¹ Cf. Widsith, ll. 27 and 29.

² Zupitza, Beowulf, Autotypes etc. EETS, London, 1882, p. 49, ll. 1063 ff. Compare with the facsimile at the head of these pages. Zupitza hyphenates words or syllables belonging together and, in addition, separates by a vertical line two words wrongly written as one. The asterisk indicates the opening of the lines noted in the margin. Another hyphen between wi and san is needed in his text in order to visualize the lacuna in the manuscript.

³ Arnold, Notes on Beowulf, New York and Bombay, 1898, p. 22.

⁴ As to the morphological aspect of eaferum, it will be noticed that 1. 375 likewise offers a form of the word in a reading assumed to be faulty: ms. eaforan has been held to be nom. sg. eafora since the emendation proposed by Grundtvig, 1820, p. 272; also 1. 19, ms. eafera, where Trautmann, Heyne-Schücking and Holthausen follow Kemble in reading eaferan, Klaeber, Eng. Stud., xxxix, p. 428, dissenting. In the manuscript, eaferum is written out in full, and is not abbreviated by means of the customary heavy hooked line over the preceding vowel. If the ending appeared as ū, which might stand for incorrectly transcribed ā, since the hook denoted -n as well as -m, there might be reason for emendation to -an. Even then, final -an abridged to ā is exceedingly rare in Beowulf: 1. 60 rsware (Kemble), is rœswa without a hook in the text, and 1. 2996 syooa, altered by Gruntvig to syooan, is similarly unmarked. Chambers's revision of Wyatt, (Wyatt-Chambers, Beowulf, Cambridge, England, 1914, p. xix, fn. 2), reads foroā in 11. 2645 and 2741 as foroam. On the other hand, acc. sg. eaferan appears in all clearness in 11. 1547 and 1847; nom. pl. eaferan in 1. 2475; acc. pl. eaferan in 1. 1185,—all three functions of the identical form at full length, whilst in 1. 2470 ms. eaferū yields dat. pl. eaferum and in 1, 1710 eaforum is unabridged.

⁵ For a tolerably complete account of the translations of Beowulf before 1903, consult C. B. Tinker, The Translations of Beowulf, a Critical Bibliography, New York, 1903.

⁶ Holder, Beowulf, 3rd ed., Freiburg und Leipzig, 1895.

⁷ Journal of English and Germanic Philology, xiv, p. 548.

⁸ Anglia, xxviii, p. 433.

⁹ The provenience of the preposition be has given rise to misunderstanding. It is correctly given by Klaeber as coming from Thorpe, and incorrectly, let us say, by Holder as being Kemble's suggestion. Thorpe, to be sure, did not publish the results of his investigations until 1855 and one finds before this that both the German H. Leo (Beowulf, Ein Beitrag, Halle, 1839, p. 80, bë Finnes ëaferum) and Kemble's second edition, 1835, and his translation, 1837, submit the insertion. The well-known intercommunication between Kemble and Thorpe (cf. Wyatt-Chambers, p. xxi, and a footnote to be found in Kemble's text to 1. 2129 “(Be) Finnes. T.”) leave, I believe, no doubt as to the actual source of the suggestion.

¹⁰ The emendation Sigemundes is Grein's.

¹¹ Boston, 1892.

¹² He translates, ‘besingen sollte den Finn und seine gefährten, als das verderben über sie kam’; cf. Trautmann, Finn und Hildebrand, Bonner Beitr., vii, p. 11 (1903). This new version is quite superfluous; cf. Cosijn, Aanteekeningen op den Beowulf, Leiden, 1891-2, p. 26.

¹³ Transversely, he alters 1. 1064 hilde-wisan into hilde-wīsum, pl., altho in Finn und Hildebrand he resumes the original form.

¹⁴ 2, English ‘moan.‘

¹⁵ Zs. f. deut. Phil., xxxvii, p. 529.

¹⁶ Anglia, xxviii, p. 443.

¹⁷ Cf. Herrigs Archiv, cviii, p. 370.

¹⁸ Second and third editions, 1908-9 and 1912-3. The text of the first edition shows eaferum, but the notes, 1906, advocate Trautmann's acc. pl. form.

¹⁹ W. W. Lawrence, Beowulf and the Tragedy of Finnsburg, PMLA, xxx, p. 397.

²⁰ Gummere, The Oldest English Epic, New York, 1909.

²¹ Bonner Beiträge, xvi (1904).

²² Second edition, Heidelberg, 1913. Page xiv advises the reader that the author has had access to the proofsheets of Holthausen.

²³ First edition, Paderborn, 1863, 1. 1069!

²⁴ First edition, 1864; new edition, by Köhler and Holthausen, Heidelberg, 1912.

²⁵ Grein, Bibliothek der ags. Poesie, i, Göttingen, 1857; 2nd edition, by Wülcker, Kassel, 1883.

²⁶ Arnold, Beowulf, London, 1876.

²⁷ Wyatt, Beowulf, Cambridge, 1894 and 1898.

²⁸ First edition, Manchester, 1910, follows Holthausen ¹ as to text, but translates ‘was to fall at the hands of the sons of Finn.‘ The second edition, 1913, harks back to Thorpe, without a change in the text, “The insertion of be would simplify the construction.”

²⁹ Cambridge, 1914.

³⁰ As to this objection cf. pp. 776 ff.

³¹ Paderborn, 1898; first edition, 1863.

³² Boston, 1882; poetic, not prose, as Sedgefield lists it; 4th edition, 1900; the 2d edition, 1885, is consulted.

³³ Ettmüller, Engla and Seaxna scopas and bôceras, Quedlinburg und Leipzig, 1837. In the footnotes he remarks, “Kemblius hunc versum (554) ad verba priora trahit, jungens eum cum mœnan scolde; et Thorpius be Finnes eaforum legere vult.”

³⁴ Cf. his alliterating translation, Zurich, 1840.

³⁵ Grein, Dichtungen der Angelsachsen, Göttingen, 1857.

³⁶ Arnold, Text, London, 1878, p. 72 fn. and Notes on Beowulf, New York and Bombay, 1898. According to Garnett, AJP, i, p. 90, Arnold's text is Thorpe's, modified to suit Grein, 1857.

³⁷ Clark Hall, Beowulf, prose, London, 1901. His metrical tranlation, Cambridge, 1914, based, as the author admits, no longer on Wyatt, but on a “catholic” collation of texts, reads differently:

³⁸ Child, Beowulf, prose, The Riverside Literature Series, New York, 1904.

^{page 770 note 1} Green, The Dative of Agency, New York, 1913, pp. 95 ff. and JEGPh., xiii, pp. 515 ff.

^{page 770 note 2} PMLA., xxx, p. 398.

^{page 770 note 3} JEGPh., xiv, p. 548.

^{page 770 note 4} Cf. Delbrück, Synkretismus, Strassburg, 1907.

^{page 770 note 5} Delbrück, op. cit., p. 173. Detter and Heinzel, Sœmundar Edda, Leipzig, 1903, ii, p. 165, annotate this passage, “Der nackte Dativ kann in Passivconstructionen statt des mit af verbundenen stehen.”

^{page 770 note 6} Nygaard, Norr⊘n Syntax, Kristiania, 1905, p. 99.

^{page 770 note 7} Germania, xi, p. 287.

^{page 770 note 8} Klaeber, JEGPh., loc. cit.

^{page 770 note 9} Brandl, Pauls Grundriss, ² ii, p. 991.

^{page 770 note 10} Löffler, Das Passiv bei Otfrid und im Heliand, Tübingen, 1905, p. 11. The present writer has been collecting instances, from the older stages of various Germanic dialects, of stylistic substitutes for the personal agency with passive expressions. An enumeration of the various types does not belong to these pages, yet it is interesting to observe that an almost lapidary sentence like Beow. 2202, Hear-drēde hilde-mēceas tō bonari wurdon, manages to avoid altogether the modern ‘slain-by-the-enemies’ construction; that in Soul, 110 ff., bio bœt heafod tohliden, handa tolioode, geaglas toginene, goman toslitene, sina beoo asocene, swyra becowen, where at least in connection with the last phrase one expects an equivalent of ‘a vermibus,’ there is no agent expressed; that there is to be found at times even a studied omission of it, as in Ps. C, 33, handgeweoroes bines anes, to render ‘manu facti a te uno.’

^{page 770 note 11} Cf. The Analytic Agent in Germanic, JEGPh., xiii, p. 518.

^{page 770 note 12} Grein, Sprachschatz ², p. 229, ‘inst. fromcyme bine.‘

^{page 770 note 13} Idem., p. 187: inst. pl. feondum.

^{page 770 note 14} Grein, Dichtungen der Angelsachsen, i, p. 56.

^{page 770 note 15} Grein, Sprachschatz ², p. 229, inst. fromcynne bine.

^{page 770 note 16} Cf. idem., p. 204.

^{page 770 note 17} Similarly in Gen. 2235, ba heo wœs magotimbre be Abrahame eacen worden, the real agent of the passive expression is Abraham,—here analytically and not synthetically denoted—and the ‘son’ is a mere indication of the means of the action, ‘when she with a man-child by Abraham was become heavy.‘

^{page 770 note 18} Grein, Sprachschatz ², p. 187.

^{page 770 note 19} Jacob Grimm, Ettmüller, Grein: secgum; cf. Grein, Sprachschatz, p. 590.

^{page 770 note 20} Grein, op. cit., p. 86.

^{page 770 note 21} Trautmann, Finn und Hildebrand, p. 19; Bonner Beiträge, xvi, p. 63, ‘Darauf ward von ihnen dies beschlossen.‘

^{page 770 note 22} Bonner Beiträge, xvi, p. 101.

^{page 770 note 23} Ms. hroden: Bugge, roden.

^{page 770 note 24} Bonner Beiträge, xvi p. 65.

^{page 770 note 25} Anglia, xxviii, p. 445.

^{page 770 note 26} Grein, Sprachschatz ², p. 140, “inst, pl.”

^{page 770 note 27} Cf. Grein, Dichtungen, ii, p. 217.

^{page 770 note 28} Hildebrand-Gering, Die Lieder der älteren Edda, 3d ed., Paderborn, 1912.

^{page 770 note 29} I find solely Nygaard, Norr⊘n Syntax, 1905, p. 99, giving the correct meaning of the passage, af dig.

^{page 770 note 30} Zupitza's autotype.

^{page 770 note 31} Anglia, xiii, pp. 346 ff.

^{page 776 note 1} Anglia, xxviii, p. 443.

^{page 776 note 2} His latest conjecture appears in Finn und Hildebrand, p. 11.

^{page 776 note 3} Bugge, PBB, xii, p. 28, Grein, Sprachschatz ¹, and Trautmann, Bonner Beiträge, ii, p. 183, construe hæleo as an acc. pl. parallel with hīe. More of this later.

^{page 776 note 4} Trautmann, Bonner Beitrage, ii, p. 184 (1899): 1069^b “Hnœf Scyldinga; Finn und Hildebrand, 1903, p. 30, and Bonner Beiträge, xvi, p. 60, 1069^a, ”Hœleo.

^{page 776 note 5} Schücking, Eng. Stud., xxxix, p. 106, construes 1. 1069, hœleo scolde, as an asyndetic, second dependent clause, introduced by oā: ‘als der held—fallen sollte.‘ “Dann beginnt der erste hauptsatz der eigentlichen erzählung. So beginnt die Sigmund-geschichte erst mit langem indirektem erzählungssatz bis sie v. 885 in den hauptsatz übergeht.”

^{page 776 note 6} W. W. Lawrence, loc. cit., p. 400.

^{page 776 note 7} Gummere's rendering.

^{page 776 note 8} Cf. Pizzo, Zur frage der ästhetischen einheit des Beowulf,. Anglia, xxxlx, p. 1.

^{page 776 note 9} Cf. Routh, Two Studies on the Ballad Theory of the Beowulf, Diss., Johns Hopkins, Baltimore, 1905, p. 44,

^{page 776 note 10} It has not yet been brought out that this “song” is interpolated for the express purpose of depicting the state of mind of the evil spirit.

86 Đā se ellen-gst

þrāge geþbolode,

se þbe in þbystrum bad,

þbæt he dogora gehwām

drēam

hludne in healle;

the aptest subject-matter for his especial exasperation; hence it is manifestly not of the ordinary run of capriciously selected extraneous tales, nor an episode in the anecdotic sense.

^{page 776 note 11} There is, of course, as the modern critics rightly reason, absolutely no need to assume a gap in the ms. after 1. 1067.

^{page 776 note 12} The episodes “of Sigemund and Finn (vv. 871 ff.) are introduced as sung by Hrothgar's scop, tho the former is in indirect discourse only. An account of Heremod follows it, and after this the return is abrupt and unexpected (v. 1063). In the case of the Finn episode both departure and return are made much more emphatic (vv. 1065, 1159)” (Hart, Ballad and Epic, Boston, 1907, p. 189). Cf. also Boer, Die altenglische Heldendichtung, Halle, 1912, p. 30.

^{page 776 note 13} Boer, op. cit., pp. 26, 27, 48.

^{page 776 note 14} The long transition has, indeed, the effect, even tho not the character, of a “parenthetic exclamation”; cf. Krapp, MLN, xx, p. 33.

^{page 776 note 15} Of the entire epic Sedgefield says, “Our poem seems to represent as much as an entertainer could recite at a stretch without fatigue. The whole may be comfortably read without haste and with moderate pauses in about three hours” (Bepwulf ², Introduction, p. xxvii).

^{page 776 note 16} Commentators seem not to have noticed that, whereas the general action of the Episode is hurried, for a mere résumé the account of the sorrowful funeral rites of Hnœf and his kinsman is entirely too leisurely and full of genuine poetic beauty.

^{page 783 note 1} It is conceivable that the poet of Beowulf is not the source of the various discrepancies. Cf. Brandl, Pauls Grundriss ² ii, p. 1008; cf. also Pizzo, “Allerdings können widersprüche in der verfassung vorhanden sein; wenn aber dies der fall ist, dann war der dichter, als er sie durchgehen liess, nicht der gestalter, sondern das opfer seiner materie,” Anglia, xxxix, p. 4. As to the “episodic” poet, in particular, cf. Boer, Die altenglische Heldendichtung, i, pp. 45 ff.

^{page 783 note 2} Möller, Das altenglische Volksepos, Kiel, 1883, p. 65. Möller's interpretation of the Finn-saga has recently been resuscitated by Sedgefield, Beowulf ², p. 258, s. v. Finn, and by M. G. Clarke, Sidelights on Teutonic History during the Migration Period, Cambridge, 1911, pp. 181 ff.

^{page 783 note 3} Cf. also Schilling, MLN, i, pp. 178 ff.; ii, pp. 291 ff. That the epic poet would not, if the Fragment represented the second struggle, omit the mention of such an important event, one which really motivates the second part of the Episode, was ably pointed out by Bugge, PBB, xii, pp. 1 ff.

^{page 783 note 4} There is, of course, no warrant for a belief that the Fragment ever formed part of Beowulf. Simrock's insertion of it into the epic, in connection with the Finn-episode, stands to-day deservedly repudiated. Brandl, Pauls Grundriss ², ii, p. 985, considers it to be, rather, an independent poem,—not part of a longer epic,—with a more detailed version of the same subject-matter as is to be found in the Episode. Ker's hypothesis (Epic and Romance, London, 1897, pp. 81-84) makes the Fragment the elaboration of but a single scene, the battle in the hall.—Carrying out Brandl's suggestion somewhat farther, may we not see in the Episode and in the Fragment, two poems with closely related but distinct subject-matters? A case in point would be Tennyson's Charge of the Light Brigade and his less well-known Charge of the Heavy Brigade. Both refer to the Crimean battle of Balaclava, and are absolutely similar in theme and execution. Even as to form,—altho the latter poem is preponderantly anapestic in movement, were it preserved only as a fragment, consecutive lines, such as (iii)

could well be assigned by a commentator, not conversant with the circumstances, to the dactylic rhythm of the Light Brigade.—Such a view cannot, of course, be substantiated. But we may safely say that the poet of the Fragment could not have made use of the saga in the same form as the Episode depicts it. Cf. Heinzel, Anz. f. deut. Altert., x, pp. 228 ff.

^{page 783 note 5} An eminently fair discussion of the vengeance of the Danes is given in Professor Lawrence's above-cited article in the PULA.

^{page 783 note 6} It would fulfil no purpose at this point to tabulate critics and editors according to their adherence to one version or the other. Suffice it to note that Grein, Jahrb. für Rom. u. Eng. Lit., iv, p. 269, is one of the early and important editors to maintain the views of a treacherous night-attack upon the Danish guests, and that, in connection with the theory of a Danish raid, Möller, Altengl. Volksepos, had best be referred to.

^{page 783 note 7} Möller, Altengl. Volksepos, p. 69, “Dass im ersten kampfe Hnäf der angreifer, die Friesen die angegriffenen waren, ist ausdrücklich gesagt in den ersten worten der episode: (Finnes eaferum) oa hie se fœr begeat.” This view has the support of M. G. Clarke, Sidelights, p. 181 ff., but cf. Heinzel, Anz. f. deut. Altertum, x, p. 227.

^{page 783 note 8} Bugge, PBB, xii, p. 28. In Grein's Sprachschatz ² the word is listed similarly as an accusative plural, whilst Grein's Dichtung, i, p. 251, translated the passage, “als der Ueberfall betraf die Helden Healfdenes.”

^{page 783 note 9} Bonner Beiträge, ii, p. 183.

^{page 783 note 10} Cf. ZZ, iii, p. 400.

^{page 783 note 11} Cf. PBB, xii, p. 37.

^{page 783 note 12} Cf. Pauls Grdr. ² ii, p. 524 and i, p. 1158, apud Lawrence, loc cit., p. 394.

^{page 783 note 13} Klaeber, Observations on the Finn, Episode, JEGPh., xiv, p. 548.

^{page 783 note 14} Kluge, PBB, ix, p. 187, has an interesting remark as to the treatment which the conjectures of commentators receive.

^{page 783 note 15} Möller, Eng. Stud., xiii, p. 28, alters fore into ofer. Grein, Jahrb. f. rom. u. eng. Lit., 1862, p. 269, interprets the word as ‘concerning,’ i. e., Hnæf, as in Panther, 1. 34. Cosijn, Aanteekeningen, pp. 18 ff., advanced ‘before,’ ‘coram,’ which is now finally accepted; cf. Beowulf, 1. 1215, Widsith, 11. 55, 140 and 104, for.

^{page 783 note 16} Sedgefield, Beowulf ², still thinks that ms. Healfdenes should be Healfdena, as below, in 1. 1069. Trautmann, Bonner Beiträge, ii, p. 183, holds that Healfdenes is an error for Hrōogares, but in Finn und Hildebrand, p. 11, he advocates Healf-Dena. But the alteration is unnecessary. Healfdene here is in all likelihood the father of Hrothgar, mentioned in 11. 57, 189, 268, etc.

^{page 783 note 17} Grein's Sprachschatz ^1–2, s. v. hilde-wīsa— “fore Healfdenes hilde-wisan, i. e., fore Hroogare, filio Healfdeni.” This is the most sensible view. Trautmann's change of hilde-wīsan into hilde-wīsum, Bonner Beiträge, ii, p. 183, “wie umgekehrt eaferan (ist verborgen) in eaferum,” is interesting, in that we may then have ‘before Healfdene's veterans,‘—a view similar to that which Chambers, p. 54 fn. suggests if hilde-wīsan be taken as a dat. pl. i. e., like 1. 2020 for dugube,—it seems best to interpret the passage as an anachronistic reference to Hrothgar in the capacity of his father's war-leader; cf. Klaeber, Anglia, xxviii, p. 449. Also Holthausen, Beowulf ³, ii, p. 127, “Vgl. Wald. i, 6: Ætlan ordwynga.”

^{page 783 note 18} Sievers, PBB, xxix, p. 571, “Manch ein Spruch wurde vorgetragen.” Cf. also Anglia, xxvii, p. 219; Mod. Phil., iii, p. 249; as against this, see Lübke, AfdA., xix, p. 342, eft, rendered by Trautmann, Bonner Beitr., xvi, p. 61, ‘wieder e.d lied vorgetragen.‘

^{page 783 note 19} For a similar transition, cf. 1. 880, noted in Anglia, xxviii, p. 443.

^{page 783 note 20} Trautmann's gefēran and Binz's earfebu have been mentioned before. Cosijn, op. cit., p. 26, refers to 1. 1710, and shows that neither ‘sons,’ ‘children’ nor ‘descendants,’ but ‘warriors’ is the term suited to the passage.

^{page 783 note 21} We follow Bugge, PBB, xii, p. 29.

^{page 783 note 22} The ms. reading healf-dena was modified into Healfdenes by Grundtvig, Translation, 1820, p. 283, Kemble, ed. 1835 and, as a rule, inclusive of Wulcker, by all earlier editors. However, cf. Grein's separate edition, Cassel und Göttingen, 1867: healfdena. Since Bugge, PBB, xii, p. 29, the ms. form is current. The leaders are not called the ‘hœleo‘ of their kings; Healf-Dene is a tribal name, like Hring-Dene, East-Dene, Gar-Dene; lastly, the expression is paralleled by 1. 1154, Soēotend Scyldinga, and Hell. 1. 13, hœleo Jūdēa.

^{page 783 note 23} The expression is Gummere's, 1909. Wyatt-Morris, 1895, have ‘slaughter-field.‘

^{page 783 note 24} Cf. W. W. Lawrence, PMLA, xxx, p. 399, for the most recent statement of the case.

^{page 783 note 25} Gummere, The Oldest English Epic, pp. 69 ff.

^{page 783 note 26} For Old Norse, cf. Dietrich, HZ., viii, p. 62, “als werkzeuge können auch personen dargestellt sein.”

^{page 783 note 27} Ker, Epic and Romance, p. 81.

^{page 783 note 28} Op. cit., p. 83.

^{page 796 note 1} Altengl. Heldendichtung, p. 29.

^{page 796 note 2} Grein, Bibliothek, i, Vorwort, p. iv, 1853.

^{page 796 note 3} Gn. Ex. 168: cf. Williams, Gnomic Poetry in Anglo-Saxon, New York, 1914, p. 125.