¹ On these general problems of Romance derivation, see W. Meyer-Liibke, “Zur Ge-schichte der lateinischen Abstrakta”, ALLG, vIII (1893), 313–338; idem, Historische Gram-matik der franzOsischen Sprache; zweiter Teil: Wortbildungslehre (Heidelberg, 1921), pp. 226 (“Vorbemerkungen”); E. Gamillscheg, “Grundziige der galloromanischen Wort-bildung”, in E. Gamillscheg and L. Spitzer, Beitrag zur romanischen Wortbildungslehre (Bibl. dell' “Archiv. Roman.”,II, ii; Geneva, 1921), pp. 1–80; idem, “Zur Frage der Auswahl bei der suffixalen Ableitung”, Behrens-Feslschrift (Jena-Leipzig, 1929), pp. 56–76, reproduced in Ausgewdhlte Aufsalze: Festschrift zu Ernst Gamillschegs fiinfzigstem Geburtstage (Jena-Leipzig, 1937), pp. 143–163; and my own “Problème des spanischen Adjektivabstraktums”, NM, XLVI (1945), 171–191; xLvII (1946), 13–45.

² No attention has here been given to OSp. palacin, palazin ‘courtier,‘ which appears sporadically in texts composed around 1400 and is clearly an adaptation of the OF (or OProv.) cognate. Cf. the Poema de Alfonso Onceno, ed. F. Janer, quatr. 1739 (MS. E: 1742), where, significantly enough, it applies to Roland, the paladin par excellence (“Nin fu6 mejor cavallero / el arfobispo don Torpin, / nin el cort6s Olivero [Obruero has been recognized as a misprint by J. P. Ten Cate; see p. 181 of her vocabulary] / nin el Roládn palacín”). Under these circumstances, and in view of the otherwise unaccountable vacillation between -c- and -z-, imitation of OF palaQin, palazin is a more plausible assumption than coinage on Spanish soil, with the help of the (preëminently Asturo-Leonese) suffix -in (as in andarin, bailarin). The progress, however slight, the borrowed word made in courtly circles, particularly during the reign of John the Second, is seen in its application to Spaniards in the Cancionero de Baena: “Las obras del cuerdo son menos prefiadas / e tienen al loco por gran palazin” (No. 97, by A. Alvarez de Villasandino, foi. 33^v); “Yo espero a todos fasta la su fyn, / por que conoscan mi grand sefiorfo; / asy al flaco, commo al palacín / dy para salvarse egual alvedrlo” (No. 336, by Gonjalo Martinez de Medina, foi. 119v). For a very late mention of palazin, see 0. J. Tallgren, Estudios sobre la Gaya de Segovia: capilulos de introduction a una edition critica (Helsinki, 1907), p. 89c. The rhyme dictionary in question dates from c. 1475.

³ De lingua Latina, b. v, ch. lin.

⁴ V. Bertoldi, Questioni di metodo nella linguislica storica (Naples, 1938–39), pp. 173186, with a detailed description of the background.

⁵ “Palatium, id est mons Romae, appellatus est, quod ibi pecus pascens balare con-sueuerit, uel quod palare, id est errare, ibi pecudes solerent; alii, quod ibi Hyperborei filia Palanto habitauerit, quae ex Hercule Latinum peperit, alii eundem, quod Pallas ibi sepultus sit, aestimant appellari”; see Sexti Pompei Festi de uerborum significatu quae supersunt, ed. W. M. Lindsay (Leipzig, 1913), p. 245.

⁶ V. Bertoldi, op. cit., pp. 193–196, and La parola quale teslimone délia storia (Naples, 1945), pp. 187–188. The base *PALA ‘elevation’ is believed by explorers of the substratum to reappear in Alp. pala ‘slope, steep descent,’ Pyren. polo ‘rocky declivity,’ and in topon. Palone. See also M. Friedwagner, ZVS, LV (1927), 197–198, and especially E. Norden, Alt-Germanien: volker- und namengeschichtliche Unlersuchungen (Leipzig-Berlin, 1934), pp. 104–121.

⁷ Thus, within the precincts of the palace or on immediately contiguous terrain, PALA-TÏNUS qualifies LAURTTS, a laurel which stood in front of the imperial residence (Ovid), DOMUS (Suetonius), CUBILE ‘couch, bed’ (Juvenal), OPFICIA ‘offices,’ located about court (Aurelius Victor and Trebellius Pollio), ÀTEIËNSIS PALATÏNUS, in Suetonius’ portrait of Caligula, refers to the steward or majordomo, even as Martial's PARTHENIUS PALATINTJS serves to identify Emperor Domitian's chamberlain. The reference is to the hill rather than to the Emperor's domicile and environment in those passages in which the adjective qualifies PASTORES (Varro), COLLES (Ovid), AULS, namely the vultures Remus is said to have seen on the Palatine hill (Ovid), APOLLO, because he had a temple on that hill, erected by Augustus (Horace, Suetonius, Martial), LODI, which Livia caused to be celebrated in honor of Augustus (Suetonius), COLOSSUS, the colossal statue of Nero on the Palatine hill (Martial). In Late Latin (pre-Carolingian) literature, PALATÏNUS continued to enjoy wide currency; thus, Venantius Fortunatus wrote: “Ipse palalina refulsit clarus in aula / et placido meruit regis amore coli” (Iv, 19); “pelle palatinas post multa negotia rixas” (VII, 24). At that poet's time, the proper name Palalina was used in the highest aristocracy: “De Palalina filia Galli Magni episcopi, uxore Bodegisili ducis” (vii, 6).

⁸ A. Emout and A. Meillet, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue latine, 2d ed. (Paris, 1939), p. 723.

⁹ See J. Buckeley, “études sur des noms de lieux français”, RPhFL, xxiii (1909), 276302, especially p. 288 (with a reference to topon. Palaiseau [Seine-et-Oise], Palaseul [Haute-Marne], Paliseul [Belgian Luxembourg], Ital. Palazzuolo, Istr. Palaziol, Rhin. Pfalzel), reviewed by H. Yvon, Rom., XLI (1912), 307; J. Leite de Vasconcelos, “Apontamentos filo-lôgicos”, Rom., XLVIII (1922), 123: Sp. Palazuelo, Port. Palaçoulo (Trás-os-Montes), the latter reminiscent of crioulo, which has been the subject of much controversy; idem, “Observaçôes gramàtico-lexicais”, Eomenaje a Menindez Pidal (Madrid, 1925), I, 612614: Páçà. In the province of Oviedo, near Pravia, there exists a locality called Palacion. Palacete, which usually designates a luxurious private house or mansion in a fashionable residential district, pertains to a distinctly later stratum; only in 1947 has it been incorporated into the “Supplement” to the 17th edition of the Spanish Academy Dictionary (p. 1334); Pages, iv, 188, quotes it from R. Gomez de la Serna.

¹⁰ See the section on palaciano in this article.

¹¹ V. R. B. Oelschlager, A Medieval Spanish Word-List (Madison, 1940), p. 149, provides early examples: San Pedro de Arlanza, A.D. 970; Clunia, A.D. *1030; San Juan de la Pefia, A.D. 1064; Sepûlveda, A.D. 1076; Castilla del Norte, A.D. 1102,1202; Ofia, A.D. 1118; Guadalajara, A.D. 1219. The three mutually interchangeable pre-Alfonsine spellings were: palacio, palazio, and palatio.

In toponymy, Palacio is most strongly represented in Oviedo, distinctly less in Leon, Âvila, Soria, Santander, Badajoz, Guadalajara, and Murcia. The type Los Palacios has spread over Leôn, Salamanca, Zamora, Oviedo, Valladolid, Burgos, Palencia, with outposts in Murcia and Andalusia. The nucleus of the area embraces Asturias, Leôn, and Old Castile; Extremadura, New Castile, Andalusia, and Murcia are represented very thinly, and the Navarro-Aragonese zone seems to be excluded. Of the overseas countries, Mexico probably has the largest number of such place-names.

¹² Oelschlàger, loc. cit.: Obarra, A.D. 1056.

¹³ OGal. paaco: Afonso o Sabio, Cantiga No. 245; OPort. paaço: “Forai da Guarda”, in J.J. Nunes, Creslomatia arcaica, p. 3. In the 14thcentury MS.of the Crônica troyana,paaço and palácio are used side by side (see ii, 340). On topon. Paço(s), Pacinho{s), see J. Leite de Vasconcelos, Eomenaje a Menéndez Pidal (1925), i, 612–614. A sentence from Valle-Inclán, quoted by Pages, v, 244, illustrates the use of pazo in Mod. Gal. : “… las armas que campeaban sobre la puerta de su Pazo solariego, un caserôn antiguo y ruinoso.” Ptg. paçal ‘terra à margem junto com o presbitério, paço ou casa paroquial,’ connected with paço in REW³ No. 6159, should properly be spelled passai, being cognate to passo, see Cardinal Saraiva's annotations to the 4th ed. of Morais’ dictionary, included in his Obras complétas, ix (1880), 287–363, and M. de Paiva Boléo, Introduçáo ao estudo da filologia por-luguesa (Lisbon, 1946), p. 49.

¹⁴ In Mod. Port., paço stands for ‘royal or imperial palace,’ including the court there assembled; also for ‘castle,’ as a term of mediaeval civilization. Palacio has a wider range of meanings, denoting a variety of large buildings. The words for ‘palace’ in numerous Romance dialects show a not entirely vernacular form; see A. Horning, “Zur Behandlung von -TY- und -CY-”, ZRPh., xxiv (1900), 550, with a further reference to G. Grôber. Regression to forms with -I- was widely practiced in OPort.; competing variants included aas alas, dooroso doloroso, gear gelar, maiça malicia, mua mula, paadar paladar, quendas calendas, saiva saliva, seenço siléncio, tamo táiamo, vea vela, zeo zelo; see J. J. Nunes, Compéndio de gramática histôrica portuguesa (Lisbon, 1919), p. 106; J. Leite de Vasconcelos, Liçôes de filologia portuguesa, 2d ed. (Lisbon, 1926), pp. 289–294. On paço palacio as a case of “polimôrfia vocabular”, see J. J. Nunes, DigressSes lexicolôgicas (Lisbon, 1928), p. 95. Palacio has penetrated deeply into dialect speech; cf. K. Rohner, “Um capitulo de fonética dialectal: a inicial em Cachopo (Algarve)”, BF, rx (1948), 256.

¹⁶ On the conflicting development of -TIA and -Tin in the center and on the periphery of Ibero-Romance, see J. Jud and A. Steiger, Rom., XLVIII (1922), 146–147, and my own statement, VCPL, i, iv (1945), 70–71.

¹⁶ On the poetic nature of palagio, see U. A. Canello, “Gli allotropi italiani”, AGI, in (1878), 343. W. Meyer-Liibke for decades militated in favor of the classification of palagio as a Gallicism; see his note “Zur Lautlehre: ci, tj im Italienischen”, ZRPh., vIII (1884), 303, and REW No. 6159. His opinion has been shared by R. R. Bezzola, Abbozzo di una storia dei gallicismi italiani nei primi secoli (750–1300) : saggio slorico-linguistico (Heidelberg, 1925), p. 254, who provides accurate references to mediaeval texts, and by B. Wiese, Altitalienisches Elementarbuch, 2d ed. (Heidelberg, 1928), p. 44. M. Roques ventured the guess that It. palagio, along with cagione, ragione, and Ambrogio, could be learned words absorbed after the 4th century, in contrast to entirely vernacular PUTEU> pozzo and to strictly erudite GRATIAgrazia: see Rom. xxv (1906), 481. For a survey of older statements on palagio, see J. Clark, “L'influence de l'accent sur les consonnes médiales en italien”, Rom. xxxiv (1905), 74.

¹⁷ Cf. E. Lerch, RF, LV (1941), 57–82, and G. Rohlfs, ASNSL, CLXXXI, 127.

¹⁸ Wiese, op. cit., p. 46; Horning, op. cit., p. 550, quotes ONorth.-It. palaxio, Ment. palassi, OBerg. palasio, Bell, palazi, Terg. palasi.

¹⁹ In toponymy, Palaiz and Palais may also reflect [*]PALITIU, f*] PALICIU; see E. Philipon, “Les destinées du phonème ç+ dans les langues romanes”, Rom., XLV (1918–19), 470.

²⁰ The essential identity of the underlying image is affirmed by E. Gamillscheg, Ely-mologisches Worterbuch der franzbsischen S proche (Heidelberg, 1928), pp. 660–661, and is denied by 0. Bloch and W. von Wartburg, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue française (Paris, 1932), II, 119: “On a voulu expliquer cette forme (i.e. *PALATIUM ‘palate') par la comparaison de la voûte palatine avec la voûte des salles d'un palais, mais les palais romains n'étaient pas voûtés et la date très ancienne de *PALÂTrcM est assurée par le roumain para .” This line of argument is not wholly convincing; from the material assembled by A. Zauner, “Die romanischen Namen der K6rperteile”, RF, xIv (1903), 392–394, it would follow that PALATUM, all over the Romance territory, had to vie for supremacy with the paraphrase CAELUM BUCCAE, liter, ‘the celestial vault of the mouth,’ cf. Rum. cerul gurit, Mac-Rum. fer di guri, Raeto-Rom. tschiel de la boca, Mod. Prov. ceu de la bouco (Mistral), Sp. cielo de la boca (especially speaking of animals),Port, céu da boca; similarly in Russian; the direct product of PALATUM prevails only in most of Italy and in southwestern France. If now one re-calls that, from Ovid to Berceo, pagans and Christians were speaking of the palaces of heaven, a point of contact between PALATUM and PALATIUM would have been established, regardless of the architectural style of the Roman imperial palaces. The celestial vault seems to be the Occidental counterpart to the Oriental heavenly curtains or canopies or celestial tents, known to the Psalmist and to the prophet Isaiah as well as to Babylonians and to Asiatic nomads as far east as Mongolia; see R. Eisler, Weltenmanlel und Eimmelszell (Munich, 1910), and L. Olschki, The Myth of Felt (Berkeley—Los Angeles, 1949), pp. 3132. It. tempie also seems to show contamination by TEMPLA.

²¹ Vida de Santa Oria, quatr. 196ab : “Madré, dixo la fija, en la noche primera / non entré al palacio, non sé por quai manera.”

²² Vida de Santa Catalina, ed. Knust, fols. 16', 16^v, 19^r. Cf. Andanças de Pero Tafur, ed. Jiménez de la Espada, p. 31 : “Cerca dél están los palacios de Octaviano Auguste”

²³ Libro de Apolonio, quatr. 154c, 160a, 163a; La estoria del rey Anemur, ed. Lauchert, RF, vu (1883), 332 (fol. 132); Confisiôn del amante, ed. Knust, fol. Zdl (“las cabeças de muchos … esta van puestas sobre lanças en derecho de la puerta de los palacios del rey”), 367^v (“luego se fué derecho a los palacios del rey”). The palace of a royal prince is involved in La estoria del rey Anemur, fol. 135^v.

²⁴ Libro de buen amor, ed. Ducamin, quatr. 1250c, 1306a (speaking of don Amor).

²⁵ Cantar de Mio Cid, ed. Menéndez Pidal, 1. 2929; Poema de Alfonso Onceno, ed. Janer, quatr. 102a, 226c, 604a, 2359d, 2387b (“siendo el rey castellano /en su palaçio mayor”); Rimado de palacio, ed. Kuersteiner, MS. N, quatr. 425d, 426b, 447b (“que se vaya a palacio, ca están alla los cavalleros”), 478a, 496d.

²⁶ Confisiôn del amante, fol. 95^v : “El rrey fuése derecho a los palacios del papa.”

²⁷ Dança de la muerte, 11. 219–220: “[Dize el obispo] Yo era abastado de plata y de oro, / de nobles palacios y mucha folgura.”

²⁸ Libro de buen amor, quatr. 1492d “[La vieja a dofia Garoça] Yol fare eras que venga aquf, a este palacio.”

²⁹ Cantar de Mio Cid, 11.115 (speaking of the hero's exile : “dexado ha heredades e casas e palacios”), 182 (speaking of the interior of the house of the two Jewish bankers: “en medio del palacio tendieron un almoçalla”); El Conde Lucanor, ed. Knust, p. 26: “Et aquel genués … asentôse en un palacio muy bueno donde paresçîa la mar et la tierra”); Libro de buen amor, quatr. 481 (speaking of the interior of the Flemish painter's house): “Desque en el palacio con ella estudo [read eslido]”, 1376bc (in reference to the dining room in the manorial house visited by the two mice) : “La puerta del palacio començô a (s)sonar, /abriala su senora, dentro quer(r)ia entrar” (did the entrance door lead directly to the hall where meals were served?); Libro de miseria de omne, ed. Artigas, quatr. lOab: “En el vientre de mi madre querria que fuese muerto,/e (s)se fuese mi palacio e mi casa e mi huerto” (does the word here mean ‘richly furnished hall’?), 158a: “Alii avrán sus palacios los que son luxuriosos” (‘sumptuous abode’?); Dança de la muerte, 11. 77–78: “E por los palacios daré por medida/ sepulcros escuros de dentro fedientes”); Vision de Filiberto, ed. O. de Toledo (in ZRPk., II [1878]), fol. 127^r: “Ya no estas en las torres nin en los palacios muy espaçiosos e de grand largura que tû avias fecho de los aleáceres” (for the use of the plural, compare, in the same context, tesoros, riquezas, piedras preçiosas, anillos de oro, vasos) : ibid.: “ Qué te aprovechan agora tus moradas e tus grandes onrras e tan grandes palacios e tan rricos?”; fol 127^v: “l Dônde están tus heredades que ayuntaste e los palacios e los grandes edefiçios que fun-daste?”; Confisiôn del amante, fol. 390^r: “… el qual con palabras de grant mesura le rrogô que quisiese yr a ver su castillo e aquella çibdad; e fuéronse estonçes todos très para los palacios de aquel sefior que los convidara.” The sense development ‘palace’>‘(large) house’ is found also in Southern Italy and in Dalmatia, see REW³ s. v. PALATITJM; Nicot, in 1606, observed that the extension of meaning of Fr. palais in his own time (e.g. its application to large courthouses) was due either to Spanish or to Italian influence. The connotation of ‘large countryhouse’ survives in dialectal use; cf. A. de Rato y Hevia, Vocabulario de las palabras y frases babies (Madrid, 1891), p. 91 : palacios ‘asî se llaman las casas de alto que los hacendados tienen por los campos’; J. Garcia Soriano, Vocabulario del dialecto murciano (Madrid, 1932), p. 93: palacio ‘casa rûstica’ (example from an inventory of the year 1614: “una ermita y dos palacios y cinco barracas”). Similarly in Navarre.

³⁰ C. de Figueiredo, Novo diciondrio da lingua portuguesa, 6th ed. (Lisbon, c. 1939), n, 515: paldcio ‘casa de Reis ou de familia nobre; casa grande e aparatosa; ant. edificio onde se reûnia a Cámara de uma terra; ant. convento, mosteiro; ant. armazém ou alpendre onde se recolhiam escaleres e outras embarcaçôes da Coroa; ant. casa, para arrecadaçáo de ar-mamentos navais.‘ For documentation, see Elucidário, 2d. ed, n, 133b, 134a.

³¹ Cantar de Mio Cid: lexlo, gramática y vocabulario (Madrid, 1908–11; 2d éd., Madrid, 1944–46), p. 783, documents this meaning with a charter from Sahagûn, A.D. 967, and quotes Covarrubias as saying: “en las casas particulares llaman a palacio una sala que es comûn y pûblica, y en ella no ay cama, ni otra cosa que embarace; este es término que se usa en el reyno de Toledo.” A. Castro, RFE, xn (1925), 408, quotes Tirso de Molina's Cigarrales: “… en una sala que aqui [in Toledo] Uaman palacio” and refers to a (not wholly unequivocal) nursery rhyme overheard in present-day Andalusia: “… del palacio a la cocina.”

³² The situation is unambiguous in the following passage from the Libra de los enganos e los asayamientos de las mugeres, ed. A. Bonilla y San Martin, 11.1269–70 : “Vino el marido e llamô a la puerta; e dixo él: ‘¿Que sera?’ e dixo ella: ‘Vete e escôndete en aquel palacio fasta de dia’.” But how can the reader ever be sure, except through reference to the earlier part of the tale, exactly what image Don Juan Manuel wished to evoke by writing: “Et si tû quieres naves et galeas que te ganen et te trayan muy grant aver et muy grant onrra, ves las aqui o están en la mar que paresçen deste mi palacio” (El libro de los enxiemplos del Conde Lucanor, ed. Knust, p. 27).

³³ Espana en su historia: cristianos, moros yjudios (Buenos Aires, 1948), pp. 67–68. Although kasr is of Latin descent (CASTRA), the author feels that it was associated with kasara ‘to enclose,‘ native to Arabia, and that its extended meaning was ultimately transferred to PALATIUM within the texture of Hispano-Arabic life, through a process he chooses to call pseuiomorfismo (German philologists, e.g. H. Schuchardt and G. Rohlfs, speak of innere Sprachform; cf. Fr. calque linguistique, Engl, loan translation.

³⁴ “Mesturar y la semántica hispano-árabe”, NRFH, m (1949), 143–144; Spitzer quotes parallels from OProv. and MHG; his corollary is that the possibility of Arabic intervention is thus precluded. Still different is the formulation of the problem by J. E. Gillet in his recent review of Castro's book (Gillet promises further elaboration in his forthcoming commentary to the works of Torres Naharro).

³⁵ Cf. Primera crônica general, p. 615b: “En los palacios de Galiana …; et al palacio mayor de aquellas casas fué enderesçado en esta guisa. …” A. Castro, RFE, xII (1925), 408, quotes from an unpublished document (Cordova, A.D. 1419) : “ … lo metieron dentro en el palacio mayor de las dichas casas”; he also refers to Cortes de Leon y Costilla, I, 592: “No sean prendados los sus palacios de su morada.”

³⁶ Examples of palazzi from Sacchetti, of paços from Camôes, and of palacios from Cervantes are quoted in Grammatik der romanischen Sprachen: Syntax (Leipzig, 1899), 32.

³⁷ Two materially conflicting, but equally refreshing poetic visions of early Leonese courtly life, not yet dominated by sharp-tongued witticism and mock-humihty as portrayed in the Cancionero de Baena, are offered side by side in the dialogue of the two girls Elena and Maria engaged in mutual challenge {Elena y Maria, ed. Menéndez Pidal, in RFE, i [1914], especially 11. 51–54, 71–94,126–129).

Coincident with, or as a sequel to, the changing fashions and pastimes of the courtly society, palacio developed a series of additional, figurative meanings. After the art of mordant taunt or thinly disguised mockery had become a prerequisite to the admission to influential coteries at the Castilian court, in the 15th century, palacio, in such works as El Crotalôn and the Coloquios de Erasmo, assumed the marginal meaning of ‘joke, fun, dissipation’; see A. Castro, RFE, xII (1925), 407–408. J. Cejador y Frauca, Fraseologia o estilistica castellana (Madrid, 1921–25), II, 217, illustrates echar a palacio ‘echar a juego y broma’ with excerpts from Martin de Azpilcueta Navarro, De alabanza y murmuracián, and Juan de Torres, Filosofia moral de principes (1596); hacer palacio de ‘mofarse’ is documented from Fray Alonso de la Cruz (c. 1600) and Fray Antonio Alvarez, Silva espiritual de varias con-sideraciones (1590–95).

A less radical departure from the central connotation is seen in Joan Rodriguez Florián's Comedia Florinea (1554), included in NBAE, Vol. xrv; here, palacio more nearly approximates the signification of ‘tact, discretion, courtesy, refinement’: “Mas palacio pensé que avîa en ti” (p. 167b); “ni tû ères vieja para no holgar y passar semejantes palacios” (p. 180b). The palace was thought of as a place where select individuals were schooled and trained in the ways of mundane life (ibid., p. 209b : “Sábete que en palacios anduve”).

³⁸ REW³ No. 6155. The offshoots of PALAM included an adjective in -ËNSIS and verbs in -IDIARE and -ANTARE beside -ENTARE. Prov. pales ‘manifest’ must be distinguished from paroxytonic Prov. pales, -esa PALLIDTJ, -A, see E. Philipon, Rom., XLVIII (1922), 20.

³⁹ Replacements by learned forms like those enumerated in note 14 was feasible only where the two variants were not separated semantically by too great a distance, a qualification inapplicable to the case of paladino. If dictionaries do register Port, paladino, a transparent Castilianism is involved; if the word had survived in the west in its autochthonous form, it would have sounded ∗padinho.

Scattered traces of the adverb pa(a)dinhamente are actually found in OPort. legal texts; cf. Fr. Joaquim de Santa Rosa de Viterbo, Eluciddrio das palavras, termos e frases antiquadas dalingua portuguesa, 2d ed. (Lisbon, 1865), II, 132a, 133a: “E outorgarom que a parte que contra esto veer paadinhamente ou ascondudamente, que lhe nom seja outorgado” (Documente do século xIv). The compiler also lists paladino, paladinamente (II, 134a) and correctly observes that these forms are “more Spanish than Portuguese.” Numerous ancient formations in -inho have tended to disappear; thus, OPort. ladinho ‘Latin’ has been replaced by ladino, latim, see J. I. Louro, BF, Ix (1948), 96–97.

⁴⁰ On the development of PALAM from an adverb, not infrequently reinforced, in true parallelistic fashion, by APERTE, LUCE, LUCÏ, into a preposition governing the ablative, see Ernout-Meillet, Dictionnaire étymologique, p. 723.

⁴¹ Monlau, Diccionario etimolôgico de la lengua castellana (Buenos Aires, 1941 [reprint of the 1881 ed.]), p. 907; Fôrster, Spanische Sprachlehre (Berlin, 1880), p. 211; Spanish Academy Dictionary, 12th ed. (1884), p. 777b; E. de Echegaray, Diccionario general enciclopédico de la lengua espanola, iv (1889), 648; R. Lanchetas, Gramática y vocabulario de las obras de Gonzalo de Berceo (Madrid, 1900), p. 547; V. Fernandez Liera, Gramática y vocabulario del Fuero Juzgo (Madrid, 1929), p. 233. Even the usually well-informed S. Gili Gaya reiterates this view in RFE, xxxi (1947), 205: “Paladino viene de PALATINUS PALATIUM solo en la acepciôn ‘paladin’; en su significado adjetivo de ‘publico, claro, manifiesto’ es un derivado del lat. PALAM ‘evidentemente’ [an inaccurate rendition of the Latin word].“ Among the students of Portuguese, Fr. Joaquim de Santa Rosa de Viterbo, Elucidário, n, 134a, supported this derivation.

⁴² Old Spanish Readings, 3d ed. (Boston, 1934), p. 263: ‘appertaining to a palace’ [i.e., a public building] >‘public,’ ‘manifest’.‘clear, manifest.’

⁴³ Diccionario delà lengua espanola (Barcelona, 1917), p. 1246. That scholar is presumably also responsible for the revision of the etymology in recent editions of the Academy Dictionary, which, in turn, had important reverberations (notice the derivation from PALA-TINUS in A. de Pages and J. Pérez Hervás, Gran diccionario de la lengua castellana, iv, 188).

⁴⁴ R. Academia Espanola, Diccionario de la lengua espanola, 17th ed. (Madrid, 1947), p. 931c.

⁴⁵ E. g., Los fueros de Aragon, ed. Tilander, 190; see the editor's vocabulary, s.v.

⁴⁶ Partidas, II, ix, 29: “Palacio es dicho aquel Iogar do el rey se ayunta paladinamente para fablar con los homes. …”

⁴⁷ A. Thomas, Mélanges de philologie française, 2d ed. (Paris, 1927), p. 11: traces of ∗PAUENTARE are disclosed in Namur, Malmédy, and Franco-Provençal. The etymologists are silent on OF paleis, patois, palais ‘public, open,’ abundantly documented by Godefroy, v, 702c, 703a; notice especially the adverbial phrases en secret ou en paleys (Archives de Fribourg, A.D. 1371, 1373); also palasement, paloisement, palesement. The resemblance to OSp. en paladino, en paladinas, paladinam(i)ente is undeniable; it is, indeed, the only definite indication that PALAM or any of its derivatives, at a very early, no longer accurately identifiable moment, may have exercised a measure of influence on the sense development of PALÂTĪNUS. Notice in Cotgrave's French-English dictionary (1611) the verb paliser ‘to reveale, to publish, tobewray.’ Is it justified to analyze It. paleseas a word of Gallo-Romance background on account of voiced -j- (like cortese and unlike mese)?

⁴⁸ In his usual terse style Diez, Etymologisches Worterbuch der romanischen Sprachen (Bonn, 1853; left unchanged in subsequent editions), pp. 518–519, admirably posed the problem, in a vastly more lucid form than his overrated successor Meyer-Lubke: “Lat. PALAM liegt mit seiner Bedeutung nahe genug, doch ist die Art der Ableitung ohne Beispiel.”

⁴⁹ OPtg. paladino (C. de Figueiredo, II, 516), quoted by Diez, has already been classified as a Castilianism; as for the single Olt. passage in which, according to Diez, paladino signified ‘frank,’ the dictionary of Tommaseo and Bellini, m, 721, provides the translation ‘generous’; unmistakably, this is a mere shade of ‘chivalrous’ and goes back to the mediaeval Latin use of Carolingian PALATÏNUS.

⁵⁰ In this connection, notice Sp. hacer palacio ‘manifestar alguno lo que llevaba oculto y escondido o debaxo de su capa’ (Covarrubias, supported by the Dice. Autor., Iv, 87). For an apt illustration of this use, see the slightly obscene passage in D. Sanchez de Badajoz, “Farsa del matrimonio”, Recopilaciôn en metro, II, 27, ending thus: “[Fraile] Por Dios, que estoy bien librado;/veis que es cosa vergonzosa./,; Tengo de hacer palacio?/Tiempo habrà que alla despacio/vos lo sabréis de mi esposa.”

⁵¹ REW No. 6158. Aside from the omission of OSp. paladino and its derivatives, notice the failure to draw a clear-cut line between Classical and Carolingian Latin; singularly awkward is the use of the asterisk before Fr. paladin, instead of a brief statement that the Romance cognates go back to Med. Lat. PALATINUS and that Mod. Fr. paladin is an Ital-ianism of the late 16th century; there is no mention whatever of OF palayn, palacin, palazin. Meyer-Liibke's misrepresentations are the more astounding as the intelligent discussion by O. Bloch in his Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue française (Paris, 1932), II, 118, should have been available to him.

⁵² The wavering between a paladino and a paladinas, en paladino and en paladinas could well be made the starting point for the badly needed inquiry into the spread of the adverbial termination -as. For succinct information, see F. Hanssen, Gramática histôrica de lalenguacastellana (Hallea/S, 1913), p. 264 (mientras, ciertas, aosadas), and R. Menéndez Pidal, Manual de gramática histôrica espanola, 7th ed. (Madrid, 1944), 128 (a degas, a tontas, a hurtadillas). Forerunners are adforas (see C. Hamp, ALLG, v [1888], 345) and de fueras (Glosas emilianenses, 102; cf. Menéndez Pidal, Origenes del espailol, 2d ed. [Madrid, 1929], p. 388). The material scattered in word-lists and not yet structurally classified is immense. By way of example, F. Rodriguez Marin, Modos adverbiales caslizos y bien aulo-rizados (Madrid, 1931), offers the following assortment: (1) a alas caidas and a alas tendidas (p. 29), a areas parlidas (pp. 33–34), a manos atadas and a manos puestas (p. 104), a ojos degas beside a ojos abierlos, a ojosllenos, and a ojos vislos (pp. 114–115), a tierraslexas beside alexos tierras, lejos tierras, en lejastierras, de lejas tierras,de lejos tierras (pp. 165–168); (2) a las igualas beside a las iguales (p. 93), a las lianas (p. 101); (3) a avenidas (p. 35), a canta-radas (p. 48), a descansadas and a descansadillas (p. 65), a desmuertas (p. 66), a reculas (p. 148), a sordas (p. 159); (4) a las avemartas (p. 35), a las vueltas (p. 178); (5) en porpolas (p. 137); (6) a buenas o a malas (p. 48), de primas a primeras (p. 138), con muchas veras (p. 176). This would still leave out of the reckoning such archaic types as oras … oras (Elena y María, l.128).

⁵³ Renaissance dictionaries, so far as their evidence has been verifiable, took no notice of the mediaeval word-family. Captain John Stevens, the author of a remarkably independent Eng.-Sp. and Sp.-Eng. dictionary (London, 1726; there exist somewhat earlier editions, inaccessible to me), was possibly the first, after a long interval, who recorded paladinamente ‘boldly, openly, barefacedly’; in the adverb so defined, one recognizes dimly a whimsical merger of traits attributed to heroic knights (courage, gallantry, fearlessness in the face of overwhelming odds) and a residue of the traditional meaning ‘clear, patent, open’; this combination was feasible in the case of the adverb alone, which thus outlived the underlying adjective.

⁵⁴ The mutilation of the radical (despalidinar) is more conspicuous than the insecurity in the use of the prefix; the wavering between es- and des- in the two major MSS. of the poem was observed by A. Morel-Fatio in his introduction to the Libro de Alixandre (Dresden, 1906), p. xxvii.

95a The use of paladino by J. A. de Baena, in the early 15th century, already shows semantic contamination by pala(n)çiano ‘courtly’: prior to extinction, the word suffers a fission in its nuclear meaning.

⁵⁵ As appears from the parallel use of escondudo, escuso was a descendant of ABSCONSUM (from ABSCONDERE), secondarily contaminated with escusar; see my note on asperiega, esperiega ‘kind of sour apple,‘ PQ, xxvIII (1949), 303.

⁵⁶ Y. P. Ten Cate, Poema de Alfonso Onceno: esludio preliminar y vocabulario (Amsterdam, 1942), p. 10, correctly translates apaladinar by ‘declarar, explicar, interpretar.‘

⁵⁷ Pages, Gran diccionario, iv, 189, quotes paladinamente from two authors as late as J. N. Gallego (“fuera también una ventaja el que para cometer una iniquidad hubiese que con-fesarla paladinamente”) and M. J. Quintana (“ que es esto sino confesar paladinamente que lo que se ha hecho y lo que esta haciendo con nosotros contra nuestro voto y tendencia general?”). It would seem that the fixed combination confesar paladinamente led a precarious existence as a juridical formula long after the extinction of the corresponding adjective, which may also account for Captain John Stevens' attitude (see note 54); it is still used, upon occasion, in literary style. The occurrence of paladino and a paladinas in the writings of R. José de Crespo, an author of the early 19th century (see Pages, loc. cit.: “Asentô como hechos paladinos la visible irregularidad dentro y en la haz de la tierra”; “guárdese el moro o alarbe, o como quier fuese, de irse ni a excusanas ni a paladinas con esos donaires hacia mi tierra, si yo fuere alcalde”), strikes one as a wilful archaism.

⁵³ A. de Rato y Hevia, Vocabulario de las palabras y frases babies, p. 4: despaladinar ‘aclarar, sacar de dudas’ (término que usô A. S.).

⁵⁹ On clashes of homophones in Spanish, see HR, xvil (1949), 188–189, with bibliography, and RPh., III (1948–49), 52–61; add the statements of R. Menéndez Pidal, “Etimologias espanolas”, Rom., xxrx (1900), 343–345, 348, 353, on collazo, chisme, majuelo, and golf'm, respectively.

⁶⁰ On “Doppelformen” and “Scheideformen”, see, in particular, C. Michaè‘lis de Vascon-celos, Studien zur romanischen Worlschbpfung (Leipzig, 1876); parallel inquiries into Romance doublets other than Spanish were made by Brachet, Canello, and Coelho. In the word-fist appended to her monograph, C. Michaè‘lis contrasts only paladin with the undisguised Latinism palatino.

⁶¹ J. Briich, “Gab es im Altprovenzalischen ein -z- aus lateinischem intervokalischen -/-?”, in Philologische Studien aus dem romanisch-germanischen Kulturkreise, Karl Voretzsch dargebracht (Halle, 1927), pp. 237–238, quotes cuens palains from Benoît,Zw deNormandie, II, 1. 5523 (II. Germ. Pfalzgraf), and palain from Horn, 1. 728, and from Chardry, Set dormanz, 1. 243, all of them pointing to Anglo-Norman territory. But Godefroy, v, 703a, quotes conte palais, as a fixed group, from yet other parts of the country.

⁶² Briich, loc. cit., refers to palayn recorded at Dole (Jura), A.D. 1263; add palazin retraced to PALATÏNU by E. Philipon, “Les parlers de la Comté de Bourgogne”, Rom., XLIII (1914), 548. A galaxy of examples of Carolingian and post-Carolingian PALATINI is offered by Du Cange, Glossarium mediae et infimae Latinilatis, ed. L. Favre, vi (Niort, 1886), 107a-c. J. H. Baxter and C. Johnson, Medieval Latin Word List from British and Irish Sources (London, 1934), p. 290, document PALATÏNUS ‘courtier’ (A.D. 1000 [approximately] and 1150); COMES PALATÏNUS (C. A.D. 1135), and adj. PALATÏNUS ‘imperial’ (but not necessarily relating to the palace, as in classical antiquity : A.D. 948,1050–1100,1180).

⁶³ R. R. Bezzola, Abbozzo di una storia dei gallicismi italiani, p. 254, surmises that the channel of transmission was the chanson de geste. O. Bloch, loc. cit., and A. Dauzat, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue française (Paris, 1938), p. 524, think of mediasval Latin as a medium of transmission, which would be in harmony with many findings of E. Gamill-scheg in his Romania Germanica (Berlin and Leipzig, 1934–36). Unfortunately, F. Arnaldi's “Latinitatis Italicae Medii jEvi Lexicon Imperfectum”, published in installments in the Bulletin Du Cange, has not yet reached the letter P, at this writing.

⁶⁴ For a concise history of ciarlatano, see my note in RPh., II (1948 9), 317–326. While apocopated charlatan in Spanish found support in native words like holgazn ‘idler,‘ the suffixes -in and -ino were hardly characteristic enough to enforce a rapid decision as to the definitive form the borrowing was to assume in its new surroundings; see J. Alemany Bolu-fer, “De la derivation y composition de palabras en la lengua castellana”, /L4, v (1918), 340–342; and my very brief statements in NRFH, 11 (1948), 187–188, and HR, xvi (1948), 267–268.

The fact that a French word, pertaining to the chivalrous sphere, should have reached Spain by way of a detour through Italy rather than directly across the Pyrenees is rather unusual, but not unbelievable; cf. the course taken by the Tristan romance, reconstructed in the painstaking researches of G. T. Northup: “The Italian Origin of the Spanish Prose Tristram Version, ”.RR, III (1912), 194–222;“The Spanish Prose Tristram Source Question”, MP, xi (1913–14), 259–265; the review of W. J. Entwistle, The Arthurian Legend in the Literatures of the Spanish Peninsula (London, 1925), in MP, xxrv (1926–27), 481 186, and, in definitive fashion, in El cuento de Tristan de Leonis, edited from the unique manuscript Vatican 6428 (Chicago, 1928), pp. 20–78. In the onomasticon, Paladin existed as early as the 14th century (Gran conquistadeullramar,ed. P. deGayangos, p.285a.:Poncede Paladin); it may there have infiltrated through a different channel.

⁶⁵ Tirso de Molina used paladin: “No hay quien ejecute en ti / los golpes, cuando tû en todos / te muestras un paladin” (Pages, rv, 189), but Cervantes resorted to paladino (Don Quixote, p. I, ch. lii), and so did B. de Balbuena: “Y al quinto dia, con la nueva cierta / de la muerte infeliz del paladino, / la antes dudosa amante quedô muerta” (Pages, loc. cit.). Paladin was also employed by F. de Quevedo in his eighth jdcara. Paladinesco, which is based on the derivative meanings of ‘knight errant, champion,‘ has lately been observed in Spain (M. de Toro y Gisbert, “El vocabulario de Blasco Ibáfiez”, in Los nuevos derroteros del idioma [Paris, 1918], p. 12) and in Spanish America (F. J. Santamaria, Diccionario general de américanismes, 3 vols. [Mexico, 1942], II, 376).

⁶⁶ C. de Figueiredo, loc. cit., attests not only paladim (Camilo, Caveira, p. 83), but also the neologisms paladinico ‘bold, intrepid’ and paladinar ‘to champion a cause, to militate for a cause’ (Camilo, Bom Jesus, p. 53: “Tu e eu quebramos as caras prôprias e as alheias a paladinar por Aldonças”). With the derivation of paladinar, the wheel of fortune has turned a full circle in the history of the conflict between native and imported paladino in Ibero-Romance: the last position of the ancient word-family centered around the adjective paladino, which, after its breakdown, has remained vacant in Spanish, seems to have been occupied by a prong of the rival word-family in Portuguese.

⁶⁷ In Sardinia, the sense development of paladino ‘count, knight’ in the direction of the fabulous went even further; cf. Logud. paladinu ‘giant,‘ listed by Meyer-Ltibke, s. v.

⁶⁸ J. M. Piel, “Nomes de ‘possessores’ latino-cristáos na toponîmia asturo-galego-por-tuguesa”, Biblos, xxIIi (1947), 342, quotes Paladinus, A.D. 953; Paladinum, A.D. 1047; and the patronymic Paladinici, -iz, A.D. 1047. Some of the results of Piel's valuable research were anticipated by J. Leite de Vasconcelos, “Observaçôes gramàtico-lexicais”, Homenaje a Menéndez Pidal (1925), i, 612–614. Paladini is a widely used family name in Italy, borne in the 16th century, among others, by a Florentine painter and a Milanese musician.

⁶⁹ Piel, loc. cit.; Padinho has been identified in Guimaráes and Fafe, Padim in Celorico de Basto, Pôvoa de Lanhoso, Penafiel, and Braga; Padin in Pontevedra, La Corufia, and Lugo; Paladin around Las Omafias (Leon) and Las Regueras (O viedo).

⁷⁰ According to O. Bloch's dictionary, II, 119, the masc. palatin is first attested in 1331, the femin. palatine as early as 1323. For examples of palacin, palazin, see F. Godefroy, Dictionnaire de l'ancienne langue française, v, 703c-704a, with a wealth of variant spellings; notice palasine ‘femme d'un comte palatin’ (Mort Aymeri de Narbone). The obvious reason for the decline of this word was the homonymie clash with another word-family which was apt to create most embarrassing misunderstandings: palasin, -ezin also signified ‘paralytic’ and palacin, -asin, -esin ‘paralysis’ (e.g., in Wace's works, in the Raoul de Cambrai, the Roman de Thèbes, etc.); palasine was also used sporadically for ‘paralysis,’ and there existed a widespread adjective palasinos, with a profusion of variant forms; see Godefroy, v, 703c–704a. Notice also OF palazine ‘herbe à la paralysie,’ ‘primevère’ quoted by P. Meyer, “Manuscrits médicaux en franfais”, Rom., xliv (1915–17), 200. Palatin, the unadulterated Latinism, was no perfect substitute for the ailing word, because it reached its peak in the 16th century, at a time when palais was commonly applied to the courthouse; hence, especially in the epistles of J. Bouchet, palatin stands for ‘du tribunal; avocat’ and palatiner for ‘fréquenter le barreau.‘ Cf. palalino in B. Gracán, El Criticón, ed. Romera-Navarro, iii, 66, 219.

⁷¹ Cf. note 2.

⁷⁸ The former view was favored by J. Briich, loc. cit., the latter was supported by C. Appel; for a somewhat skeptical comment, see M. Roques, Rom., LIv (1928), 290.

⁷³ Biblos, XXII (1947), 341: topon. Paaciana, A.D. 1248 UILLA ∗PALATIANA; topon. Paaciano, A.D. 1258 FUNDU ∗PALATIANU (?). Leite de Vasconcelos, Homenaje a Menén-dez Pidal, i, 612–614, cites topon. Pàçá (Alta Beira). Notice the pronunciation páçáo, pd-ceiro, vouchsafed by such a reliable phonetician as A. R. Gonçalvez Viana, Apostilas aos dicionários Portugueses, 2 vols. (Lisbon, 1906), I, 123, 400. Padar, from OPort. paadar ‘palate,’ used as late as Jorge Ferreira de Vasconcelos’ Ulisipo, was probably pronounced similarly. On OPort. paaceiro ‘intendente, veador, curador’ (subsequently replaced by veador mar das obras and ultimately superseded by provedor das obras), see Fr. Joaquim de Santa Rosa de Viterbo, Eluciddrio, II, 132a.

⁷⁴ It is permissible to doubt whether M. R. Rodriguez's translation of paacáo by ‘familiar, campechano, franco, hidalgo’ in the glossary appended to the Cránica iroyana: côdice gallego delsiglo XIV, 2 vols. (La Coruna, 1900), II, 340, is adequate.

⁷⁵ The best-known examples, probably, are POTIONE ‘drink’>OSp. ponçoûa ‘poison’ and (POMA) MATTIANA>OSP. ma(n)çana; cf. Gal. londono ∗LOTONETJ, on the evidence of Nav. lodono, see A. Castro, RFE, vi (1919), 343. Notice OF palanlien (A.D. 1286) in Godefroy, v, 703c. OS, OHG, and even MHG forms also show an erratic infixed nasal, and some ML texts contain the variant form palantium, which has been attributed to merger with another word (see F. Kluge's etymological dictionary, j. v. Pfalz). There is no need here to expatiate on the phenomenon of the infixed nasal, discussed by Kretschmer and Schu-chardt. Add Arag. sagardana ‘lizard‘sangardana, sargantana, as interpreted by J. Coro-minas, RFH, v (1943), 2. On palanciano, see R. J. Cuervo, “Castellano popular y castellano literario”, Obras inéditas (Bogota, 1944), p. 206.

⁷⁶ Palaciano is recorded by P. de Alcalá, Percivale-Minsheu (‘courtier’), C. Oudin (merely as a variant form of palanciano), Captain John Stevens(who dubs it as obsolete). The prevalence of palanciano in the late 15th century follows from the fact, rightly stressed by Menéndez Pidal (Cantar de Mio Cid, “Vocabulario”, s. s.), that Nebrija was aware of the erratic character of palanciano palacio as compared to italiano Italia, yet unhesitatingly accepted the aberrant form as consecrated by usage, beyond remedy. Palanciano is listed by P. de AlcaLl (1505), C. de las Casas (1570: ‘cortegiano’), Fray Alonso de Molina (1571), Percivale-Minsheu, C. Oudin (‘courtisan, homme de palais et de cour’); S. de Covarrubias and L. Franciosini (1620, 1636) mark it as a barbarism; the Diccionario de Autoridades, v, 89, labels it as obsolete.

⁷⁷ In recent years, new derivatives from palacio, of limited currency as yet, have cropped up. In addition to palacial (Pages, s.v.), which calls to mind Engl, palatial, notice palatino (S. Gili Gaya, Vox, s.v.), which has the drawback of ambiguity, because a homophonous adjective has been developed from paladar, in both cases through regression to the classical forms PALATIUM and PALATUM.

⁷⁸ In Navarre, the word refers to the owner of a mansion (Pages, s.v.). For Central As-turias, A. de Rato y Hevia, Vocabulario de las palabras y frases babies, p. 91, lists both pa-lancianu ‘lo que es de palacio, de gran seûor,cortesano’ and palenciano ‘cortesano discreto, urbano.‘

⁷⁹ B. Acevedo y Huelves and M. Fernandez y Fernandez, Vocabulario del bable de occidente (Madrid, 1932), p. 163.

⁸⁰ Used, e.g., by G. Mir6, “El obispo leproso”, Obras complétas (Madrid, 1943), p. 847a.

⁸¹ Cf. C. Michaëlis de Vasconcelos, “Miscelas etimolôgicas”, Eomenaje a Menéndez Pidal (1925), m, 459. Students of Spanish literature use palaciego instead; earlier scholars spoke of gente cortesana, e.g. A. de Puibusque, Histoire comparée des littératures espagnole et française, 2 vols. (Paris, 1843), i, 94; of escrito a lo corlesano, poesia culla y cortesana, see P. J. Pidal, “De la poesia castellana en los siglos xrv y xv”, preceding E. de Ochoa's edition of the Cancionero de Baena (Madrid, 1851), pp. xxiv, xxxiii; of poesia erudita and escuela cortesana o provenzal, cf. J. Amador de los Rios, Historia critica de la literatura espanola, v (Madrid, 1864), 281–341; or of troubadours for short, cf. Comte de Puymaigre, La Cour littéraire de Don Juan II, roi de Castille (Paris, 1873), passim.

⁸² C. de Figueiredo, Novo dicionário, II, 515, quotes palacianidade from Camilo, Narcôti-cos, H, 274, and palacianismo from J. Dantas, Outros tempos, p. 183.

⁸³ Dollorido: pp. 869, 874; rellumbrante, p. 878; see the editor's comment, p. 881. Pallacio occurs in the Old Leonese “Purgatorio de San Patricio”, ed. A. G. Solalinde, Homenaje a Menéndez Pidal (1925), II, 226.

⁸⁴ My forthcoming study of this suffix is to appear in the Univ. Calif. Publ. Linguistics.

⁸⁵ A. Castro, Espana en su historia, p. 453, attributes considerable significance to these scenes: “La tradition iiteraria del burlador se desarrollô en el marco del gran senor y de la esclavilla, del caballero y de la villana.”

⁸⁶ Lexicographers of the 16th century paid slight, if any, attention to palaciego; those of the 17th in part afforded it preferential treatment, in part condemned it as a barbarism (Covarrubias, Franciosini). The latter's claim in 1620 that it was a “vocabolo pochissimo usato” is hardly borne out by the traces it left in literature. Covarrubias defines palaciego as ‘hombre de palacio,’ Oudin as ‘courtisan qui sfait faire la cour.’ Interesting is the use made of palaciego, in preference to palanciano, by the compilers of the Grand diclionaire et trisor de trois langues (Antwerp, 1640) in defining French words and phrases: sQacoir sa cour ‘ser muy palaciego’; un courtisan ‘cortesano, palaciego.‘ A. de La Porte also lists the word in 1659; so does, in a less conspicuous fashion, Captain John Stevens at the dawn of the subsequent century.

⁸⁷ Yet notice solareguia, from solariego, in Cortes de los antiguos reinos de Lean y Costilla, i, 101.

⁸⁸ C. de Figueiredo, loc. cit.: palacego (Almeida Garrett, Portugal na balança, p. 164); palaciego (Coelho, Camdes, p. 69).

⁸⁹ I am pleased to acknowledge that the two editorial readers of the paper, Professors Julian H. Bonfante and Leo Spitzer, have contributed a few valuable bits of information.