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Stefan George and the Theatre

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 December 2020

Ulrich K. Goldsmith
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Extract

Although Stefan George's unyielding protest against the contemporary theatre lasted from the time of his graduation from the Ludwig-Georg Gymnasium in Darmstadt (1888) until his death, his hopes for its reform and his gradual disillusionment are generally little known, since his sphere of influence was restricted to the realm of lyrical poetry. This limitation was apparently both natural and logical for George, whose peculiar genius was that of the lyricist. But it was not entirely voluntary at first, for in his formative years he had been fascinated by the world of the theatre.

Type
Research Article
Information
PMLA , Volume 66 , Issue 2 , March 1951 , pp. 85 - 95
Copyright
Copyright © Modern Language Association of America, 1951

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References

1 Friedrich Wolters, in Stefan George und die Blatter für die Kunst (Berlin: Georg Bondi, 1930), p. 15, plays down unjustifiably the importance of the Ibsen phase. Georg Fuchs, in Sturm und Drang in Miinchen um die Jahrhundertwende (Munich: D. W. Callwey, 1936), p. 126, gives it a little more credit, but adds that later George referred to the great Scandinavian as “der alte Apotheker” or even as “der bôse Giftmischer aus dem Norden.” According to Hans Werner, a performance of Pillars of Society first kindled George's enthusiasm for Ibsen: “Stefan George als Gymnasiast”, Deutsches Philologenblatt, xiii (1934), 369. Cf. also Carl Rouge, “Schulerinnerungen an den Dichter Stefan George”, Volk und Scholle: Eeimaiblalter für beide Hessen, Nassau und Frankfurt a. M. (1930), vii, 20–25. Rouge enumerates Emperor and Galilean, Peer Gynt, and Brand among the reading of George and his small group of friends and calls Ibsen their “idol” (p. 22).

2 “He ‥ . was probably the first to translate Ibsen's earliest play Catilina into German, as well as The Vikings at Helgeland, and he read parts of these plays to us. Ibsen also had an influence on his own early verse” (Rouge, loc. cit.).

3 There are two drafts which were written in the school period (1886 and 1888 respectively). See Stefan George, Gesamtausgabe der Werke (hereafter referred to as G A in this paper) (Berlin: Georg Bondi, 1927–34), xviii, 6.

4 Cf. Rouge, p. 24.

5 Blatter fur die Kunst (1904), vii, 7; also in Blätter für die Kunst: Eine Auslese aus den Jahren 1898–1904 (hereafter referred to as Auslese, ii), p. 19.

6 Pages 112 ff. Not reprinted in Auslese aus den Jahren 1892–98 (hereafter referred to as Auslese, i), nor in Klein's Die Sendung Stefan Georges (Berlin: Rabenpresse, 1935), which contains “Unterhaltungen” i and iii.

7 Ibid., p. 116.

8 The abortive “Phraortes” plan is omitted in Wolters' account, p. 42 (see n. 1, above), of Klein's article on the theatre.

9 Page 34; also Auslese, i, 13 f. Although C. A. Klein figured as editor of the Blätter, the unsigned editorials were written under George's strict supervision, if they did not actually come from his own pen. Later Karl Wolfskehl also contributed to them.

10 GA, xviii, 6and 43 ff.

11 For instance, whereas in the second version Manuel and Leila speak about love quite plainly, here Manuel asks Leila to allow him to pick flowers with her, to which she replies that the wide meadow belongs to both of them.

12 Blatter, iv, No. 5, 129 f.; Auslese, ii, 12 f.

13 See “Nachrichten”, Blatter, iv, No. S, 156.

14 Blatter,, ii, No. 2, and v; G A, xviii, 53–59 and 61–70. “Die Herrin betet” can hardly be described as drama. Of its 88 lines, 34 are “descriptive”—versified stage directions as it were. The poet specifies that this part serves “zur errichtung der bühne und stellung der gruppen wáhrend der wörtlich angeführte den gestalten in den mund gelegt oder in leiden-schaftslos getragener sprache im hintergrund hergesagt wird” (GA, xviii, 54).

15 See Sabine Lepsius, Stefan George: Geschichte einer Freundschaft (Berlin: Die Runde, 1935), p. 33: “I remember the evening (it was on February 3, 1898) when George and Wolfskehl were with us to discuss our plans for dramatic performances. Scenes from George's ‘Manuel’ ranked first on the list, then came Wolfskehl, whose drama ‘Saul’ was to be performed. The experiment was a failure, both here and later in Jena. It seemed that Wolfskehl's personality did not kindle any sparks north of the Main line …” See also p. 35.

16 Wolters, p. 275.

17 See Franz Dülberg, “Karl Wolfskehl: Versuch eines Bildnisses”, Preussische Jahrbilcher (1931), ccxxiv, 260–261.

18 Oscar A. H. Schmitz, Damon Welt (Munich: Georg Mtiller, 1926), pp. 269 f.

19 One previous instance of participation in amateur acting on the part of George is recorded by Wolters, p. 18. This episode took place when the young poet was in Switzerland in 1888: “Molière's ‘Misanthrope’ was thought to be the suitable role for the serious young German.”

20 Nachlass (Zurich: Adolf Bürdeke [1937?]), pp. 53 f. For another description of this feast see Franz Dülberg, “Henry von Heiseler: ein Schicksal und ein Werk”, Preussische Jakrbiicher (1933), ccxxxi, 261.

21 See George's “A. S.”: “So war sie wirklich diese runde?” (GA, iv, 86), “Porta Nigra: Ingenio Alf. Scolari” (Blätter [1902–03], vi, 7 f., stndGA, vi/vii, 16f.), and “Du alter haus-geist der urn alte mauern wittert” (GA, viii, 45). Schuler believed in reincarnation. See Ludwig Klages' introduction to Schuler's Fragmente und Vorträge aus dem Nachlass (Leipzig: J. A. Barth, 1940), pp. 59–60. This introduction comprises 119 pages, but fails to convince the reader of Schuler's genuineness and alleged mysterious greatness. And the “cosmic” philosophy is more clearly analyzed by the unsympathetic Wolters (pp. 258 ff.). Cf. also Franz Dülberg, “Sehnsuchtsvolle Hungerleider”, Deutsche Rundschau (1930), lvi, 53, and Ludwig Curtius, “Münchner Portraits”, Merkur (1950), iv, No. 1, 38–55 (esp. “Ludwig Klages und Alfred Schuler”, pp. 50–55).

22 Wolters, p. 276. Cf. George's poem “Maskenzug”: “… der vordre—/ Verhüllt—ist mann und mutter mit der lampe.” GA, vi/vii, 211.

23 Published in Blatter (1904), vii, 58.

24 Lines 94–136; Blatter, vii, 30–32; also GA, x/xi, 70–72. The reed (“giunco”) that grows on the shore of Mount Purgatory is the symbol of humility and Dante was to wear a reed girdle before he started on the ascent.

25 Kronberger, pp. 68 f.

26 Presumably the re-creation of the heroic attitudes of other lands and epochs was expected to help the Germans find a genuine native “gesture”, i.e., the outward sign of a style of life peculiarly their own. Cf. Blätter (1900–01), v, 3; also Auslese, ii, 15: “Dass der Deutsche endlich einmal eine geste: die deutsche geste bekomme—das ist ihm wichtiger also zehn eroberte provinzen.”

27 Albert Verwey, the Dutch poet, received a copy of the volume with a note from George which said: “Sie sehen daraus besser wie aus Briefberichten wie sich der Kreis hier ge-ândert hat und welche dreikôpfige Schlange endlich erledigt ist.” Mein Verhältnis zu Stefan George: Erinnerungen aus den Jahren 1895–1928, transi, from the Dutch by Antoinette Eggink (Strassburg: Heitz, 1936), p. 45. Cf. also Wolters, p. 269.

28 Enacted by Wolfskehl. See Dülberg, “Henry von Heiseler”, p. 261; Dülberg seems to have confused some incidents of the “Antike Fest” with those of the “Maskenzug.”

29 Cf. Hofmannsthal's response “Für Karl Wolfskehl” (1904). Gedichte und lyrische Dramen, ed. Herbert Steiner (Stockholm: Bermann-Fischer, 1946), p. 203.

30 Wolters, p. 316, mentions a second performance of the “Maskenzug” at which Kron-berger “spoke jointly with Gulndolf the two'disciples': clad inasimple blue tunic, with a wreath of violets in his hair.”

31 George was aware of the differences in temperament and ideas between Klages and himself quite early. See the poem “L. K.” (GA, rv, 87), where he chided him for fleeing from him. Schuler and Klages, however, considered George and Wolfskehl defaulters from the common cause. Each side in the controversy claims to have taken the initiative for the break. See Wolters, p. 269, and Klages, introd. to Schuler, pp. 75–76.

32 The Lost Traveler says: “Drângt mich von meer zu meere / Frost mein genoss / Zur lautlos letzten leere?” Blatter, vii, 152.

33 They exclaim: “Siehe wir aile dir mutter: gltthendes kindl” (p. 155).

34 For poets who were under the influence of George it was difficult to develop dramatic talent. André von Gronicka finds that George's influence was “detrimental to Heiseler's dramatic art”, which was mostly “lyrical or choric in character.” Henry von Heiseler (New York: King's Crown Press, 1944), p. 166.

35 Damon Welt, p. 218.

36 See Briefwechsel zwischen George und Hofmannsthal, ed. Robert Boehringer (Berlin: Georg Bondi, 1938), p. 258. A scene from Elektra was printed in Blatter, vii, 40–43.

37 “Bei ihm bildet sich die handlung aus gestalten seiner leidenschaftlichen seele-bei den heutigen aus gedanklichem : aus abwickelungen bei diesen oder jenen voraussetzungen dort ist alles rauhe und rohe notwendigkeit—hier aber befleckende zutat oder gar kitzel.” Briefwechsel, p. 223.

38 For the Georgian contempt for modern music cf. Wolfskehl, “Über den Geist der Musik”, Jahrbuchfür die geistige Bewegung (1912), iii, 20–32 (esp. 24–25), and Erich Wolff and Carl Petersen, Dos Sckicksal der Musik von der Antike bis zur Gegenwart (Breslau: F. Hirt, 1923), esp. pp. 191–261.

39 Begegnung mit Stefan George (Aurora: Wells Coll. Press, 1942), pp. 7–8.

40 Blatter (1908–09), viii, 6–7, S.

41 Page 6: Auslese aus den Jahren 1904–1909 (1909), p. 11.

42 Page 62. One more discussion of the contemporary theatre from the Georgian point of view, Erich von Kahler's “Theater und Zeitgeist”, appeared in Jahrbuch (1912), ill, 92–115.