, ix), New York, 1901, p. 4: “The localities of the poem cannot be identified.”

^{Note 2 in page 8} See particularly Brugger, Ueber die Bedeutung von Bretagne, Breton in mittelalterlichen Texten (Zs. f. franz. Sp. u. Litt., xx, 1898, pp. 79–162); cf. F. Lot, Romania, xxviii, 1 ff.

^{Note 1 in page 9} Ed. Earle and Plummer, Oxford, 1892, i, 3; cf. Britannia æt igland, in the Alfredian version of Orosius (ed. Bosworth, 1859).

^{Note 2 in page 9} Roman de Brut, ed. Le Roux de Lincy, ll. 1207 ff.

^{Note 3 in page 9} Lesione des Engles, ed. Duffus-Hardy and Martin, Rolls Series, 1888–89, ll. 31 ff.; cf. Langtoft's Chronicle, ed. Wright, Rolls Series, 1866, i, 2.

^{Note 4 in page 9} Ed. Madden, Sir Gawayne, ll. 16 ff.; cf. Percy Folio Ms., iii, 277.

^{Note 5 in page 9} Ed. Madden, pp. 224 ff., st. 1; Percy Folio Ms., ii, 58.

^{Note 1 in page 10} Other forms of the name in KH are Sudenne, Sodenne, Suddene, Suddenne; in HR Suddene, Suthdene. Compare the variant spellings of London in Laamon's Brut: Lundene, Lundenne, Londene, Londenne (in the A.-S. Chronicle, Lundenne). Compare also the variant spellings of Surrey, below, p. 12. In Gaimar's Chronicle we find Mercene, Merceine, Mercenne <A.-S. Myrcena.

^{Note 1 in page 11} mss. L and C have at this point the following additional lines, obviously contradictory and meaningless:

Biinne (wyinne) daies fiue

at schup gan ariue. (0 1295–96.)

A similar haphazard rhyme occurs in another place:

Her bu paens ariue(d)

Wel mo an fiue. (C 807–808.)

^{Note 1 in page 12} Note that the translation of Orcadas insulas in the Alfredian version of Orosius (pp. 24, 58, note) is Orcadus æt igland.

^{Note 2 in page 12} In Laamon's Brut (iii, 7) we read that knights came to Arthur:

Of Scotlond of Irlond

Of Gutlond of Islond

Of Noreine of Denene

Of Orcaneie of Maneie.

Noreine (in another ms. Norene) is Norway, which elsewhere in the same work is written Norwaie, Norewaiee, Norweye, Norhweie, Norweine (i, 186, 191, 198). In iii, 252, we find again the forms Noreine, Norene; and for Denmark Denene, Dene. Maneie (Man) in another ms. is written Mayne. Another good parallel appears in Laamon's spelling of the old kingdom of Moray (Moravia). Alongside Muræf (ii, 507) occur Mureine (ii, 487), Mureinen (ii, 559), Muraine, Morayne, Muriane, Morene (ll. 4352, 10746, 21048, 22178; i, 272, 318). Note also that the name of Modun's land is spelt Fenenie as well as Feneye, Fenoie, Finée.—The medial -r- in Sudrey was sometimes omitted in Old Norse; cf., for example, the form Saueyjum in Laxdoela Saga, ed. Kr. Kaalund, p. 33.

^{Note 1 in page 13} ms. C has regularly Westernesse, O and H always Westnesse except in 1. 989, where both mss. have Estnesse and in l. 1250 where O alone has this name. In neither of these eases, however, is Estnesse original. On this point see Morsbach, p. 319.

^{Note 2 in page 13} E. g., The Grene Knight, ll. 39, 515 (Percy Folio Ms., ii, 58 ff.); Lay Le Freine, l. 29 (Weber, Met. Roms., Edinb., 1810, i, 358).

^{Note 3 in page 13} For a more definite localization, see below, p. 24.

^{Note 4 in page 13} Cf. the district of Scotland called Sutherland, where the -r of the adjective sur, south, is preserved; also Auster Wood, near Bourne, Lincolnshire (see G. S. Streatfeild, Lincolnshire and the Danes, London, 1884, p. 129).

^{Note 1 in page 14} There is surely no reason to identify Westir and Westemesse as some scholars have done, or to regard the latter as having “gradually supplanted” the former (see Ward, pp. 451–53). We cannot therefore agree with Dr. McKnight, who, following the suggestions of Dr. Ward, remarks that “it is not at all impossible to conceive that in the original, simpler form of the story, there were but two scenes to this drama, and that Westernesse of the English version, and Westir of the Norman version, alike refer to Ireland, only that on account of the amplification of the story, one came to think of Aylmar's kingdom as in England, and added a -nesse to the Norse form Westir (Vestr) so as to make it fit a promontory on the western end of the south coast of England, in Devonshire or Cornwall” (edition, p. xx).

^{Note 2 in page 14} C 1513; cf. O 785, C 1002.

^{Note 3 in page 14} C 1004, O 1045; C 1290, L 1298.

^{Note 1 in page 15} Other forms of the name in the French are: Fenie, Finée, Fenoie, Fenoi. To the first appears to correspond the spelling in ms. O of KH, Reny; but this may be only an accident. The parallel ms. L reads: “Kyng Mody of Beynis/at is Hornes enemis (959–60),” for which O has more grammatically: “King Mody of Reny / at was Hornes enemy (994–95).” Inasmuch as C and L agree in the spelling Reynes (Reynis), there can be no doubt that this was the original form.

In another place in the English poem we have a hint as to the situation of the place: “He riuede in a (under) reaume / In a wel fayr streume / er kyng Mody was syre” (O 1550 ff.; L 1525 ff.). “On the western side of the peninsula of Furness,” says Mr. Fishwick (History of Lancashire, London, 1894, p. 84), “lies the island of Walney, which has near to it several other small islands, on one of which was built the ancient castle or peel long known as the Pile of Fouldrey. The waters near to its site formed a natural harbour capable of floating, even at low tide, the largest vessels at that early period in use, and to protect that and the adjacent country this castle was erected. It is of great antiquity; it was certainly there in the twelfth century.” Perhaps Walney influenced the varying spellings of the names in HR.

^{Note 2 in page 15} Paulin Paris identified it without comment with Finland (Hist. Litt., xxii, 563; cf. prince finnois, p. 565); Mr. Hall (p. lv) with Rennes in Britanny. Morsbach says (p. 313): “Die metrische Betonung ist Réynís. Über den Namen selbst weiss ich nichts bestimmtes zu sagen. Wenn Reynis, wie wahrscheinlich, ein germanischer (wirklicher oder fingierter) Ortsname und in Reyn+is zu zerlegen ist, so könnte Heyn dem ae. ren, entsprechen, welches auch in Ortsnamen an erster stelle vorkommt (v. R. Müller, § 44, s. 82); is könnte ae. is ‘eis’ sein. Vgl. Is-land. Übrigens ist auch an regn-íss denkbar.”

^{Note 1 in page 16} Furness is usually written Furnes in the Chronicon Manniae (e. g., a. d. 1126, 1134, 1228); cf. the spellings of Calais, Cales, Calyce, Callyce (Percy Folio ms., i, 318 ff.).

^{Note 2 in page 16} See H. Fishwick, History of Lancashire, pp. 48–49.

^{Note 3 in page 16} See James Croston, Historic Sites of Lancashire and Cheshire, London, 1883, p. 255. Croston says: “From this time a chasm of something like five centuries occurs in the history. Whether the monks retained possession of the lands after the death of Cuthbert, or whether the place was ravaged by the Danish invaders, is not known with certainty, but as no mention of it occurs in the Doomsday Survey, it is not unreasonable to assume that the place had been laid waste during some of the Danish incursions, and the church St. Cuthbert reared destroyed.” We may note that when Horn leaves England for Ireland he changes his name (in KH) to Cutberd.

^{Note 4 in page 16} On Furness Abbey, see John Timbs, Abbeys, Castles and Ancient Halls of England and Wales, i, 298 ff.; A. W. Moore, Sodor and Man, London, 1893 (Diocesan Histories).

^{Note 1 in page 17} Note the passages cited by Fritzner, Ordbog over det Gamle Norske Sprog, 1896, s. v.: “sextigir stórár falla í hana (Donau),” i. e., “sixty big rivers fall into the Danube;” “ann tíma sera stórár oesast af yvirvættis regnum,” i. e., “that time when big rivers flow furiously on account of very great rains.” Wissmann was not, then, astray in his remark concerning stoure: “es steht vielleicht für Fluss überhaupt” (Untersuchungen, p. 107).

^{Note 2 in page 17} Roman en prose de Tristan, ed. Löseth, pp. 468 ff.; see below p. 25, note.

^{Note 3 in page 17} To read of a horse of Hungary (1590), or of Castilia (3316), or of Servia (3418), of a “cendal” from Russia (1580), or a sword made at La Rochele (3311), is no more significant than the mention of Canaan, the Jordan, or Africa. Nor will anyone be troubled by such phrases as the following:

1. Pur tut lor de Melan $mD ne largent de Pavie (702).

2. Nel donast pur tut lor $mD le rei de Portigal (1992).

3. loe ne crei plus beaus seit $mD de si qua Beseneon (612).

4. Li colier sunt dor $mD overe a Besencon (621).

5. E quant Herlaund les out $mD nes donast pur Maskun

Une bone cite $mD ke tienent Borgoignun (623–4).

6. Horn i seruit le ior $mD ki passot par franchise

Trestuz ki i esteient $mD entre Bretaigne e Pise (924–25).

7. entre Peitiers e Pise (819).

8. entre Rome e Paris (1082).

9. entre Norweie e Frise (828).

France is named only once (1307), and like most of the other foreign names occurs in rhyme.

Il n'ot tel cheualer par escu ne par lance

Pus icel tens en aca el realme de France.

^{Note 1 in page 18} C 71, L 79; cf. O 79.

^{Note 2 in page 18} C 1384; cf. L 1396, O 1427.

^{Note 3 in page 18} Hist. Litt., xxii, 566.

^{Note 4 in page 18} Romania, xv, 579.

^{Note 1 in page 19} Bemerkungen zu den anglo-normannischen Lied vom wackern Ritter Horn, Münster, 1895, p. 34, note 1.

^{Note 2 in page 19} Surnames and Place-Names in the Isle of Man, London, 1890, p. 167. Of Chastel-yn-Ard (Castle of the Height) Mr. Moore says: “The length of the remains is, from east to west, 105 feet, breadth at west end 40 feet. This place is also called Cashtall Ree Goree, but this is quite a modern name.”

^{Note 3 in page 19} Mettlich and Hartenstein (p. 28) identify it with Coutances in Normandy.

^{Note 4 in page 19} In Laamon we find Gursal = Cursal (24339), Gloffare = Clofard (24358), Geryn = Cherin (24394), Organeye = Orcaneye (22527). Constance is written Oostance, Costanz, Costace (13026 ff., 13720, 13404). In Wace we find Costans (6689), Costant (6642), Costan (6629).

^{Note 1 in page 20} Likewise Hartenstein, pp. 21–22.

^{Note 2 in page 20} In the account of a Western foray of the year 1098 by the Norse poet, Gisli Illugason, for example, we read as follows:

Háω hildi me Haraldz frænda

Önguls vi ey innan-vera.

“I fought beside Harold's kinsman inside the island of Ongul (Anglesey).” (Corpus Poeticum Boreale, ii, 242)—Cf. Bretoue — Bristol, in the Anglo-Norman Boeve de Haumptone, ed. Stimming, 1899, l. 2584.

^{Note 3 in page 20} Note that this was about the time it would naturally take at that time to get from Dublin to the Mersey.

^{Note 1 in page 21} Michel identified it (p. 441) with “Lyon, ville de France, chef-lieu du departement du Rhône.” Söderhjelm (Romania, xv, 591, note) inclined to the same view. Mettlich (Bemerkungen, etc., p. 34 note, 42) favored St. Paul de Léon in Britanny. Haigh (The A.-S. Sagas, London, 1861, p. 68) connected it with King's Lynn in Norfolk.

The only name given the place in the English poem is “castel” (C 1041–42; 1466). This perhaps means nothing definite; still we may observe that the English translation of Castra Legionum, in Welsh Caer Leon, was Laegeceaster, or simply Ceaster, which became Chester; and Ceaster was frequently translated Castel. In Laamon, e. g., the name of Lancaster is given as Lane-castel, Leane-castel (14244). Note also in this connection the verses on Chester in Trevisa's translation of Higden's Polychronicon (Ed. Babington, Rolls Series, London, 1869, ii, 81): “Chestre, Casteltoun as he were, Name take of a castel.” See the interesting account of the city, ii, 77 ff. There “many men of westene londes” got assistance (83).

^{Note 2 in page 21} See Bede, Bk. II, ch. 2 (a. d. 603); Nennius, § 7; William of Malmesbury, Bk. I, ch. 3 (trans. Giles, p. 43); Fiorence of Worcester, trans. Forester, p. 460. Cf. Drayton, Polyolbion, 11th Song, “fair Chester, call'd of old Carelegion.”

^{Note 3 in page 21} C 4067 ff.; cf. “de Saint Beneit,” 5137.

^{Note 4 in page 21} The History of the County Palatine and City of Chester, ed. Thos. Helsby, London, 1882, i, 92.

^{Note 1 in page 22} Ormerod-Helsby, i, 332.

^{Note 2 in page 22} It is possible to regard it as due to the influence of Geoffrey, who established one Tremounus as “Archbishop of the City of Legions” (Bk. viii, ch. 10). Wace speaks of “Tremonus, uns sages hom, Arcevesque de Carlion” (8207 ff.). Laamon writes his name Tremoriun, Tremorien, Temoriun (ll. 29715–16, 29746–47). This name is possibly the same as that of Tremerin, “the Welsh bishop,” whose death in 1055 the A.-S. Chronicle records (ed. Karle and Plummer, ii, 445). It is perhaps worth noting that there is said to have been a bishop of Mercia (and therefore of Chester) in 659 called Trumhere (see Wm. Hunt, The English Church from its Foundation to the Norman Conquest, London, 1899, p. 104; Searle, A. S. Bishops, etc., Camb., 1899, p. 242). There was, it appears, a martyr Taurinus, reputed bishop of York in the second century (see Fuller, Church History of Britain, ed. James Nichols, London, 1868. I, 20); for the legend of St. Taurin, see Ordericus, lib. v., c. vii.

^{Note 1 in page 23} Ed. Kölbing, ll. 1299 ff., cf. 1159, 1389.

^{Note 2 in page 23} Only one other geographical indication in HR, is worthy of note: Herselot, the attendant of Rimenhild, is said to have been a daughter of Godfrei of Albanei. This country appears to be the old Albania, Scotland. Geoffrey, it will be remembered, represents Britain as divided into three parts: Albania, Cambria, and Loegria (Bk. II, chap. 1). The duke of Albania in Geoffrey becomes the Duke of Albany in Shakspere's Lear.

^{Note 1 in page 24} Norse names in -ness are legion (cf. Inverness, Caithness). A Westness in Rousey (Orkneys) is mentioned several times in the Orkneyinga Saga.

^{Note 2 in page 24} Dublin som Norsk By, Christiania, 1896, p. 174; cf. Streatfeild, Lincolnshire and the Danes, London, 1834, pp. 29–30.

^{Note 3 in page 24} Cf. Worsaae, Minder om de Danske og Normændene i England, Skotland og Irland, Copen., 1851, pp. 56 ff.

^{Note 4 in page 24} In the time of King Alfred the English army warred against the Danes at Chester on Wirhealum (A.-S. Chron., a. d. 894; cf. of Wîrheale, a. d. 895).

^{Note 1 in page 25} See Löseth, Le Roman en Prose de Tristan.

^{Note 2 in page 25} In an article on “The Home of Sir Tristram,” to appear shortly.

^{Note 3 in page 25} Syr Gawayn and the Grene Knyt, ll. 691–701 (Madden, Sir Gawayne, p. 27).

^{Note 4 in page 25} Libeaus Desconus, ed. Kaluza, 1890 (Altengl. Bibliothek, v), l. 1068.

^{Note 5 in page 25} Polyolbion, Song xi.

^{Note 6 in page 25} See Ormerod-Helsby, History of Cheshire, ii, 167.

^{Note 7 in page 25} There is a Hornby Wood and a Horncastle in Lincolnshire (Streatfeild, pp. 135–36); but this has no more significance. Innumerable places are called Horn—this or that. Yet scholars have sometimes been disposed to set much store by a particular one.

^{Note 1 in page 27} Cf. the remarks on Pontus, below, Section ix.

^{Note 2 in page 27} On Aalof and Gudmod, which occur in one ms. of KH, as well as in HR, and seem original, see below, pp. 29 ff.

^{Note 1 in page 28} Kor a list of the proper names in HR, see Mettlich, Bemerkungen, 1895, pp. 39 ff.; cf. Hartenstein, pp. 44 ff., 75 ff., 81 ff.—Note that unlike names appear in the different versions of Havelok; see Prof. Skeat's edition, p. xxxix.

^{Note 1 in page 29} It has sometimes been connected with Orm (Horm); cf. Suchier, Gesch. d. franz. Lit., p. 111. Might it not be quite as well Orn (Horn) ? There are no less than ten persons of this name in Landnamabók (Udg. af del Kongelige Nordiske Oldskrift-Selskab, Copen., 1900, p. 403), and the name occurs frequently elsewhere. It was borne by the father of Ingolf, the first settler in Iceland (Eyrbyggja Saga, chs. 6, 18). When in the years 955–57 the Icelander Olaf the Peacock sailed west from Norway to visit his grandfather King Myrkjartan (Muircertach) of Ireland, a man of distinction named Orn (Horn) was the captain of his ship (Laxdoela Saga, ed. Kaalund, 1888–91, pp. 60 ff.); see below, pp. 45 ff. The initial H- was added or omitted in proper names as scribes saw fit.

^{Note 2 in page 29} Cf. also Horn Child, ll. 385–386.

^{Note 3 in page 29} Cf. Ward, pp. 465 ff.; Hall, p. liii; Morsbach, p. 310; Hartenstein, p. 75 note.

^{Note 1 in page 30} Trisyllabic, to be sure, but not from Ethelwulf, as Suchier (p. 111) and Morsbach (pp. 311–12) have conjectured; cf. Hartenstein (p. 132), following Gering. See the spellings in the A. S. Chron., ed. Earle and Plummer, ii, 334. Note that the Harleian text of KH has Allof wherever written (ll. 4, 33, 73).

^{Note 2 in page 30} The variant spellings are: Murry, Murri, Mury, Mory, Morye, Moye, May. Morsbach (pp. 298, 312) thinks the name “echt Nordisch.”

^{Note 3 in page 30} Ll. 10521–22; cf. 9864 ff.

^{Note 4 in page 30} Brut, ed. Madden, ii, 599; cf. ii, 507 (ll. 22177 ff.). Gaimar relates “com Iwain fu feit reis De Muref e de Loeneis” (ll. 5–6).

^{Note 1 in page 31} An instance of a similar variation may be found in Laamon (ll. 23109 ff.) where the same statement is thus diversely made in the two mss. printed by Madden on opposite pages.

For beo icumen of Norweie For me beo tydinge icome

niwe tidende vt of an londe

at Sichelin king er is ded. at e king of Cisille his dead.

^{Note 3 in page 31} See A. W. Moore, History of the Isle of Man, London, 1900, i, 103. The name Godred is derived from O. N. Gurör, Gufrör (Irish Gothfraidh, Eng. Godfrey). In Manx tradition this king is commemorated as an almost mythical king, to him being attributed the establishment of a legislative body, the committal of the laws to writing, and the formation of an army (Moore, l. c., i, 92, 152). His traditional name is Goree (or Orry). Can it be that “the land (or country) of Gore,” frequently mentioned in Malory and elsewhere, was his domain ? Urien, it should be observed, was king of both Moray and “the land of Gore.” Gore was also the land of Bademagus. The enchanter Mongan, in the Lai du Gor (ed. Wulff), was king of Moraine. On the connection of Morgain la fée with the place, see the forthcoming Studies in the Fairy Mythology of Arthurian Romance (ch. 10), by Dr. Lucy A. Paton (Radcliffe College Monographs, Ginn & Co., Boston), a very valuable treatise. Orry reminds us of the Urry of Malory (Bk. xix, chs. 10 ff.) the knight of Hungary (!) who travelled through Scotland and England for the healing of his wounds.

In another place I shall probably treat more fully of the Isle of Man as a land of myth and legend, of “sortilege and witchcraft.” Here I need only remark that its eponymous hero, Manannan mac Lir, was a magician and a sea-god (see A. C. L. Brown, Revue Celtique, xxii, 339 ff.), and that the island was conceived of as the otherworld. In the ancient tale of The Turke and Gowin (partially preserved in the Percy Folio ms., ed. Hales and Furnivall, i, 88 ff.), which is at bottom the account of a visit to the wonder-world (as will be shown shortly in an article by my friend Dr. Webster), the scene is laid in the Isle of Man. Man seems also to have been called Falga in Irish story (the dinnshenchas). This Mr. Alfred Nutt considers as “a synonym of the Land of Promise.” “It is possible,” he remarks, “that these names date back to a period when the Goidels inhabited Britain and when Man was par excellence the Western Isle, the home of the lord of the otherworld” (Voyage of Bran, London, 1895, i, 213; cf. Henderson, Fled Bricrend, Irish Texts Society ii, London, 1899, p. 142).

^{Note 1 in page 32} See Landnamabók, c. 82 (ed., p. 36): “eir vnnu Katanes [Caithness] ok Sudrland Ros ok Merævi [Moray] ok meir enn halft Skotland. var orsteinn ar konungr yfr adr Skotar sviku hann ok fell han ar i orrostu.”

^{Note 2 in page 32} Perhaps identified in the first English version with A.-S. Aulf, Æelwulf; see Earle and Plummer, ii, 335; Searle, Onomasticon, 1897, pp. 75 f.

^{Note 3 in page 32} See Landnamabók, p. 326; Ari's Isländerbuch, ed. Golther, p. 21; Vigfusson-Möbius, Fornsögur, Leip., 1860, Index; cf. Morsbach, p. 308.

^{Note 1 in page 33} Morsbach can hardly be right in thinking Fikel a contraction of Fikenhild (pp. 314–315). As he observed, Searle (p. 242) has Fikil.

^{Note 2 in page 33} In the late French Pontus (on which see below, Section ix) this personage appears as Guenelete, which, says the editor (p. xviii), “is clearly only a double diminutive of Guenes, the arch-traitor.”

^{Note 3 in page 33} On the different forms of the name, see Ward, pp. 462–63.

^{Note 4 in page 33} The Royal Race of Dublin, in his Contributions to the Hist. of the Norsemen in Ireland, i (Videnskabselkabets Skrifter, ii), Christiania, 1900, pp. 13 ff.

^{Note 1 in page 34} For the variation in spelling, see Morsbach, p. 313.

^{Note 2 in page 34} Cf. Morsbach, pp. 307–308. ms. C has Alrid, 844.

^{Note 3 in page 34} In HR the two sons are Guffer and Egfer; but these are probably not original. Geoffrey of Monmouth (Bk. I, ch. 12) represents a Goffarius Pictus as living in the time of Brutus. Egfer may be the same as Egfert, Egbert, Ecgberht. Ecgberht, king of Wessex, ruled from 828–837.

^{Note 4 in page 34} Searle, pp. 103, 104, 541.

^{Note 5 in page 34} See Morsbach, pp. 304 ff. The name Hunlaf in HR is a good A.-S. form (see Searle, p. 307); but it is perhaps only a writing of Unlaf, which occurs sometimes for Anlaf (Olaf), e. g., in the A. S. Chron. (ed. Earle and Plummer, i, 126); and in Gaimar, 3536, where Anlaf is also written Anlans, Anlas, Anfal, Oladf (ll. 3536, 3550, 4687). Langtoft has Anlaf, Analphe, Anlaphe.—The name Houlac in HC is apparently Havelok, another form of Olaf; cf. Ward, Catalogue, p. 461.

^{Note 1 in page 35} Dr. Ward thinks that this alderman, of Devonshire, “was probably the Athelmar the Great, whose son was executed by Cnut in 1017” (p. 450).

^{Note 2 in page 35} Cf. Carados, Caradoc, Caradot; Mordres, Mordrec, Mordret; Constans, Constant; cf. Anlaf, Anlans, Anlas, in note 4, p. 34, above.

^{Note 3 in page 35} In KH: Rimen(h)ild, Rymen(h)ild, Rimenyld, Rymenyld, Remenyld, Reymnyld, Rymenil, Reymild, Reymyld, Rymyld, Rimyld, Reynyld; in HR: Rimenil, Rigmenil, Rimignil, Rigmel, Rimel; HC has Rimnild.

^{Note 4 in page 35} Compare, however, A.-S. Regenhild (Searle, pp. 397, 572); Rimhild, p. 401; cf. also Ragnell in the romance of The Weddynge of Sir Gawen (ed. Madden, l. c., pp. 298^a ff.; cf. Child, i, 289 ff.).

^{Note 1 in page 36} See the passage concerning Cuthbert, quoted above, p. 16, note.

^{Note 2 in page 36} Maddan is the name of a British king in Geoffrey (Bk. II, ch. 6). A bishop of Scotland called Modan is mentioned in the Metrical Chron. of Scotland, Rolls Series, ii, 190, 639.—Morsbach (p. 310) connects Modi with the O. N. Mi (Thor's son) and suggests that the -in in the parallel form may be a French ending; but this is quite unlikely. Hartenstein (p. 132) suggests A.-S. Môd-wine (?).—In Horn Child the spelling Moioun is a corruption of Modun, and Moging of Modin. As for the latter, cf. Magan = Madan in Laamon, 15748, and the various spellings of Merlin, such as Marling (id., ii, 237 ff.). Searle (p. 352) has Mōding; but this is doubtless-another name.

^{Note 3 in page 36} See Moore, History of the Isle of Man, i, 91.

^{Note 1 in page 37} Th is word has for ages been used with deplorable looseness.

^{Note 2 in page 37} “From the first arrival of the Vikings, till about 850,” says Mr. Moore, “Man with its unfortunate inhabitants was probably at the mercy of any powerful marauders who thought it worth plundering. Then came the period of settlement, after which for nearly a century, it seems to have been ruled by a dynasty subject to the Scandinavian kings of Dublin and Northumbria, and probably of the same family, if not occasionally identical with them. This was followed by a brief subjection to the Scandinavian rulers of Limerick, from whose hands Man fell, towards the end of the tenth century, into those of the earls of Orkney. The power, which continued till about 1060, was exercised through subordinates, who were, latterly, of the Dublin line of kings whose predecessors had ruled it previously. From 1060 to 1079 it again fell into the hands of Dublin. As to the suzerainty of Norway, it seems to have been, for the most part, merely nominal, though it was probably more felt during the time of Orkney than of Dublin rule. It must, however, be borne in mind that there is much room for conjecture about the events of this period; all, in fact, we can state with certainty is that Man inevitably became the prey of the strongest ruler in the western seas for the time being” (History of the Isle of Man, i, 99–100).

It should be observed that, according to HE, the ruling families of Ireland (Westir), Sudene, and Orkenie were intimate. The king of Dublin remarks concerning the hero's home:

Bien conois le pais $mD en Suddene fui ia.

E bien conui Aaluf $mD le bon rei ki i regna.

Prist mei a cumpaignun $mD sun aueir me dona. (2361 ff.)

Later he speaks “Del bon rei Aalof $mD ki esteit mun iure” (378!). At his court was a son of the king of Orkenie who waited upon the princess. (2450; of. 3575.)

^{Note 1 in page 38} This has been clearly shown by Dr. Alex. Bugge, who writes as follows: “From the time of Olav Kvaran, members of the same race were kings of Dublin and of Man, and often the same person ruled both kingdoms. There is no doubt that the Norse settlers in Ireland and in the Isle of Man belonged to the same people. Nearly thirty Runic inscriptions have been found in Man—probably from the end of the 11th century. Only one of these is in Swedish; all the others are written in the Norwegian language, not one being in Danish. And we all know that probably from the time of Harald Haarfagre, and at any rate from the end of the 11th century down to 1266, the Isle of Man was a dependency of Norway. This proves that the Norsemen in the Isle of Man were Norwegians” (The Norsemen in Ireland, p. 11). Cf. Moore, History, i, 84 ff.; A. Goodrich-Treer, Outer Isles, Westminster, 1902, “The Norsemen in the Hebrides,” pp. 272 ff.

^{Note 2 in page 38} Compare, for example, Eyrbyggja Saga, chaps. i, xxix; Johnstone, Antiquitates Celto-Scandicae, Copen., 1786, passim.

^{Note 3 in page 38} Hallfreth Vandrsæaskáld thus refers to a journey to the West made by his patron, the famous king, Olaf Tryggvason: “The young king waged war against the English and made a slaughter of the Northumbrians. He destroyed the Scots far and wide. He had a sword-play in Man. The archer-king brought death to the Islanders [of the Western Islands] and Irish; he battled with the dwellers in the land of the British [Wales], and cut down the Cumbrian folk” (Corpus Poeticum Boreale, ii, 95).

^{Note 1 in page 39} Gunnlaugssaga Ormstungu, ed. Mogk, Halle, 1886.

^{Note 2 in page 39} Cf. Hornchild, 272 ff.: “He bad Harlaund schuld him lere | e rit forto se | e lawes boe eld & newe.”

^{Note 1 in page 41} Cf. Henzen, Die Träume in der altnord. Sagaliteratur, Leip., 1890.

^{Note 2 in page 41} See Child, Ballads, Parts vi, 306; viii, 502; ix, 244; x, 298. On Gunnlaug's “trick of reserving a peculiarly formidable sword,” a commonplace in Northern sagas, see Part iii, 35, note.

^{Note 1 in page 42} See Mr. Hall's note (edition, pp. 102–103), where he cites, among other passages, the following from William of Malmesbury (De Gestis Regum Brit, i, 121): “Iste (Sceaf) ut ferunt, in quandam insulam Germaniae Scandzam, de qua Jordanes, historiographus Gothorum, loquitur appulsus, navi sine remige, puerulus, posito ad caput frumenti manipulo, dormiens, ideoque Sceaf nuncupatus, ab hominibus regionis illius pro miraculo exceptus, et sedulo nutritus: adulta aetate regnavit in oppido quod tunc Slaswic, nunc vero Haithebi appellatur” (“cf. Ethelwerd, M. H. B., p. 512”). Attention has also been called to the fact that Athelstan is said to have set his brother Eadwine adrift in a boat (Lappenberg, England under the A.-S. Kings, London, 1845, ii, iii). Let me add a reference to the interesting story of Mordred, prince of Orkanie (as recorded in the 13th-century prose Merlin, ed. G. Paris and J. Ulrich, S. A. T. F., Paris, 1886, i, 204 ff.), who was shipwrecked in the Irish sea and borne by the waves in his cradle to shore, where he was discovered by strangers who nourished him and brought him up. Note also that Arthur exposed a large number of noble youth in a rudderless boat to the mercy of the sea, to save the land of Logres, as he believed, from misfortune; but the boat came safely to land and the youth were welcomed to a neighboring castle (id., 207 ff.).

^{Note 1 in page 43} Whether or not it really did, is another question.

^{Note 1 in page 44} As Mr. Hall notes (ed., p. 97): “The following passage describing the first appearance of the Danes in England forms a good parallel. ‘Regnante Byrhtrico rege piissimo super partes Anglorum occidentales .... advecta est subito Danorum ardua non nimia classis, dromones numero tres; ipsa et advectio erat prima. Audito etiam, exactor regis, jam morans in oppido quod Dorceastre nuncupatur, equo insilivit, cum paucis praecurrit ad portum, putans eos magis negotiatores esse quam hostes et praecipiens eos imperio, ad regiam villam pelli jussit: a quibus ibidem occiditur ipse et qui cum eo erant.‘ Ethelwerdi Chronicorum, lib. iii (M. H. B., p. 509).”

^{Note 2 in page 44} To quote again from Mr. Hall (p. 98): “The Northern heathen behaved with peculiar barbarity to Christian clergy and buildings. The following entry is of a type frequent in the earlier chronicles: Verum Majus Monasterium, quod non longe a Turonis erat, funditus eversum centum viginti monachos, bis binos minus, ibidem gladio percusserunt, praeter abbatem et viginti quatuor alios qui cavernis terrae latitantes evaserunt,' Chroniques d'Anjou, i, p. 49.”

^{Note 3 in page 44} Good evidence that such a situation was not uncommon is afforded by Jocelin in his Life of St. Patrick: ‘Tempus autem tenebrarum Hibernici illud autumant quo prius Gurmundus, ac postea Turgesius, Noruagienses principes pagani in Hibernia debellata regnabant. In illis enim diebus Sancti in cavernis et speluncis, quasi carbones cineribus cooperti, latitabant a facie impiorum qui eos tota die quasi ones occissionis mortificabant.‘ Colgan, Trias Thaumaturga, p. 104 (quoted Hall, edition, p. 99).

^{Note 1 in page 45} Anglia, iv, 342–400; McKnight, The Germanic Elements in the Story of King Horn (Pubs. of the Mod. Lang. Ass. of America, xv, 1900, 221 ff.); Hall, edition, passim (cf. pp. 94, 96, 97, 121, 127, 135, 144, 145, etc.)

^{Note 2 in page 45} Ed. Kr. Kaalund, Copen., 1889–91; trans. Muriel A. C. Press, Temple Classics, 1899, pp. 55 ff.

^{Note 1 in page 47} See Wissmann, Anglia, iv, 383 ff.

^{Note 2 in page 47} Cf. HR 1053. “De la belte de Horn tute la chambre resplent.”

^{Note 3 in page 47} Geoffrey of Monmouth says (Bk. ix, ch. 34) that in Arthur's time ladies “esteemed none worthy of their love but such as had given a proof of their valor in three several battles.”

^{Note 1 in page 48} “We must remember,” says Dr. Alex. Bugge, “that for centuries the Norsemen held sway in Erin, the Hebrides, and the Isle of Man. It is, therefore, easy to understand that their rule, their wars, their victories and defeats, must still be remembered in many ways” (Norse Element in Gaelic Tradition of Modern Times, p. 26). Morsbach, too, was right in saying: “Die schöne romanze vom ‘Konig Horn’ erinnert uns wie kaum ein anderes Denkmal so lebhaft an jene zeit, in welcher Angelsachsen, Skandinavier und Franzosen sich zu gemeinsamer kulturarbeit auf englischem Boden zusammenfanden” (p. 323).

^{Note 1 in page 49} Museum f. altd. kunst u. Litt., Berlin, 1811, ii, 303 ff.; cf. Stimming, Engl. Studien, i, 355; Wülker, Gesch. d. engl. Litt., 1896, p. 98.

^{Note 2 in page 49} Cf. also Morsbach, p. 298.

^{Note 3 in page 49} Nyrop (Den Oldfranske Heltedigtning, Cop., 1883, p. 219) thought it “efter al Sandsynlighed et rent bretonsk Sagn eller rettere Æventyr.”

^{Note 1 in page 50} C. Sachs, Beiträge zur Kunde altfranz., engl. u. provenz. Literatur aus franz. u. engl. Bibliotheken, Berlin, 1857, p. 47. This poem, not yet published, is said to contain ca. 22000 lines. It is contained in “ms. Middlehill, 8345—cf. Cat. Libr. Manuscript, in Bibl. D. Thomae Philipps, etc., 1837” (Hartenstein, p. 110 n.). Cf. Suchier, Gesch., p. 113. The passage quoted is commented on by G. Paris, Rom., xiv, 604 ff.; Sudre, Rom., xv, 555; Söderhjelm, Rom., xv, 576; Röttiger, Der heutige Stand der Tristanforschung, Hamburg, 1897, p. 8.

^{Note 2 in page 50} The fifteenth century Latin translation of this romance by John Bramis, monk of Thetford, begins: “Primitus subsequens regis Waldei filiorumque historia suorum in lingua anglica metrice composita et deinde ad instanciam cujusdam femine que ipsam penitus linguam nesciret quam non alio quair amice nomine voluit indagare a quodam in linguam gallicam est translata at vero nouissime eandem historiam . . . muneribus compulsus sum . . in latinum transferee sermonem.” (Sachs, p. 51; ms. 329 of Corpus Christi Cambridge.)

^{Note 1 in page 51} See above, p. 29.

^{Note 2 in page 51} Not necessarily, however, that it was based directly on an English work, as most have assumed. The oath witegod (C 4013), indeed, occurs in a part almost certainly added by Thomas; see below, pp. 64 ff. Cf. Madden, p. xlvii; Hist. Litt., xxii, 55; wissmann, Untersuchungen, p. 120; Hartenstein, pp. 26 f.

^{Note 3 in page 51} Foerster-Festgabe, Halle, 1902, pp. 297 ff.

^{Note 1 in page 52} According to Hartenstein's count, pp. 114 ff. Yet Hartenstein, it should be said, decided, though with some hesitation, against a French source; and has apparently not been moved since by Morsbach's arguments (see Engl. St., xxxi, 282 ff.). His objections will, I hope, disappear in consideration of the facts here adduced, concerning Sudene, Modun, etc.

^{Note 2 in page 52} Cf. McKnight's discussion of the style of KH (edition, p. xx f.). Ten Brink says (History of Eng. Lit., trans. Kennedy, i, 227): “The Song of Horn must be counted as a metrical romance, in view of its contents, its structure, its dress, and mounting. The age of romantic chivalry distinctly left its impress upon the material derived from an obscure transition period.” He calls KH a roman d'aventure and notes that “the influence of the age of chivalric poetry upon manners and culture is unmistakable” (p. 231).

^{Note 1 in page 54} See Putnam, The Lambeth Version of Havelok (Pubs. Mod. Lang. Ass. of Amer., xv, 1900, 1 ff.); cf. The Lay of Havelok the Dane, ed. Skeat, Oxford, 1902, pp. xlvii ff.

^{Note 2 in page 54} The original manuscript of KH is lost, the three extant copies being so unlike in details that recent editors have not tried to establish a critical text.

^{Note 1 in page 55} Note that Thomas had, as he says, a parchemin before him (HR, ll. 2933, 3981), or an escrit (l. 192).

^{Note 1 in page 56} Cf. my Studies on the Libeaus Desconus (Harvard Studies and Notes in Phil. and Lit., iv, 1895, pp. 2, 212).

^{Note 1 in page 57} Chs. 61, 62; trans. Sephton, pp. 75 ff.; see below, p. 68, n. 1.

^{Note 1 in page 60} Ll. 2830 ff.; quoted after Warnke, Lais der Marie de France, 2nd ed., p. xviii f., q. v.

^{Note 2 in page 60} Cf. Wissmann, Anglia, iv, 393 ff.; Untersuchungen, pp. 108 f.

^{Note 3 in page 60} As Wissmann observed (Anglia, iv, 393). Note the words of Gottfried von Strassburg:

Er harphete an der stunde

So rehte suoze einen leich,

Der Isôte in ir herze sleich

Und ir gedanken alle ergie

So verre daz si weinen lie

Und an ir âmîs was verdâht. (13324 ff.)

Cf. my Chaucer's Franklin's Tale (Pubs. Mod. Lang. Ass. of Amer., xvi, 441).

^{Note 1 in page 61} If so, it was, like all “Breton lays,” in British or in French, and not in English, as Stimming (Eng. St., i, 355) and McKnight (ed., p. xii) suppose. The source of HR and KH may possibly have been in the form of a French “Breton Lay;” see above, p. 53.

^{Note 2 in page 61} Gottfried's Tristan, ed. Bechstein, ll. 3503 ff.

^{Note 3 in page 61} Bk. IX, ch. 1 (trans. Giles, Six O. E. Chrons., p. 231). Cf. Laamon's Brut, ii, 428 ff., where the hero's name is spelt Baldulf, Baldolf. Bótólfr was a name borne by Norsemen; cf. Landnamabók, p. 333; Haconarsaga, § 48 (a.d. 1218); Kristnisaga, 20.

^{Note 1 in page 62} De Gestis Regum Anglorum, i, 142 f.; cf., for other references, Hall, pp. 174–175. We recall also King Alfred's visit as a juggler to the camp of the Danes (Ingulph, William of Malmesbury); and in romance Sir Orfeo's conduct after his return from fairyland.

^{Note 1 in page 63} Cf. Wissmann, Untersuchungen, p. 110; Ward, p. 449; Hartenstein, pp. 137 f.

^{Note 2 in page 63} Bk. XII, ch. 7; cf. Wace, 14693 ff.; Laamon, iii, 234 ff. Wissmann calls attention to the passage in Laamon, “zum beweise dasz einzelne Züge unseres Gedichtes ganz allgemeiner Natur waren die jeder Spielmann nach Belieben verwenden konnte” (l. c., p. 111).

^{Note 3 in page 63} Cf. his account of the origin of the Round Table; on which see A. C. L. Brown, The Mound Table before Wace (Harvard Studies and Notes, vii, 183–205).

^{Note 1 in page 64} Ballads, i, 194; cf. also W. Splettstösser, Der heimkehrende Gatte u. sein Weib in der Weltlitteratur, Berlin, 1899.

^{Note 2 in page 64} HR 3984–4057; also in Horn Child, 901–936.

^{Note 3 in page 64} Ballads, i, 191, note.

^{Note 1 in page 65} “Gest. Rom., Oesterley, p. 597, No. 193; Grässe, ii, 159; Madden, p. 32; Swan, i, p. lxv. A similar story in Campbell's Tales of the West Highlands, i, 281, ‘Baillie Lunnain.‘ (Simrock, Deutsche Märchen, No. 47, is apparently a translation from the Gesta.) ”

^{Note 2 in page 65} Ed. Le Roux de Lincy, pp. 98, 109, 114.

^{Note 1 in page 66} Ed. Montaiglon, pp. 55, 63, 111. Suchier thinks that HR contains the germ of the story in the Gesta and in Beaumanoir's romance Jehan et Blonde (see Oeuvres Poétiques de Philippe de Rémi, Paris, 1884, i, p. cxi; cf. Gesch., p. 111). Cf. Gröber, Grundriss, ii, 771; Hartenstein, pp. 138–139.

^{Note 2 in page 66} Mr. Ward remarks (p. 457): “The French writer probably invented Horn's encounter with Wikele and Modin merely to introduce the parable, for nothing else comes of it. The writer thinks it necessary, after all, to put a parable into Horn's mouth when he is addressing Rimel; but this repetition, which we may be sure was not in the original, is comparatively commonplace; Horn saying that he has come back after seven years for a falcon, but he will not claim her if she has cast her feathers or broken her wing.”

^{Note 1 in page 68} Trans. Sephton (Northern Library, i), London, 1895, ch. 64, p. 80. This saga is a compilation of the first half of the thirteenth century, but is of course based on earlier sources.

^{Note 1 in page 69} “Eadulf, cognomento Yvelchild, a Teisa usque Myrcforth praeponitur Northymbris.” Libellus de adventu, Sax. Ch., p. 212 (quoted Skene, Celtic Scotland, Edinburgh, 1876, i, 369, note 42).

^{Note 1 in page 71} De Obsessione Dunelmi (Symeonis Monachi Opera Omnia, ed. Thomas Arnold, Rolls Series, London, 1882, i, 215 ff. The tract by mistake dates the siege at 869 instead of 1006, when it appears actually to have occurred; cf. Freeman, Norman Conquest, i, 329 note; Skene, i, 385; edition, p. 215. Uchtred was really slain in 1016 when defending his earldom against Cnut; but the tract has it otherwise. In revenge for a previous injury, Thorbrand suborned men to slay Uchtred when he was going to a conference with Cnut: “Die statuto, cum intrasset ad regem de pace locuturus, per insidias cujusdam potentio. nomine Turebrant cognomento Hold, milites regis, qui post velum extensum per transversum domus absconditi fuerant, subito prosilientes loricati in Wiheal comitem cum suis xl. viris principalibus qui secum intraverant obtruncaverunt” (p. 218).

^{Note 1 in page 72} Grein-Wülker, Bibl. d. ags. Poesie, i, 358 ff.; Bright's A.-S. Reader, pp. 149 ff.

^{Note 2 in page 72} Cf. HC 61 ff. and Maldon 122 ff.; HC 73 ff. and M 103 ff.; HC 247 ff. and M 191 ff., 202 ff.

^{Note 3 in page 73} Grein-Wülker, i, 374 ff.; Bright's A.-S. Reader, pp. 146 ff.

^{Note 1 in page 73} According to Florence of Worcester (ad an. 937) the battle of Brunanburh lasted all day; the same statement is made in HC, 73 ff. A long and circumstantial account of this battle is given in the O. N. Egils saga, ed. F. Jónsson, 1886–88, pp. 158 ff. See Skene's Celtic Scotland, i, 350 ff.; Two Saxon Chrons., ed. Earle and Plummer, ii, 139 ff.

^{Note 2 in page 73} Skene, l. c., i, 357.

^{Note 3 in page 73} Possibly Fergal and Fingal.

^{Note 1 in page 75} Notably Stimming (Engl. St., i, 354 ff.), Caro (Engl. St., xii, 351 ff.), Hartenstein (pp. 58, 100, 105, 121), McKnight (ed., p. xv), and Hall (ed., p. liv). On the contrary, Wissmann (Untersuchungen, pp. 103–104) and Ward (p. 459) recognized their different character, though without being able to show the source.

^{Note 2 in page 75} By name Arlaund, Herlaund (O. N. Erlendr)—a name inherited from HR, though the rôle is changed. In HR he is Hunlaf's seneschal to whose care Horn and his companions are confided. In HC, the introduction being different, he is represented as their guide to Houlac's court. As to Houlac, it should be noted that this is the same name as Havelok, a form of Hunlaf, Olaf. Dr. Ward (pp. 463–64) very plausibly connects Hunlaf of Britain and Houlac, who dwelt “fer soue in England,” with Olaf Tryggvason, who harried the Sudreys, Cumberland and Wales. The name Erlendr frequently occurs in the saga of Olaf (trans. Sephton, 1895). Indeed, the story of Olaf's boyhood, reminds us of Horn's as well as Havelok's (cf. Ward, pp. 436 ff.).

^{Note 1 in page 76} On the style of HC, see Kölbing, Amis and Amiloun, p. lxiv; Tristan Sage, p. xxxi f.; Caro, Eng. St., xii (1889), 347 ff; Holthausen, Anglia, Beiblatt, viii, 197. As Caro, the editor, says (l. c., p. 350): “wir finden in unserer romanze nicht nur gemeinplätze, sondern anch directe Wiederholungen aus anderen gedichten, oder, wenn man nicht so weit gehen will, wenigstens sehr wunderbare anklänge an andere romanzen.”

^{Note 1 in page 77} For these see Child, Ballads, i, 192; cf. Hartenstein, pp. 87–93, 122 ff. The only indication of locality in the ballads is Scotland (A, H); near Edinburgh (D); in Newport town (F). If any weight is to be attached to this localization, it is in favor of a connection with HC.

^{Note 1 in page 79} See G. Paris, Rom., xxvi, 468–70. From the hero of the romance, according to M. Paris, Ponthus de la Tour Landry, grandson of the author, got his name.

^{Note 2 in page 79} King Ponthus and the Fair Sidone (Pubs. of the Mod. Lang. Ass. of America, xii.) p. xvii; cf. Hartenstein, pp. 140 ff.