Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-dk4vv Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-22T14:16:10.888Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The Planet Portraits of Robert Henryson

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 December 2020

Marshall W. Stearns*
Affiliation:
Indiana University

Extract

The description of the seven planets in the Testament of Cresseid by the Scottish Chaucerian, Robert Henryson (c. 1425–c. 1500), is perhaps the most lively and arresting in English literature. Approximately one-third of the poem is devoted to the planets, and they play an essential role in the trial and punishment of Cresseid, who becomes a leper here and hereafter in the Troilus-Criseyde story. This note is an attempt to clear the way for the study of the origins and sources of the planet portraits and to shed some light on the competence of the poet.

By substituting astrological qualities for the mythological qualities of the ancient gods, Chaucer had pioneered and had made poetic capital of the astrological magic in which his age had come to believe. Henryson took full advantage of this fact. The Testament of Cresseid contains many elements of astrology: in the opening lines, the poet dates the poem by means of an astronomical periphrase in which he describes the Sun and Venus in opposition, a combination which signifies “A barren time … the Native impudent and bold in his wantonnesse and Lust, wholly occupied in scurvy and sordid actions, whereby he incurres great Infamy, Scandall and Disgrace,” and which sets the tone for the burden of the poem; the planets are ranked according to their astrological order, and Mercury is chosen speaker, a choice which accords with his influence over logic and debate; the choice of Saturn and Cynthia to deliver the verdict of leprosy is fitting, according to the astrological qualities of the humours, and the poet's treatment of the disease shows a detailed knowledge of astrological medicine.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Modern Language Association of America, 1944

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Cf. the writer's “Henryson and the Leper Cresseid,” Modern Language Notes, lix (April, 1944), 265–269.

2 For current discussion of the poet and his works, cf. the writer's “Henryson and the Political Scene,” Studies in Philology, xl (July, 1943), 380–389; “Robert Henryson and the Socio-economic Scene,” ELE x (December, 1943), 285–293; “A Note on Henryson's Allusions to Religion and Law,” Modern Language Notes, lix (April, 1944), 257–264. Cf. further the writer's forthcoming sketches, “Henryson and Chaucer,” in Modern Language Quarterly; “Henryson and the Aristotelian Tradition of Psychology,” in Studies in Philology; “Henryson and Lydgate,” in Modern Language Notes.

3 Cf. T. O. Wedel, The Mediaeval Altitude toward Astrology (New Haven, 1920), pp. 142–144; J. S. P. Tatlock, “Astrology and Magic in the Franklin's Tale” Anniversary Papers … Kittredge (Boston, 1913), pp. 339–340; W. C. Curry, Chaucer and the Mediaeval Sciences (New York, 1926), pp. 119–120.

4 W. Lilly, Christian Astrology (London, 1647), p. 684.

5 Ibid., pp. 77–78.

6 Cf. the writer's “Henryson and the Leper Cresseid,” op. cit., pp. 268–269.

7 Quotations of Henryson are taken from the edition of H. H. Wood (Edinburgh, 1933).

8 W. Lilly, op. cit., pp. 57–61. Although Lilly wrote over a century after Henryson's day, the astrologer offers a convenient and typical summary of the astrological lore current in the poet's times. Cf. infra, note 10 ff.

9 In Lilly's text the planets are indicated by symbols.

10 For a discussion of pertinent astrological works translated into Latin in the twelfth century, cf. Wedel, op. cit., pp. 4 ff., 49 ff. The Arabian astrologers offer the most extensive descriptions of the planets. Thus, Albohazen (‘Alí ibn Abí al-Rajjal, Abú al Hasan, al Kurtub al-Shaibání) in his Liber de Fatis Astrorum (Venice, 1485) gives a description of Saturn similar to Lilly's (sig. a, verso); Alchabitus (‘Abd al Azziz ibn ‘Uthman al Kabisi) in his Libellus Ysagogicus (Venice, 1485) emphasizes Saturn's connection with melancholy and leprosy, his dark garments, and his downcast eyes (sig. bb6, recto and verso). The description of Saturn in Ptolemy's Quadripartitum is too brief to be pertinent (cf. N. Pruckner, ed., Ptolemaei … Quadripartitum, Basle, 1533, pp. 6, 30, 55). The essentials of the astrological description appear also in the encyclopedists; cf. Bartholomaeus Anglicus, De Proprietatibus Rerum, tr. Trevisa (London, 1535), Bk. viii, chap. xxiii.

11 Cf. the writer's “Henryson and the Leper Cresseid,” op. cit., pp. 268–269.

12 O. L. Triggs, ed., The Assembly of Gods E.E.T.S. (London, 1896), ll. 281–287. The authorship of this poem has been queried. Cf. H. N. MacCracken, ed., The Minor Poems of John Lydgate, E.E.T.S. (London, 1911–1934), i, xxxv-xxxvi.

13 The iconology of Saturn is instructive. In classical art he is depicted as mournful but dignified, with a veil over his head and a sickle in his hand. In the mythological illustrations of the Middle Ages, often evolved entirely from texts, Saturn wears a veil, carries a sickle and a scythe, and holds a dragon biting its tail. The process of castration and the act of devouring a child is often found. The astrological representations, into which the mythological merged in the late Middle Ages, depicted Saturn with a mattock or spade, and later a staff or crutch, resulting eventually in a cripple with a wooden leg. Cf. E. Panofsky, Studies in Iconology (New York, 1939), pp. 76 ff. The lack of influence of such illustrations upon Henryson is evident. On the other hand, if the Scot's portrait was influenced by any personification of Winter, it has not been found. Cf. R. Steele, Lydgate and Burgh's Secrees of Old Philisoffres (London, 1894), pp. 46–47, and Bartholomaeus Anglicus, op. cit., Bk. ix, chap. viii, for typical examples. Cf. further R. Tuve, Seasons and Months (Paris, 1933), pp. 122 ff. The personification of Father Time or Death is closer, but Henryson's portrait cannot be said to owe anything to these sources.

14 Op. cit., sig. a recto. Cf. also Alehabitus, op. cit., sig. bb6, recto, and Albumasar, op. cit., sig. h4, recto. Ptolemy gives a less extensive description, but cf. Lilly, op. cit., pp. 61–65.

15 Many elements of common mythology may be found in the portrait of Jupiter (and the other portraits) although the emphasis is elsewhere. Astrology and mythology overlapped to some extent. The mythographers, however, stress the fact that Jupiter overthrew his father, a detail that is not mentioned by the astrologers or Henryson. Jupiter is frequently described as the ruler of all the gods in mythology; cf. Thebaid, i, 197–210; Met, i, 177–180; Argonautica, i, 690–692; Albricus Philosophus, De Deorum Imaginibus Libellus, ed. Van Staveren, Auctores Mythographi Latini (Leyden, 1742), p. 897; and Myth. Vat. iii, ed. G. H. Bode, Scriptores Rerum Mylhkarum … (Cellis 1834), pp. 160–165. Such a concept could not fit astrology. But the enmity between Jupiter and Saturn is a commonplace in both traditions. A derivative characterization occurs in medieval iconology where Jupiter is depicted as a judge. Cf. Panofsky, op. cit., pp. 21, 26.

16 F. N. Robinson, The Complete Works of Geoffrey Chaucer (Boston, 1933), pp. 669–670.

17 Op. cit., sig. a4, verso.

18 In his Matheseos, Julius Firmicus Matemus describes Mars as “iracundus … pugna, caedes … maledicos … inuerecundum … controversia.” Cf. Pruckner, op. cit., pp. 22–23. (The authenticity of this passage has been questioned. Cf. W. Kroll and F. Skutsch, Iulii Firmici Materni Matheseos [Leipzig, 1897–1913], ii, xiv ff.). In his Quadripartitum, Ptolemy refers to Mars as “iracundus … primus in bello, uilipendet omnia … superbus.” Pruckner, op. cit., p. 57. Alchabitus deals briefly with Mars, but Albumasar repeats the customary details at length (op. cit., sig. h4) such as “ira, controversus, dissentiones, litigia, pugna, atrox, maledicus, multi murmuri.” Cf. further Lilly, op. cit., pp. 65–68.

19 In classical mythology, Mars is described with a shield, spear, helmet, lance, and sword, among other weapons. Cf. Æneid, viii, 700–701; Met, xiv, 806–807. Mars also has a chariot. Cf. Mneid, xii, 331–336. The mythographers stressed the Venus-Vulcan episode to the exclusion of almost everything else. Cf. the Astronomica of Hyginus, ed. B. Bunte (Leipzig, 1875), p. 79, and the Mythologicon of Fulgentius, ed. A. Van Staveren, op. cit., pp. 682–683. Nor do the encyclopedists stress the weapons of Mars. Cf. Bartholomaeus Anglicus, op. cit., Bk. viii, chap. xxv. Cf. further, Panofsky, op. cit., pp. 49, 56, 162 ff. Accordingly, it seems that Henryson's source is closer to classical mythology, although he does not mention the spear, lance, or chariot.

20 Professor Robinson's statement that Chaucer's description of Mars is astrological seems doubtful; the armament, for example, is mythological. Cf. Robinson, op. cit., p. 973, note to 1.97.

21 Most of the boar similes in literature appear to be derived from Ovid. Cf. Thebaid, xi, 530–533. The Ovide Moralisé contains an expanded version of Ovid which bears no closer resemblance to Henryson. Cf. C. de Boer, ed. (Koninklijke Akademie, xv, xxi, xxx, xxxvii, xliii), (Amsterdam, 1915–38), iii, 157 ff. Cf. further Gower's Vox Clamantis, ed. G. C. Macaulay, The Complete Works of John Gower (Oxford, 1899–1902), iv, 31. Chaucer uses a boar simile (KnT, ll. 1658–59). Cf. also Gawain and the Green Knight, ed. J. R. R. Tolkien and E. V. Gordon (Oxford, 1925), pp. 48–49.

22 No precedent, for example, has been found for the horn which Mars blows. There may be some connection, however, with Mars and the conventional description of the month of March: the weapons ascribed to March are similar and this month is depicted occasionally as a warrior blowing a horn. Cf. J. C. Webster, The Labors of the Months … (Princeton, 1938), pp. 138 ff. and plates cited

23 Op. cit., sig. a2, verso.

24 In analyzing the origins and sources of Henryson's portrait of the Sun, we meet with a special problem, for the Sun has been variously described in virtually all literature. The concept of the Sun as the source of light is a commonplace; the concept of the Sun as a creator is not as common. Cf. De Divinis Nominibus of Pseudo-Dionysius (ed. J. P. Migne, Patrologia Latina (Paris, 1844–64), cxxii, 1131) where the Sun is described as “ad generationem sensibilium corporum committitur, et ad vitam ea movet.” Cf. further Cicero, De Re Publica, vi, xvii; Pliny, Naturalis Historia, ii, 4; Ausonius, Ecl, vii, 4 ff. The concept of the Sun as a tender nurse is more rare. In De Re Publica, Cicero calls the Sun “mens mundi et temperado” (vi, xvii); Pseudo-Dionysius says the Sun “nutrit, et auget, et perficit, et purgat, et renovat,” ibid. Cf. further Bartholomaeus Anglicus, op. cit., Bk. viii, chap. xxviii. These sources are scattered, incomplete, and mainly mythological. In general, the astrologers such as Albohazen present a more extensive and pertinent description. Cf. the Matheseos of Firmicus (ed. Pruckner, op. cit., p. 23) and Albumasar, op. cit., sig. h6.

25 Cf. the writer's “Robert Henryson and the Fulgentian Horse,” MLN, liv (April, 1939) 239–245.

26 W. A. Neilson, The Origins and Sources of the Court of Love, Harvard Studies and Notes in Philology and Literature, vi (Boston, 1899), p. 160.

27 H. R. Patch, The Goddess Fortuna in Mediaeval Literature (Cambridge, 1927), pp. 90–98.

28 Other but less pertinent descriptions of Fortune occur in Boethius, De Consolatione, Bk. ii, m. 1 ff., and Chaucer's Romaunt, ll. 5403 ff. The description of Venus in classical mythology bears little resemblance to Henryson's portrait. Cf. Æneid, i, 402–405; Fasti, iv, 91 ff. Nor does the description found in the mythographers and encyclopedists. Cf. Albricus, De Deorum Imaginibus (ed. Van Staveren, op. cit., pp. 903–904) and Bartholomaeus Angelicus, De Proprietatibus Rerum (London, 1535), Bk. viii, chap. xxvi. The astrologers place no emphasis upon the inconstancy of the planet, but rather describe Venus in terms of cold and moist qualities which exert a consistently similar influence. Cf. Albumasar, op. cit., sig. h5, and Lilly, op. cit., pp. 72–76. Cf. further Panofsky, op. cit., p. 26.

29 It may be remembered that the plot of the Testament is more mythological than astrological in conception: deserted by Diomede, Cresseid blames Venus and Cupid who, in return for her devotion, had promised her success in love; her criticism is called a blasphemy by Cupid and she is judged, condemned, and punished on that ground. In the case of Venus, therefore, there is some reason to portray her in terms of a well-worn personification, since it would be more effective to have Cresseid blaspheme a goddess than a planet.

30 Op. cit., pp. 77–78.

31 For further astrological descriptions of Mercury similar to Lilly, cf. Ptolemy, Quadripartitum (ed. Pruckner, op. cit., pp. 6, 31, 50, 58); Firmicus, Matheseos (ibid., p. 23); Albohazen, op. cit., sig. a6, verso. Cf. further Panofsky, op. cit., p. 26.

32 The connection between Mercury and medicine is tenuous, although it is possible to find some relationship: Mercury sometimes assumed the attributes of Hermes, and the latter is occasionally associated with medicine. Cf. W. Smith, Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology (Boston, 1849), s.v. Mercury and Hermes. In classical mythology Mercury is the god of cunning and theft, merchants and thieves, and he remains the same in the Middle Ages. Cf. Bartholomaeus Anglicus, op. cit., Bk. viii, chap. xxvii. In our day, the caduceus of Mercury (two snakes) has been mistakenly adopted by the Army Medical Corps instead of the rod of Aesculapius (one snake).

33 Cf. G. G. Smith, The Poems of Robert Henryson, S.T.S. (Edinburgh, 1906–14), i, 48.

34 P. H. Brown, Scotland before 1700 (Edinburgh, 1893), p. 27.

35 Natural History, ed. H. Rackham (London, 1938–40), i, 193–197.

36 Typical allusions to the moon's horns occur in Boethius, De Consolatione, iii, m. 6, and the Kingis Quair, ed. A. Lawson (London, 1910), p. 3. Allusions to the fact that the moon's light is borrowed from the sun occur in Le Roman de la Rose, ed. E. Langlois (Paris, 1914–24), iv, 16843 ff., and Gower, Confessio Amantis, ed. Macaulay, op. cit., iii, 253. The moon's swiftness is emphasized in astrology. Cf. Lilly, op. cit., pp. 81 ff.

37 It has been asserted that the man in the moon is first mentioned in Neckham's De Natura Rerum, ed. T. Wright (London, 1863), p. xviii. A passage which resembles Henryson occurs in Pecock, Repressor, ed. C. Babington (London, 1860), i, 155. Cf. further Le Roman de la Rose, ed. Langlois, op. cit., iv, 16881 ff. and Troilus and Criseyde, i, 1023–24.