Published online by Cambridge University Press: 02 December 2020
That Milton's theology is remarkable for its independence has often been noted. Although he has something in common with the Fathers, with the Greek philosophers, with the Renaissance metaphysicians, with the Protestant reformers, and with the chief heretical sects of the Reformation, nevertheless, among them all we can nowhere find a parallel for his system; we cannot even find all the elements of which it is composed, nor, indeed, its chief conceptions.
1 A comparison of the De Doctrina Christiana with the Ordinance for the Suppresion of Heresies and Blasphemies, enacted by the Presbyterian parliament of 1648, reveals the fact that had Milton's work on theology then been available five capital charges and eight involving life-imprisonment might have been brought against him.
2 Cf. David Masson, Life of Milton, VI., 839; Denis Saurat, La Pensée de Milton, Paris, 1920, p. 227; Wood, Form and Origin, London, Ontario, 1911, pp. 28-9.
3 Cf. Christian Doctrine, Ch. IV.
4 Cf. Luther's Confession, in Martin Luther, by H. E. Jacobs, New York, 1909, pp. 439-40.
5 P. W., II, 85.
6 Cf. P. W., IV. 167.
7 This fact has misled M. L. Bailey, in her Milton and Jacob Boehme, New York, 1914, to draw a parallel which does not exist. She mistakes the light of mysticism for the light of rationalism.
8 Cf. Boehme's Confessions, London, 1920, especially pp. 1-6.
9 Of course, Milton usually made scripture say whatever his reason told him it should. But in theory, he considered the letter of the Bible final. Cf. P. W., IV., 115-6. We have here a long and abstruse discussion concerning the use and meaning of an article in a scriptural document. Page 173 we read: “The word beginning is interpreted in an active sense on the authority of Aristotle.” This illustrates Milton's method.
10 Cf. all of Ch. XXX, De Doctrina Christiana.
11 In his works, Milton refers to 2200 authors as if he were intimately acquainted with them.
12 A slight examination of his Commonplace Book makes this fact obvious.
13 As far as I know, no ancient pantheist was an orthodox Christian. Furthermore, ancient pantheism was in certain respects quite different from that of the Renaissance. For a résumé of the Renaissance philosophy, especially that of G. Bruno, cf. Windelband, History of Philosophy, London, 1919, 361-71.
14 Dogmengeschichte, Freiburg, 1890, II. 664-5. footnote.
15 Harnack, History of Dogma, London, 1899, VII. 133, note.
16 Hunter, The Teaching of Calvin, 235.
17 Ib., loc. cit.
18 P. W., IV. 8-9.
19 Works, Edinburgh, 1854, V. 226-7.
20 Rise, Growth, and Danger of Socinianisme, London, 1643, p. 6. It is interesting to note here that, although there is really little connection between Socinianism and Anabaptism, Servetus was accused of being the founder of both: of the former, because of his rationalism; of the latter, because of his pantheism, which was confused with mysticism.
21 Ib., “Introduction,” p. 3.
22 M. L. Bailey, Milton and Jacob Boehme, 135-6.
23 Servetus and Calvin, London, 1877, Note, p. 78. Cf. also p. 51: “Servetus's book, everywhere sold freely in the first instance, must have been read by every one of liberal education,—though it became scarce ere long.”
24 L. Bredvold, “Milton and Bodin's Heptaplomeres,” Studies in Philology, April, 1924.
25 P. W., III. 135.
26 Ib., IV. 3.
27 Milton borrowed many points in his complex argument against the Calvinian dogma of absolute predestination from Jacobus Arminius.
28 Cf. Emile. Saisset, “Michel Servet,” Revue des Deux Mondes, 1848, XXI, 585 ff; and 817 ff.
29 The ancient heretic Hermogenes taught a creation-theory almost identical to that of Servetus and Milton, as we learn from Tertullian and Hippolytus, who wrote against him and summarized his doctrines. (Cf. Ante-Nicene Fathers, III. 256, ff; V. 122-3.) But pantheism with Hermogenes signified a very different thing from what it did with the Renaissance metaphysician; for he was one of the first to teach absolute predestination. (Cf. Neander, History of the Church, I., 617).
30 P. L., II, 151.
31 Willis, Servetus and Calvin, p. 330.
32 De Erroribus, 103 a. The quotations in this article from the De Erroribus are taken from the copy in the Library of Congress.
33 Ib., 51 a.
34 Ib., 79 a.
35 Ib., 81 a, b.
36 Ib., 54 a.
37 P. L., VII, 168, 9.
38 Cf. Windelband, A History of Philosophy, pp. 366-77.
39 P. L., V. 469 ff. Cf. P. W., IV. 178. “All things are of God.”
40 Ib., II. 910 ff.
41 P. W., IV, 180.
42 Ib., 178-9.
43 Ib., 180.
44 Ib., 170-1.
45 Ib., 91.
46 P. L., III. 708 ff.
47 Cf. below, p. 927.
48 P. W., IV. 108.
49 P. L., III, 650.
50 Ib., VII, Cf. 171-3.
51 Ib., III, 170.
52 Ib., X. 68.
53 Ib., III. 77.
54 Ib., VII, 556.
55 De Error., 93 b. Cf. also Ib., 80 a., b.
56 Ib., 47 b, 48 a.
57 Ib., 48 b, 49 a.
58 Ib., 50 a.
59 Ib., loc. cit.
60 Ib., 93 a, b.
61 Ib., 50 b.
62 Ib., 21 a, b.
63 Ib., 93 a.
64 Ib., 94 a
65 Ib., 94 b.
66 Ib., 13 a.
67 Ib., 14 b, 15 a.
68 Ib., 102 b, 103 a.
69 P. W., IV. 80-1.
70 Cf. below, p. 926-8.
71 P. L., I. 4.
72 Ib., III. 294.
73 Ib., 308.
74 P. R., I. 164.
75 P. W., IV. 295.
76 Ib., 100.
77 Ib., 288.
78 Ib., 290-2. Here we have an example of Milton's very cautious argumen-tation in regard to ticklish problems in theology. But there can be no doubt that he is here maintaining the absolute oneness of Jesus’ nature. Of course, the orthodox doctrine held the duality of his nature; and Milton says, “I proceed to demonstrate the weakness of the received opinion.” He does not state his con-clusion with great bluntness or emphasis, but the teaching is plain. When he uses the expression “two natures” he is either referring to the doctrine of others concerning Jesus, or to what were his constituent parts before the hypostasis. Now, however, we have one Christ, one ens, one person, that is, an entity or uniy.
79 P. R., IV. 196.
80 Ib., 514-521.
81 P. W., IV. 106-7.
82 Ib., 107-8.
83 Ib., 109.
84 Cf. Trechsel, Antitrinitarier, 139; Milton, P. W., IV. 405–13.
85 De Error., 100 a, b.
86 Willis, 175. This of course, was the old Pelagian argument.
87 Ib., 185. Letter to Calvin.
88 Ib., 186.
89 Ib., 77; from the Dialogues.
90 De Error., 96 b.
91 Willis, 214-5.
92 Ib., 70.
93 Cf. Areopagitica as a whole and especially the passages beginning “I cannot praise,” and “A man may be a heretic in the truth.”
94 P. W., IV. 338.
95 Ib., 342. This, of course, is a denial of the Lutheran theory of justification.
96 Ib., 355.
97 Ib., 349.
98 Ib., 447.
99 Ib., 393.
100 Ib., 390.
101 Ib., 391.
102 Ib., loc. cit.
103 Ib., loc. cit.
104 Ib., 356-8.
105 Ib., 356.
106 P. L., XII. 581 ff.
107 This is exactly what Milton also says; cf. P. W., IV. 43.
108 Willis, 179, Letter to Calvin.
109 Cf. P. L., V. 469 ff.
110 Willis, 185; cf. De Error. 81 b.
111 Cf. P. W., IV. 30-77; P. L. III. 80-343.
112 L. A. Wood, in his Form and Origin of Milton's Antitrinitarian Conception, thinks he has found the source of Milton's theory of the Trinity in the XXX Dialogi of Ochino. I wish to comment briefly on his work.
The most obvious fact is that Wood does not discuss the Trinitarian conception of Milton and Ochino at all, but only the conception of the Second Person; of course, the First and Third Persons are just as important in any discussion of this kind, in order to find the truth, as the other. In the next place, Wood does not discuss any fundamental conceptions, but the merest details and trifles, which we might find in almost any writer on the subject. And, finally, the details which he gives do, in my opinion, by no means express the similarity which he claims for them.
Wood makes a great deal of the fact that Milton and Ochino both wrote in favor of polygamy. One is tempted to think that Wood believed, because they both maintained the theory of polygamy, that Milton's Trinitarian conception must be traced to Ochino. But, as it happens, we have conclusive evidence which shows that there is no significance in this matter. In the Commonplace Book (p. 114)—about which Wood seems to have known nothing—there is an entry from Sir Walter Raleigh, belonging to the period before 1644, which shows that Milton was in favor of polygamy at this comparatively early date. And the following entry, undoubtedly made after that from Raleigh, is from Thuanus. This is a note from the historian to the effect that Sebastian Castellio had translated Ochino's book on polygamy. But beyond this Milton of course knew nothing about Ochino's views on marriage, at that time, although he himself already believed in polygamy. Wood's conclusion that Milton shows the influence of Ochino in his views concerning the marital relationship is certainly unfounded.
Now, as to the Dialogi themselves, and Milton's relation to them: we must remember that Ochino's treatment is a dialogue between persons of different views, and that we cannot tell what the belief of the author actually is. One of the speakers is orthodox and goes under the author's own name—Ochino thought he could shield his own heterodoxy in this way. The title of the dialogue in which we are interested is this: “Concerning the Holy Trinity: it is shown in the same that there exist three Divine Persons: Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, differing in themselves, but consubstantial and alike eternal.” (Benrath, London, 1876, p. 288). Now this, of course, is the perfectly orthodox point of view and that which the speaker called “Ochino” represents. If this were indeed proved, as the title asserts, the churches of Switzerland could not have objected to the dialogue, nor could Milton have derived heresy from it. But Ochino, it was charged, allowed his opponent “Spiritus” (the Spirit of Doubt) to argue better for the heretics than he did for the orthodox. The proposition contained in the title is that which “Ochino,” though somewhat weakly, defends throughout the work. So, if we are going to find anything from which Milton might have drawn his ideas, we must find it in the words of “Spiritus.”
Let us then examine those words in one or two passages at least. Christ is, says Spiritus, “God's Spirit generated by God, who by his voice called the world into being; then by assuming the form of man, he exercised His works as the Logos of God.” (Wood, p. 68). But this is by no means Milton's conception of the problem. Christ, before the incarnation, was not the Spirit, but the Word, the Logos, the Wisdom of God, as Milton clearly says: and after the incarnation was not the Logos, nor did he exercise his works as the Logos, but as a man. This is fundamental. Wood says: “Milton's own words indicate his belief that Christ was of the same essence as the Father.” (p. 64). But this is precisely the thing that the seventy-two pages of Chapter V. in The Christian Doctrine are written to deny. Milton goes deeply into the metaphysics of theology on this subject. I will quote just two passages to illustrate. “Now it is evident that those who have not the same will cannot have the same essence. It appears, however, from many passages, that the Father and the Son have not . . . . the same . . . . will.” (P. W., IV. 100). “The Word therefore is not of the same essence with God.” (Ib., 109). Further, Spiritus says: “He [Christ] was immeasurable, just as the other two persons.” (Wood, 72). But Milton says: “Christ, although exalted to a state of highest glory, exists nevertheless in one definite place, and has not, as some contend, the attribute of ubiquity.” (P. W., IV. 308).
On the basis of what Wood has given us, it would be easy to cite a dozen such discrepancies. And if the passages which Wood quotes are so divergent from Milton's beliefs, the rest of Ochino is probably even more so. Furthermore, Wood does not seem to have clearly understood the terms which he was discussing; for example, instead of hypostasis he says hypothesis, which, theologically, is meaningless. And he also makes the ludicrous blunder of confusing the philosopher Socrates with Socrates Scholasticus. Milton's ideas concerning the Trinity cannot be traced to Ochino.
113 De Error., 33 b, 34 a.
114 P. W., IV. 95.
115 De Error., 29 a, b. Cf. also 37 a, b; 65a, and 85 b. We have here enunciated' in the clearest terms a, modal Trinity. Of course, aTrinity of mode was not the invention of Servetus; the ancient Sabellians, Photinians, etc., were all modalists, and it was probably, as Harnack says, out of their heresies, although they were more or less rational, that the Creed of Nicæa was drawn. The Sabellians, etc., were attempting to justify the belief in Christ's full divinity, which was certainly not accepted during the first century, A. D.; but they never thought of such a Trinity as that conceived by Servetus. Their thinking was crude, naïve, and was suppressed and superseded by that of Athanasius. They never conceived of more than a single existence, or even form of existence at one time. They thought that the Father had existed from the beginning or from eternity, in a more or less anthropomorphic state; that he came to. earth, and, for thirty-three years, continued to exist as the Son, the Father being then no more; and, after the resurrection, both Father and Son having ceased to exist, the Deity is now Holy Spirit alone. It is easy to see that Servetus' thought has nothing in common with this ancient, simple, and naïve ratiocination. Cf. Harnack, History of Dogma, London, 1897, HI. 1-113. Servetus himself, however, felt, that because he said that God had gone over into humanity in Jesus, he might be accused of Patripassianism; but he found it very easy to refute any such imputation, which he did at length. Cf. De Erroribus, 76 a, b; 77 a.
116 Ib., 67 a.
117 Ib., 109 b.
118 Willis, 405-6. From the Restitutio Christianismi.
119 De Error., 47 b; 48b.
120 Ib., 50 b.
121 Ib., 87 a.
122 Ib., 88 b.
123 Ib., 107 a.
124 Ib., 103 a.
125 Ib., 106 a.
126 Ib., loc. cit.
127 Ib., 107 a, b.
128 Ib., 67 a.
129 Ib., 22 b, 23 a.
130 Ib., 29 a.
131 Ib., 31 b–32 a.
132 Ib., 62 a.
133 Ib., 61 a.
134 Ib., 60 a–b.
135 Ib., 60 b–61 a.
136 Ib., 66 a.
137 Ib., 110 a–b.
138 Milton here, of course, refers to the Son, the man Jesus.
139 P. W., IV. 133.
140 Ib., 169.
141 “Primo hic [Christ] est Jesus Christus [who is to be regarded as a man in the N. T.]; Secundo, hic est filius Dei; Tertio, hic est Deus.” (De Error. 2 a).
142 P. L., VII, 192. Notice the Platonic significance of the first line.
143 Ib., 163.
144 Ib., X. 68.
145 Powerful here means “might-possessing.”
146 Ib., VII. 208. Cf. also P. W., IV. 170-1.
147 Ib., 551.
148 P. L., III. 650.
149 Ib., 372 ff.
150 P. W., IV. 109.
151 P. L., III. 170
152 Ib., V. 719.
153 Ib., VI, 680.
154 Ib., III. 383.
155 Ib., III. 138.
156 Ib., X. 85.
157 Ib., III. 62.
158 Ib., VII. 196.
159 Ib., VIII. 403 ff.
160 P. W., IV. 188.
161 This is the vitalizing aspect of God.
162 Ib., 151.
163 Ib., 153-4.
164 Ib., 155.
165 Ib., loc. cit.
166 Ib., 156.
167 P. L., XII. 519, 20.
168 Both Servetus and Milton similarly define eternity and from the beginning to mean “a very long time” or “from the foundation of the visible universe.” Cf. De Error., 80 b, 81 a; P. W., IV. 23; 131.
169 P. W., IV. 163.
170 Ib., 175.
171 Ib., 166.
172 P. L., VII. 234.
173 P. W., IV. 119-20.
174 P. L., VII. 7.
175 Willis, 56.
176 P. L., I. 6.
177 Cf. P. W., IV, 169.
178 P. L., I. 17.
179 De Error., 107 a.
180 P. L., III. 1.
181 Cf. Ib., V. 830-42; P. W., IV. 80-1.