^{Note 1 in page 121} Ed. R. Bechstein, Leipzig, 1869 (Deutsche Classiker, vii), i, 129; cf. Miss Weston's translation, London, 1899, i, 25-26.

^{Note 1 in page 122} The Lai de Graelent was first published by Roquefort in his Poesies de Marie de France, Paris, 1820, i, 486-541. It is also printed in Barbazan and Méon's Fabliaux, iv, 57 ff., and in Renouard's edition of Le Grand d'Aussy, 1829, i, App. 16 ff. It was edited by g. Gullberg, along with Espine, in a rather obscure publication, Deux lais du xiii^e siècle pub. d'après les mss. de la Bibl. Nat. de Paris, Kalmar (Sweden), 1876. In the Strengleikar (see p. 123, below), we find a fragmentary Grelentz Saga, which is but a prose translation of the French poem, but does not get farther than to line 158. In one of the two French mss. of the lay, it is called an aventure. It is probably because he had such a heading in his ms. that the Old Norse translator called his version a saga, while all the rest of the stories in the volume are called Ij.

^{Note 2 in page 122} See G. Paris, Romania, viii, 33.

^{Note 3 in page 122} Tristan, ed. Francisque Michel, London, 1839, iii, 39.

^{Note 1 in page 123} The story may be found, e. g., in another Old French lay, Ignaure, in the romance of Jakemes Sakeseps, Le Châtelain de Couci, in Boccaccio's novel of Guiscardo and Ghismonda (iv, 1), and in many popular ballads like the English Lady Diamond. It is fully discussed by G. Paris, Rom., viii, 343 ff.; Hist. Litt., xxviii, 352 ff.; Hermann Patzig, Zur Gesch. der Herzmäre, Berlin, 1891; Ahlström, Studier i den Fornfranska Lais-Litteraturen, Upsala, 1892, pp. 125 ff.; Child, English and Scottish Popular Ballads, Part ix, pp. 29 ff.

^{Note 2 in page 123} See Michel, Tristan, iii, 95.

^{Note 3 in page 123} Ed. Keyser and Unger, Christiania, 1850, pp. 57 ff. Haakon ruled Norway from 1217 to 1263.

^{Note 1 in page 124} “Margir segia essa sogu me orum hætti. en ei las ec annat en nu hefi ec sagt yr.” (p. 61.)

^{Note 2 in page 124} Herzmäre, p. 18.

^{Note 3 in page 124} Die Lais der Marie de France, ed. Karl Warnke (Bibl. Norm., iii), Halle, 1885, p. 64, ll. 253 ff. Lays are frequently said by their authors to have two names. The Lai d'Ignaure is also called Lai del Prison (p. 30); the Lai d'Eliduc was called after the two heroines by the Breton names Guildeluec ha Guilljadun (v. 21). In another of Marie's lays there is a discussion at the end whether it should be called Quatre Dols or Le Chaitivel (Chait., 204 ff.)—cf. Hertz, Spielmannsbuch, Stuttgart, 1886, p. 310. Guiron, however, is not an uncommon name; cf. Guiron le Courtois (Giron il Cortese), and Löseth's Prose Tristan, pp. 514-15.

^{Note 4 in page 124} Altd. Wälder, ed. by the brothers Grimm, Frankfurt, 1816, iii, 33-34; Wacknernagel's Altd. Lesebuch, 2nd ed., p. 583.

^{Note 1 in page 125} Ed. Scholl, Stuttgart, 1852, ll. 11, 562 ff.

^{Note 2 in page 125} Bodmer's Sammlung von Minnesingern, Zürich, 1758, I, 44.

^{Note 3 in page 125} Ueber die Lais Sequenzen u. Leiche, Heidelberg, 1841, pp. 237-38.

^{Note 4 in page 125} Marie's Lois, ed. Warnke, p. lxxxi, note 1.

^{Note 1 in page 126} See below, pp. 143-177. Cf. Zimmer, Zt. f. franz. Sp. u. Litt., xiii, 7 ff.; Wend. Foerster, Der Karrenritter, 1899, p. 481.

^{Note 2 in page 126} The reference to Guingamor in the continuation of the Perceval by Gaucher de Dourdan should be noted in this connection as one of the many bits of evidence of the familiarity of romance-writers with lays (see Schofield, “Lay of Guingamor,” p. 242). Many lays are referred to which are not extant, cf., e. g., Chrétien's Yvain, ed. Foerster, 11. 2152ff.; Roman de Renard, ed. Méon, 12, 149 ff. The hero Guingamiers is mentioned in Diu Krône, 2333; cf. Sir Gringamore in Malory, Bk. vii. The form Guing(a)-appears as the first element of many other proper names, e. g., Guinglain, Guingalet, Guingambresil, Guingalois. The ending -mor (-muer) of Celtic words was confused with amor and other endings of names which, though similar in sound, were of different origin.

^{Note 3 in page 126} Wolf (Ueber die Lais, p. 238) first connected him with the hero of the lay. Zimmer has traced his career in Zt. f. franz. Sp. u. Litt., xiii, 11 ff. For a full account of his life, so far as it is known, see De la Borderie, Histoire de Bretagne, Rennes and Paris, 1896, i, 311-325; cf. also F. Lot, Rom., xxiv, 516; Wend. Foerster, Der Karrenritter, p. cxvi; Dom Plaine, Grallonle-Grand, roi des Bretons d'Armorique, (Revue hist. de l'Ouest, 1893, p. 701).

^{Note 1 in page 127} Ca. 505, according to De la Borderie, i, 325.

^{Note 2 in page 127} See de la Borderie, i, 324; Zimmer, pp. 14 ff.

^{Note 3 in page 127} Analyzed by P. Paris, Hist. Litt., xxii, 313-14; cf. 302.

^{Note 1 in page 128} See G. Paris, Litt. franç. au moyen âge., 2nd. ed., p. 247; cf. § 24.

^{Note 2 in page 128} Ed. Wheatley, E. E. T. S., 1865, p. 442.

^{Note 3 in page 128} Le Roman de Merlin, ed. Sommer, London, 1894, from a ms. of about 1316, which has (p. 316): “Illuec se prouerent bien li crestien car malgre tous leur anemis remonterent Karados et li amena Brios del Piastre j cheual dont il ot abatu le roy Grailenc,” etc.

^{Note 4 in page 128} Note also that in Der jüngere Titurel, ed. K. A. Hahn, 1842, p. 205, l. 2060, we read of “Der fürste Marbisine des herzentum Gralande.”

^{Note 1 in page 129} Ed. Roquefort, i, 202 ff; ed. Erling, Kempten, 1883; but best by Warnke, Bibl. Normanniea, iii (Halle, 1885), 86 ff; cf. the O. N. translation Ianuals Ljó in Strengleikar, pp. 69 ff, where, however, the ms. being defective, the part corresponding to the first 154 lines is unfortunately missing.

^{Note 2 in page 129} G. Paris, in a brief note on Kolls, Zur Lanval Sage (Rom., xv, 644), leaves the question open: “Reste à savoir si les deux poèmes out une source commune, ou si l'on a influencé l'autre.” There is no real trace of influence either way; see below, p. 170, note.

^{Note 1 in page 133} “Lay of Guingamor” (Harvard Studies and Notes, iv, 1897, 236 ff.)

^{Note 2 in page 133} Dr. K. H. Hermes published about 600 lines of the text under the heading Die Wielandsage im F. v. S., in von der Hagen's Germania, vii (1846), 95-115. The poem was first analysed by Langer in Gräter's Bragur, ein Literarisches Magazin der Teutschen u. Nord. Vorzeil, Leipzig, vi, i (1798), 181-189; vi, ii (1800), 189-205; vii, I (1802), 209-235. Cf. Uhland, Schriften, i, 481 ff.; Grimm, Deut. Heldensage, 310 ff.; 473; Raszmann, Die deut. Heldensage u. ihre Heimat, 1857/8, 2nd ed., 1863, ii, 265; Jiriczek, Deut. Heldensagen, 1898, i, 24 ff.; Paul's Grundriss, 2nd. ed., i/i, 642.

^{Note 3 in page 133} Ludvig Voss announces an edition of the poem in his dissertation, Ueberlief. u. Verfassenchaft des M.H.D. Ritterromans, F. v. S., Münster, 1895.

^{Note 1 in page 137} Paul's Grundriss, 2nd ed., iii, 722 ff.; cf. Jiriczek, Deutsche Helden Sagen, i, 9 ff, 24 ff.; F. Jónsson, Den Oldnorske og Oldisl. Litt. Hist., Copenhagen, 1893, i, 204 ff.; Detter, Arkiv f. Nord. Fil., iii, 309 ff.; Niedner, Zt. f. d. Alt., xxxiii, 36 ff.

^{Note 1 in page 138} Note that the metrical French Dolopathos of Herbert (ed. Brunet and Montaiglon, Paris, 1856) is an amplification of a Latin prose version of Johannes de Alta Silva, written ca. 1185, and first published by Oesterley in 1873 (see Rom., ii, 500). It contains, as I have pointed out (“ Lay of Guingamor,” pp. 231 ff.), a swan-maiden story very similar to that in Guingamor and in our lay. It is important to observe in this connection that this particular story was separately translated from the Latin of Johannes into German prose, which translation is now preserved in a paper MS. of the 15th century (Haupt and Hoffmann, Altd. Blätter, i, 128 ff). It has a few lines of verse at the beginning and the end. This swan-maiden story is not connected with Wayland, and has no such definite points of contact with our lay, as are found in the Friedrich version; but its history shows us that the Wayland story, current in France, and embodied in the Graelent, may possibly have got into German through some Latin redaction.

^{Note 2 in page 138} See Bragur, vii, i, 225-6; Voss, op. cit., pp. 37 ff.

^{Note 1 in page 139} “Les Romans Arthuriens” (Revue Celtique, xiii, 484).

^{Note 1 in page 140} Could this confusion of Gurûn with Grâlant be due to a vague reminiscence of the fact that Galant made drinking cups out of the heads of King Nithuth's sons and sent them to the unfortunate father, who drank from them at a feast ? This eating of the heart of one's nearest and dearest is common enough in Scandinavian tradition. Indeed, as Ahlström suggests (p. 135), Gurûn may itself come from Gurún, who served up to her husband Atli the hearts of his two sons Erp and Eitil (Gurún passing into Gurûn as Gradlon into Graelen, the dental spirant disappearing early in the Celtic languages; see Zimmer, Zt. f. fr. Sp., xiii, 4, 5; Z. D. A., xxxii, 245, note 3). In Germany the Nibelungen stories, which told of Regin and Sigurth cooking the heart of Fáfnir, and of the cutting of the hearts of Gunnar and Högni from their breasts, must have been very familiar. No early Celtic motive of this kind has as yet been pointed out. It is interesting to observe that the poem in which Guiron is first mentioned, viz., the Tristan, is that in which Northern influence is most manifest.

In the Wilkina Saga, King Nithuth is represented as hamstringing Wayland in order to keep him with him. The king was at war with his enemies. Wayland did him a service for which a great reward had been promised. The king, however, wag ungrateful and refused to recompense him for his service. The smith felt himself unjustly treated, but had to continue in the employ of the king. This is not unlike the Graelent story.

^{Note 1 in page 141} King Grallon still lives in popular tradition in Armorica. See Ferd. Lot, Rom., xxiv, 516, who cites Annales de Bretagne, Nov., 1894, p. 63. Cf. further Th. de la Villemarqué, Barzas-Breiz, Paris, 1839, pp. xiii, and (for the legend of St. Ronan in which Grallon figures) 315 ff.

^{Note 1 in page 142} This is the superscription of the lay in the ms. of the end of the 13th century from which G. Paris has published his Lais Inéditazs; see Rom., viii, 32-33.

^{Note 2 in page 142} Zt. f. from. Sp., xiii, 6.

^{Note 1 in page 143} Brizeux (Gramm. Celto-Bretonne, 2nd ed., 1838, cited by R. Köhler, p. lxxxii, note 1) says: “Sous la Ligue on chantait encore le Graalen-Môr, qui a tant fourni aux romans de la Table-Ronde; et l'on chante toujours: Ar roué Graalen zô enn Iz bez.”

^{Note 2 in page 143} Cf. Guingalet, Gringalet; Guingamor, Gringamore; Gifflet, Grifflet, etc. There are plenty of instances of an adventitious -r- of this kind, so that this simple addition would in no way disturb him. See Add. note, p. 180.

^{Note 3 in page 143} It is very instructive to observe how the name of an historical Norseman, the famous viking Guormr, against whom Alfred the Great strove successfully, found its way into the romances, and underwent numerous transformations. We find it in Gottfried's Tristan in the form Gurmun; and this name too seems to have been confused with Gurun in the mss. of Anséis de Carthage (see above, p. 123). Hertz in an interesting note to his translation of the Tristan (Stuttgart, 1877, pp. 569-79) discusses the romantic history of this personage, and cites the following forms of his name: Gurum, Gudrum, Godrum, Gurun, Gydhrun; Guthram, Gythram, Guntram, Gunther, Gountere, Guderus, Gytro, etc. By Geoffrey and his contemporaries he was usually called: Gurmund, Gormund, Wermund; by Wace also, Guermons, Gormons. He was also confused with Gorm(o). See Ferd. Lot (Rom., xxvii, 18-47), who writes as follows (p. 47): “En résumé, Gormond est parfaitement historique: il résulte de la fusion deVurmo, chef danois, qui fit campagne en France en 881 et 882, et du viking d'Angleterre, Guthorm (Gudrum), que nous voyons sons les murs de Cirencestre en 879. Ses exploits et le stratagème fabuleux par lequel il s'empara de cette ville [see Geoffrey, xi, 8, 10; xii, 2] étaient déjà racontés dans le poème du xi^e siècle et ont pour origine une saga ou au moins un recit scandinave.” Note also the transformation of the Scandinavian name, Hengist, which became in French Angius, Anguis, in Malory King Anguish; cf. the English Merline (Percy Folio MS., I, 424-25), where King Anguis, “The Danish King,” is the leader of many “Sarazens,” who “wrought in England mickle woe.”

^{Note 1 in page 144} Another good example of scribal variations we may find in the forms of the proper names in Marie's lay of Yonec, where one scribe writes the hero's name variously: Ywenet, Iwenec, Yuunec, Tonec; another Dyonet, Iomet, Dyomet, Yonet, Ionet. His father is called Muldumarec, Murdimalet, Nusdumaret, Eudemaree. In the same lay the city of Caerwent, Canvent, Caruent, Caruot, Cacruet, Carnant, is said to be on the river Duëlas, Dualas, Ditalas.

^{Note 1 in page 145} “Sur l'Origine du Chevalier au Lion” (Mélanges de phil. romane, dédiés à Carl Wahlund, Macon, 1896), p. 299.

^{Note 2 in page 145} Studier, pp. 54-55.

^{Note 3 in page 145} On this place see Hertz, Spielmannsbuch, p. 327.

^{Note 4 in page 145} Kuhn's Zt. f. vergl. Sprachforschung, xviii, 1869, 59 ff.

^{Note 1 in page 146} See W. A. Neilson, “Origins and Sources of the Court of Love” (Harvard Studies and Notes, vi, 1899).

^{Note 1 in page 147} On the Potiphar's wife episode, see Schofield, “Lay of Guingamor,” p. 237. Rhŷs says (Studies in the Arthurian Legend, p. 228): “The Mórrigu or Great Queen's antagonism to Cuchulainn was explained thus in Irish mythology: In a weak moment she made love to him, and he gave her a rebuff which she keenly resented.” With the situation in Guingamor and other similar stories, cf. that in the Hjalmters og Ölvers Saga, ch. 8 (Fornmanna Sögur, iii, 469 ff): Hjalmter refuses the advances of his step-mother (cf. Seven Sages) and treats her roughly. She proceeds to have her revenge. In chapter 9, the hero vainly pursues a hind in a forest, which leads him to a giant's cave. This is evidently a result of the step-mother's machinations. Hjalmter wishes to kill the giant “ok lúka sva stjúpmour mina sendiförina á sem hun hefir sendt okkr hingat til hans” (p. 472).

In the popular ballad, The Queen of Scotland (Child, No. 301), a queen in the king's absence invites young Troy Muir to her bower and bed.

‘O God forbid,‘ this youth then said,

'That ever I drie sic blame

As ever to touch the queen's bodie,

Altho the king's frae hame.'

When that he had these words spoken

She secretly did say,

'Some evil I shall work this man,

Before that it be day.'

This ballad contains nought but motives of romance. The queen tells the hero that “if he will lift a stone in the garden he will find in a pit under the stone gold enough to buy a dukedom. The next morning Troy Muir lifts the stone, and a long-starved serpent winds itself around his middle. A maid comes by and allays the serpent's rage by cutting off her pap for him. Troy Muir is immediately released, and the wound in the maid's breast heals in an hour.” Later she recovers her pap. Miss Harper has shown (Mod. Lang. Notes, Nov., 1898) the connection between this tale and that of Carados and the serpent in the Perceval, and her argument has been discussed at length by Gaston Paris, “Carados et le Serpent,” in Rom., xxviii, 1899, 214-231. I may add that in the Prose Lancelot the hero is urged to open a tomb to see what it contains, and that, when he does so, a dragon emerges. This story is contained in Malory's Morte Darthur, Bk. xi, ch. 1; see Sommer's edition, iii, 191 ff.

The hero's name, Troy Muir, seems to be only a corruption of Tryamour, though, as Professor Child observes, the ballad has no likeness to the romance so called (ed. Halliwell, Percy Soc., vol. xvi, 1846). It should be noted that the fay in Chestre's poem is called Dame Tryamour, and that the fair maiden whom Friedrich von Schwaben wins at the fountain is the daughter of a King Triamer. Tryamour is, except in Chestre's poem, where I suspect a misunderstanding, a man's name. It is the name of the King of Wales in Sir Tristrem, ed. Kölbing, 1882, 11. 2300 ff. In the English Merlin (ed. Wheatley, E. E. T. S., 594) we find a “Triamores, casteleyn of Cambenyk.” Sir Tryamour, the English romance, is mentioned along with Sir Lancelot of the Lake, The Knight of the Swan, Sir Bevis, and Sir Guy as having been read by Rowlands, who wrote a poem on Guy of Warwick in 1608 (see Rowlands' Works, Hunterian Club, 1874, ii, 8). See below, p. 160, n. 2.

^{Note 1 in page 148} Geoffrey of Monmouth (Bk. xi, ch. 7) says of Malgo, King of Britain, that he was “omnium fere Britanniae pulcerrimus, .... robustus armis, largior ceteris: and ultra modum probitate præclarus, nisi Sodomitana peste volutatus.” A similar statement is made of Guendoloena in Bk. ii, ch. 6. Note in this connection that the fights of Arthur with the Picts and Scots, referred to in the introduction to Marie's lay, are recounted by Geoffrey, Bk. ix, ch. 1 ff. The Duke of Cornwall, moreover, plays a prominent part in Lanval (11. 435 ff.) as in Geoffrey, Bk. ix, ch. 5, 15; Bk. x, ch. 6, 9. It looks as if Marie knew Geoffrey's work, and was influenced by it in minor details. (See on this point Brugger, Zt. f. fr. Sp. u. Lit., xx (1898), 122 ff.; Ferd. Lot, Rom., xxviii (1898), 47, n. 2). On the prevailing vice alluded to by Marie, see, however, Alwin Schultz, Das höfische Leben zur Zeit der Minnesinger, Leip., 1879, i, 455, n. 3, 456, n. 1, 457.

^{Note 1 in page 149} On the reason for this shift, see below, pp. 168 ff.

^{Note 2 in page 149} For example, Hertz, Spielmannsbuch, p. 324; G. Paris, Hist. Litt., xxx, 9.

^{Note 1 in page 151} Edited first by G. Ellis, Le Grand d'Aussy's Fabliaux, translated by G. L. Way, London, 1800, 2nd ed., 1815; again by Ritson, Ancient Eng. Met. Romances, London, 1802 (ed. Goldsmid, Edin., 1885, ii, 1-33; or, with Lib. Desc., separately, 1891), but best by Erling, Kempten, 1883; cf. Ward, Cat. of Roms., i, 416. The shorter English version Sir Lambewell may be found in Bishop Percy's Folio MS., ed. Hales and Furnivall, London, 1867, i, 142 ff.; Kittredge, “Launfal,” Amer. Journal of Philology, x, No. 1; cf. Zupitza, Herrig's Archiv, lxxxviii, 68; Kaluza, Engl. Studien, xviii, 168 ff.; Sarrazin, id., xxii, 331 f.

^{Note 1 in page 155} Ed. Francisque Michel, Lais Inédits, Paris, 1836, pp. 5 ff.; cf. Strengleikar, pp. 37 ff.

^{Note 2 in page 155} In Marie's lay of Milun an and d'or serves as a means of recognition of a son by his father. The following lines may perhaps throw light on the relation of the alner to the rest of the gift:

“al col li pendirent l'anel

e une almosniere de seie

avuec le brief que nuls nel veie“ (96 ff.).

Milun also went about “chercher les turneiemenz” (376). Cf. Ywain's ring given him by his lady; see Ahlström, Mélanges Wahlund, pp. 297-98. There are numerous instances of such magic rings.

^{Note 1 in page 157} Gt. has no name for the horse, but in Chestre it is called Blaunchard. This is found elsewhere as the name of a horse, e. g., in Sir Generides (ed. Furnivall, Roxburghe Club, Hertford, 1865, ll. 4146, 4447, 4825, 7951, and especially 9280). Cf. 4825-6:

Blaunchard he spored, his goode stede,

That as the winde ondre him yede.

Again in Garin le Lohérain, ed. P. Paris, p. 238, we read of le bon liamier called Blanchart: “Begon n'eût pas donné Blanchart pour cent marcs de deniers.” Cf. Raimbert de Paris, Chev. d'Ogier de Danemarche, 9899 ff.:

Hon li amaine Bauçant son arragon

Ainc an si bon ne monta li frans hons

Fors seul Baiart, etc.

The horse Baiart is really the hero of the romance of Renaud de Montaubon. But it is particularly interesting that a horse Baiart plays an important part in the Lai del Doon (Paris, Lais Inedits, Rom., viii, 61 ff). He was faster than a swan and his master would not have parted with him for two castles. The conclusion of Gt. is strikingly like that of the lay of Doon:

L'aventure du bon destrier

L'aventure du chevalier

Cum il s'en ala od sa Mie,

Fu par tute Bretaigne oïe,

Un lai en firent li Bretun,

Graalent-Mor l'apela un.

De lui et de son bon destrier,

Et de son filz qu'il ot molt chier,

Et des jornées qu'il erra.

Por la dame que il ama,

Firent les notes li Breton

Du lay c'om apele Doon.

The horse in Lf. was doubtless called Blaunchard rather than Baiart because Gt.'s horse was white (Sun blanc cheval fist amener, 641). These two names, it should be noted, are elsewhere confused in different versions of one and the same romance: in the English prose Ipomedon (ed. Kölbing, Breslau, 1889, pp. 341, 348) we read of a horse called Blaunchard, while in the metrical English version A (id., ll. 3551, 4152) it is named Blokan (Bloncan), which corresponds to Baucan in the French of Hue de Rotelande (ed. Kölbing and Koschwitz, ll. 4428, 4464). Hertz points out (Spielmannsbuch, pp. 350 f.) that the names of horses are usually taken from their color, e. g., Morel (black), Fauvel (fox), Sorel (sorrel), Liart (bright grey), Baiart (bay), Ferrant (iron-grey), Bauzant (dappled), etc.; cf. the Lai du vair Palefroi (Barbazan-Méon, Fabliaux, i, 164 ff.); also the names of Cuchulinn's horse, The Grey of Macha, and of Sigurth's, Grani.

^{Note 1 in page 159} See Eleanor Hull, The Cuchullin Saga in Irish Literature (Grimm Library, No. 8), London, 1898, pp. 244, 254, 260 ff.; cf. the description of the steed in the “Wooing of Emer,” op. cit., p. 61.

^{Note 2 in page 159} Adamnan's Life of St. Columba, ed. Reeves (Historians of Scotland, vol. vi), Bk. iii, p. 96.

^{Note 3 in page 159} Norræn. Fornkvæi, ed. Bugge, 1867, p. 266, sts. 4, 5; cf. Corpus Poeticum Boreale, i, 317. This lay was written not later than ca. 950; see Finnur Jónsson, Den Oldnorske og Oldislandske Litteraturs Historie, Copenhagen, 1893 ff., i, 297. The names of the steeds of the Old Norse gods are mentioned in Snorri's Gylfaginning, ch. 15. On magic horses see Reiffenberg, Chevalier au Cygne, i, cxv.

^{Note 1 in page 160} Chestre may have taken this name from the romance of Valentine and Orson (Sans Nom), which was popular in his day. A summary of it may be found in Ashton's Romances of Chivalry, 1887, pp. 235 ff. As Ashton says: “This romance is undoubtedly of French origin, and the British Museum has a fine MS. of it (10 E. iv. Royal). The earliest known printed copy is one by Jac. Maillet, Lyons, 1489, and it was a favorite both with the early French and Italian presses.” It was printed by the early English printers, Wynkyn de Worde and Copland. An old Swedish version was published in 1846 (Samlingar utg. af Svenska Fornskrift-söllskapet, iii). Cf. G. Paris, Rom., xxvii, 325-26. A Valentin is mentioned in Wace's Brut, l. 6121.

^{Note 2 in page 160} Lf., too, agrees, strangely enough, with Friedrich von Schwaben in certain seemingly significant points: 1. Each hero had served his king for ten years; 2. Each had to send his followers from him because of his poverty: in Hermes' summary of the German poem (Germ., vii, 98) we read: “nachdem all sein geld verzehrt ist, sieht er sich genöthigt, die diener die ihn begleiten, nach hause zu schicken und allein weiter zu ziehen”—Lf. has to part with his two followers because all his money is spent (see 127-180); 3. In F. von S. the father of the hero's amie is the daughter of King Triamer of Arabia—in Lf. she is a king's daughter and is herself called Tryamour (see above, p. 147, n.). These features in the German poem are not really connected with the swan-maiden episode, however, and may simply be taken as additional evidence that its author was familiar with the same sort of tradition that found its way into Thomas Chestre's poem.

^{Note 1 in page 162} Guinevere's reputation as an adultress was by this time well established. Cf. the ballad of King Arthur and King Cornwall (Child, No. 30) in which the latter says (st. 24) that he has had a daughter by King Arthur's wife, and refers to the King as “that kindly cockward.”

^{Note 1 in page 163} Ed. Pio Rajna, “Per nozze Cassin-D'Ancona,” Florence, 1893, Sts. 15-51; cf. the review of Luigi Morissengi, Giornale Storico, xxi, 478; g. Paris, Rom., vii, 23.

^{Note 3 in page 163} See Rom., vii, 23.

^{Note 1 in page 164} Miss Lucy A. Paton has called my attention to this story. See D'Ancona, Una Poesia et una Prosa di A. Pucci, Bologna, 1870, p. 15.

^{Note 2 in page 164} See Warnke, Lais, p. lxxxiv. R. Köhler cites also a large number of Italian and other popular tales which are related to this story. Morissengi (Giorn. Stor., xxi, 478) believes Florimont to be more closely connected with our cycle than it really is.

^{Note 1 in page 166} See on this matter Alfred Nutt, “The Happy Otherworld,” in The Voyage of Bran (Grimm Library, No. 4), London, 1895; Studies in the Legend of the Holy Grail, 1888, p. 232.

^{Note 2 in page 166} Berichte über die Verhandlungen der König. Sächs. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Phil.-hist. Classe, 1884, pp. 336 ff.; cf. D'Arbois de Jubainville, L'Épopée Celtique en Irlande, Paris, 1892, i, 320 ff.; Eleanor Hull, The Cuchulinn Saga (Grimm Library, No. 8), London, 1898, pp. 96 ff.

^{Note 1 in page 170} Graelent cannot well be, as some have suggested, a working-over of the extant lay of Lanval. There are no traces in it of the phraseology and allusions peculiar to Marie, no significant agreements with her poem in features where we may suppose it to vary from the original story. Nor could any one reasonably hold the opposite view that Marie revised Gt. The theory advanced by Amaury Duval, in his discussion of our lays (Hist. Litt., xix, 721), is obviously untenable: “Nous ne saurions dire lequel a été composé le premier. Ce que l'on peut supposer avec quelque vraisemblance, c'est que le lai qui porte un titre breton (Graëlen) a été le premier traduit, et qu'en conséquence le lai de Lanval, n'en est qu'une contrefaçon. Il est à croire que Marie de France (car nous la regardons comme auteur de l'un et de l'autre lais) reproduisit en d'autres termes, et avec quelques additions ce qu'elle avait d'abord écrit en traductrice fidèle.”

^{Note 1 in page 171} Macha, the hero's amie in the Irish story of Noinden Ulad, which we have seen to be so close a parallel to our lays, is said in the longer version to be the daughter of Sainreth mac Imbaith, which D'Arbois interprets (op. cit., p. 325, note) as Strange, son of Ocean, an appropriate name for a king of the otherworld. He points out how similar are Macha's relations with Crundchu to those of Fand with Cuchullin, both Macha and Fand being fays, who have come from the otherworld to live with mortals. Now Fand was the wife of the god Manannain mac Lir, that is, M. the son of Ocean (for Imbaith and Lir are synonymous). Thus Macha the fay is the granddaughter of Ocean, and Fand the fay is also the granddaughter (by marriage) of Ocean. Is it accidental that in Chestre's Launfal, the only place where the father of the fay is mentioned, we read:

Her fadyr was king of fayrye,

Of Occient fer and nye,

A man of mochel myte? (280 ff.).

The fay Macha came from the lands of “fayrye,” where her father was king. Ocean, the name of this king, could easily be transferred to his kingdom, the watery waste under which the realms of fairy monarchs were often placed (cf. King Underwaves). We have plenty of instances of the confusion of the names of places and persons (among them Gralant—cf. p. 128, n. 4, above, and Lanval—cf. p. 177, below). Occient, moreover, cannot well mean anything but Ocean, for if it be a corruption of Occident, or Orient, the words “fer and nye” are not suitable, any more than is such a location for the land of “fayrye.” Some may find in this slight agreement of Chestre with the Macha story, evidence that the English poet did not borrow direct from Gt., but rather from the source of the incidents the two lays have in common; but I think it very unlikely that such was the case. In settling this question, Chestre's attitude toward his work must be taken into consideration. We must not forget that, like the author of Gt., he too consciously expanded the version of the lay he had before him, and borrowed material from every quarter. Marie said that the fay was carried to Avalon. Chestre represents her father as king of Oleroun (confusing the real with the mythical isle), as well as of “fayrye” and “Occient,” evidently not following any one definite story, but simply supplying these details from his general knowledge of fairy lore. My conjecture, that the obscure Occient in the English poem is to be explained by the con- fusion of the name of the king of “fayrye” in Irish stories with that of his realm, may prove to be right; but certainly it should not be used as an argument to establish the relations of the versions of our story. Chestre, like Chaucer, lived in a land which they both knew to have been at one time, according to common belief, “fulfild of fayerye,” and we must not be too definite in stating just where they got their information on a subject so familiar to all.

^{Note 1 in page 172} See Véland le Forgeron, par G. B. Depping et Francisque Michel, Paris, 1833; English translation, with additions, by S. W. Singer, London, 1847.

^{Note 2 in page 172} Cited Michel, op. cit., p. 93. This work, though in its present form of the 15th century, is based on a much earlier source.

^{Note 1 in page 173} Espervier, Ombre, Conseil, Amors, Aristote, Oiselet, are in no real sense “Breton.”

^{Note 1 in page 174} See Rom., viii, 59.

^{Note 1 in page 175} Landavall may possibly point to a Latin redaction; cf. Landavallense Monasterium, below, p. 177. Chestre's poem is headed Launfal(us) Miles.

^{Note 1 in page 176} In Lanval the events are said to take place at Kardoil, where Arthur is sojourning to defend Loengre (the middle and southern part of England) against the inroads of the Picts and Scots. Zimmer (Zt. f. franz. Sp. u. Litt., xiii, 1891, 93-94), asserts that this is a true picture of the historical situation in northern England in 1092, and that the mention of Cardoel as Arthur's residence in the matière de Bretagne is a Breton souvenir of the events of 1091-1092 on the Scottish border. He has no doubt (Gött. Gel. Anzeigen, 1890, p. 798; Zt. f. franz. Sp. u. Litt., xii, 234, 235 note, 239; xiii, 16 and note) that the lay goes back to Breton sources, and that the Bretun mentioned in it are Armorican Bretons, not Cymry. He regards the hero's name as identical with that of the parish of Lanval (Lanvaux) in the present district of Morbihan, France, and thinks that, therefore, the lay probably represents the form of the fay story which circulated in Vannes, “Die Guigomar Version aus Leon, die Graelent Version aus Cornouaille im letzten Grunde, und romanisierte Bretonen der Haute-Bretagne haben beide Versionen den Franzosen übermittelt.”

Loth urges (Rev. Celtique, xiii, 1892, 481) that the two names of hero and place may have nothing to do with each other. The oldest forms of the name of the parish, he points out, are Lanvas, 1177; Lauvas, 12th century; Lanvaos, 1264; and there is another Lanvaux in Baud. “Lanvaux étant en territoire bretonnant, le sens de ce mot et sa forme primitive d'après les formes jusqu'ici connues, restent incertains. Le nom d'homme Lanval peut n'avoir rien de celtique que le premier terme et avoir été formé comme Perceval. Lanvaux (au xvii Landavallense monasterium) peut n'être qu'une fausse interprétation française d'un mot breton différent.”

F. Lot also makes light of Zimmer's contentions (Rom., xxiv, 520; xxv, 12-13), and suggests that Lanval may be a deformation of the same Celtic name to which Lancelot goes back. “Ce nom [Lancelot] n'est certainement pas celtique. Il rappelle Lancelin, diminutif ou hypocoristique germanique de Lantbert, Lantfrid, etc. Il n'est pas douteux que ce ne soit Lancelin qui ait influencé et déformé un nom celtique qui personne n'a réussi jusqu'ici à reconstituer.” (Cf. Foerster, Karrenritter, p. xli.)

Freymond remarks, in his account of Version P of the Livre d'Artus (Zt. f. franz. Sp. u. Litt., xvii, 1895, pp. 17 note, 19 note): “1st es reiner Zufall, dass das Lambale in der Namensform von Guiomars Vetter Guivret de Lambale, an Lanval erinnert ? In einer Handschrift des Prosatristan findet sich dafür le comte de Lambale, was freilich nach Löseth auf einem Versehen beruhen soll. (s. Löseth, l. c., S. 485 und 521 f.).” We remember that Guiomar (Guigemar, Guingamor) is represented by Chrétien as brother of Graelent Mor. [The form of this name in the mss. of Erec I take to be the same as that in the lay, Graelen-mor, the n dropping before the m (cf. Graale[nt] Muer in Le Roman de la Rose, ou de Guillaume de Dole, ed. Servois, S. A. T. F., l. 2537), and regard it as evidence that when Graelent was used in combination with mor, the final -t was often lacking.] Note in this connection that in a continuation of the Perceval fed. Potvin, ll. 45, 282 ff.) Perceval marries his cousin to one who “Rois fu et sire de Lanval: loial.”

To this last passage my attention has been called by Dr. Alma Blount, formerly of Radcliffe College, who is preparing an onomasticon of the Arthurian cycle; as also to the account of the parentage of a certain Lanval in the prose Agravain, analyzed by P. Paris in the Appendix to Vol. v of his Romans de la Table Ronde, pp. 320-321: “Au temps de Joseph d'Arimathie, il y avait sur les marches d'Écosse un roi nommé Eliezer qui fut des premiers à recevoir le baptême. A fin de mieux assurer le salut de son âme, il avait abandonné sa femme et renoncé à la couroune, pour vivre en pélerin des dons que les bonnes gens lui faisaient.” One day, during his voluntary exile, he had a dream, in which the Lord bade him return home, where he would find his wife and the son he had begotten the day he had departed. The wife and son were astonished to see again the king whom they had thought dead. He is told that when the boy was born, he was thought to be the fruit of illegitimate love, and that it was not until he had been left unharmed by the two lions into whose den he had been thrown, that he had been recognized as the real heir to the throne. Lanval at once gave back the kingdom to his father; but Eliezer died soon after his return. Lanval is mentioned as one of Arthur's knights in P. Paris, op. cit., ii, 250. For other references to him, see Roman de la Rose, ou de Guill. de Dole, S. A. T. F., 1893, l. 5497 (Lanvax, a typical lover); Löseth, Tristan, § 185 and p. 467, § 395a ff.; Sommer, Roman de Merlin, p. 327; Hartmann von Aue, Erec, l. 1677; Diu Krone, l. 2292; Carle of Carelyle (Madden, Sir Gawayne), p. 188.

^{Note 1 in page 178} Harvard Studies and Notes, vii (1900), “The Round Table before Wace.”