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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 02 December 2020
Hermann Broch was already in his forties when his first novel, part of the trilogy Die Schlafwandler, appeared in 1931.1 One continuing result of the prominence which this work brought to Broch has been an almost complete neglect of his few earlier writings. Thus, Erich Kahler in his introductory remarks in the Gesammelte Werke merely indicates: “Die Anfange seiner Dichtung—Novellen und Gedichte—reichen … bis in die Zeit des Ersten Weltkriegs zurück” (Gedichte, 1953, p. 8). He omits Broch's earliest published poem, Mathematisches Mysterium (1913) from his selection of poetry. The two volumes of essays of the collected works, Dichten und Erkennen, and Erkennen und Handeln, edited by Hannah Arendt (1955) also contain no writings prior to Die Schlafwandler. The volume of Briefe, edited by Robert Pick (1957), perhaps because of lack of material, follows this pattern, going back only to 1929.
1 I am indebted to the American Association of University Women for a fellowship during 1953–54 which enabled me to do the research for this study.
2 This bibliography was compiled and published by Hanns v. Winter in Wissenschafl und Weltbild, rv (Sept. 1951), 221 ff. K. Jonas, in his bibliography deposited in the Yale Library (1952), closely follows Winter's list in regard to the early works. The following items are omitted:
1. “Mathematisches Mysterium” (poem), Der Brenner, in, 3 (1913), 136; 2. A letter contributed to “Rundfrage fiber Karl Kraus,” Der Brenner, in, 18 (1913). The collection of letters appeared separately as a reprint in 1917 (Brenner Verlag, Innsbruck). Broch's letter on p. 31; 3. “Ethik” (review), Der Brenner, iv 14/15 (1914), 684–690; 4. “Morgenstern,” (review signed Hermann B.), Sumnta, u (1917), 150–154; 5. “Eine Methodologische Novelle” (short story signed H.J.B.), Summa, in (1918), 151–159. This work is listed in the Jonas bibliography but with the date of a later reprint; 6. “Heinrich von Stein” (review signed H.J.B.), ibid., 166–169; 7. “Die Strasse” (open letter signed I.H.Br.), Die Rettung, I, 3 (1918), 25–26; 8. “Der Kunstkritiker” (polemic essay signed H.I.B.), DieRetlung, ii, 6 (1920), 78–80; 9. “Der Theaterkritiker Polgar” (review signed H.J.B.), Die Neue Rundschau, i (1920), 655–657.
3 Broch was impressed with the final image of the story, Tadziu's beckoning gesture “ … als ob er … voranschwebe ins verheissungsvoll Ungeheure” (p. 415). It is a matter of interesting speculation whether a subconscious remembrance of this image might have carried over into the creation of the boy-leader in Der Tod des Vergil. Broch's imagery, certain expressions, and even illustrative examples remain so constant in his work that such a long retention of a work he once examined thoroughly would appear quite possible.
4 Neither personal contact nor their sincere and publicly professed appreciation of each other's work—Mann's laudatory comment on Der Tod des Vergil and Broch's essay “Die Mythische Erbschaft der Dichtung” contributed for Mann's 70th birthday (Sondernummer, Die Neue Rundschau, 1945, pp. 68–77)—could entirely dissolve a reserve which stemmed from their difference in personality and esthetic outlook. After their first meeting in the Wiener Arbeiterbildungsverein, Broch, perhaps overly self-conscious, commented: “Er hat was gegen mich, aber da kann man nichts machen. ” (Letter to Dr. Brody, 23 October 1932 Briefe, p. 77.) A final clarification of the relationship between Broch and Mann should come with the publication of their correspondence.
5 A selection from the numerous references in “Philistrositât”: Broch wants it understood that when he speaks of philosophy it is “Kant and Kant again” (p. 405) to whom he is referring. He prefaces a definition of the philistine with the remark: “Like every problem, this too was anticipated by Kant” (“bei Kant vorgedacht”) (p. 402), and he reproaches both Thomas Mann and Dallago for “insufficient consideration of Kant's ideas in their thinking” (p. 402). In his definition of the artist he regretfully concedes that the artist is not truly a Kantian idealist, “although that would be a very appealing thought” (p. 405).
6 Houston Stewart Chamberlain, Immanuel Kant. The German original was published in 1905. A second edition appeared in 1909, the third in 1916. That Broch discusses the book in 1914 is probably indicative of his interest in Kant at that time. My correspondence with the editor of the magazine in which the review was published (Der Brenner) would indicate that Broch's article was a voluntary contribution, not a commissioned work.
7 It is of some interest in regard to the continuity of Broch's thought that Broch mentions Eckhart in his remarks about the mystic: “Der Grosse Mystiker ist demiitig; er hat die Grenzen (Eckharts 'Abgeschiedenheit') erkannt …” (p. 685). In Die Schlafwandler Broch repeatedly alludes to the “Funklein im Seelengrunde” (Die Schlafwandler, p. 514), “Fiinklein” (DieSchlafwandler, pp. 535,562,576, etc.), a term inspired by Eckhart's “Funklein in der Seele, das weder Zeit noch Raum je beriihrte.” Meister Eckehart, Deutsche Predigten und Traktate, ed. and tr. Josef Quint (Miinchen, 1955), p. 316. The term “Absolutheits-Fiinklein” coined by Broch in 1949 (Die Schuldlosen, p. 365) in describing the aim of art as an attempt to set aflame (Anfachung) the divine spark which lies ready, though dormant, in every man, certainly must also be inspired by Eckhart. There is no indication that Broch had in mind Angelus Silesius, who also refers to the divine spark: “Râum 'weg und mache Luft, das Funklein liegt in dir, / Du flammst es leicht auf mit heilger Liebsbegier.” Sdmtliche poelische Werke, ed. Hans Ludwig Held, in (Miinchen, 1949), p. 179.
8 Cf. Richard Hieck, the hero of the novel Die Unbekannte Grosse (Berlin, 1933), who ponders: “If we had the science of logic properly worked out, we'd have reality in the hollow of our hands.” The Unknown Quantity, tr. Willa and Edwin Muir (New York, 1935), p. 238.
9 In view of Jean Boyer's study Hermann Broch el le problème de la solitude (Paris, 1954), Broch's concern with “Einsamkeit” at such an early date is particularly noteworthy. Boyer, who is not familiar with the early works, raises the question of Broch's sources for his conception of “existential” solitude (as Boyer sees it) in his later works. A possible source to be considered is Otto Weininger (1880–1904), from whom Broch quotes in connection with his remarks on “Einsamkeit.”
10 This is undoubtedly a misprint. Instead of “Tragt” the word should read “Ragt.”
11 Herr v. Ficker wrote me in a letter dated 10 December 1953: “Die Freimiitigkeit mit der ich mich gleich zu Beginn fur Karl Kraus einsetzte, hat fur manche Wiener Intellek-tuellen-Kreise etwas Anziehendes gehabt, so auch fur Broch.”
12 Publication was resumed after the war and was kept up with minor and major interruptions. Broch remained in casual contact with Ludwig v. Ficker and even solicited his support in 1937 in connection with his political projects at that time. However, he never again published in Der Brenner.
13 Blei, who was a kind of literary jack-of-all-trades, was well known in Viennese circles for his erotic books, but he had also established a reputation as editor of various literary magazines. He had worked on the magazine Die Insel, fore-runner of the Insel publishing house, and he had been co-editor of the impressive art magazine Hyperion (1908–10), and had founded the avant-garde publication Die Weissen Blatter (1914). Blei was a close friend of Broch (see Franz Blei, Erzahlung eines Lebens, Leipzig, 1930. Chs. 65, 66, passim) and Broch later contributed two short essays to another of Blei's periodicals, Die Rettung. In 1922 Blei pirated “Eine Methodologische Novelle” and published it as “Antigonus und Philaminte” in his Das Grosse Bestiarium der modernen Literatur (Berlin, 1922), pp. 102–116.
14 Scheler's glorification of war and nationalism in his book Der Genius des Krieges (1915) aroused the displeasure of the group. There is still an echo of this in Die Schlafwandler, where Scheler's book is referred to as “kein gutes Buch” (Die Schlafwandler, p. 599).
15 This information is based in part on a letter Mr. Hegner wrote me (15 Jan. 1954) and on material in Expressionism in German Life, Literature, and the Theatre, 1910–1924, by Richard Samuel and R. Hinton Thomas (Cambridge, 1939) p. 123.
16 See Henry H. Remak, “The German Reception of French Realism,” P M LA, LXIX (June 1954), 41(M32, esp. 427–428.
17 Broch seems to realize that this generalization does not take into account such works as Die Meislersinger, but he simply glosses over this objection which would mar his theory. Thus he writes: “Man nehme die Bayreuther Blatter zur Hand und wird verstehen, dass er hier nicht nur des Musterschulers (he is referring to v. Stein) Aufgabe war, humorlos zu sein, sondern die der ganzen Klasse. Und das gleiche gilt fur die Wagnerschen Schriften,—ob auch fur seine Musik, wollen wir hier nicht entscheiden, obgleich wires fur wahrscheinlich halten” (p. 169). In his last essay “Hofmannsthal und seine Zeit,” which was published posthumously, Broch denies categorically that Wagner possessed any sense of humor. Both Wagner's life and his art, he writes, were “(trotz der Meistersinger und in ihnen vielleicht sogar erst recht) vollkommen humorlos …” (Dichten und Erkennen, p. 72).
18 Since the writing of this article the Rheinverlag has decided to publish a supplementary volume to Broch's Gesammelte Werke, which will contain a number of the early writings, the novel Die Unbekannte Grosse, and some unpublished correspondence. This article was used for reference in the preparation of the forthcoming volume.