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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 02 December 2020
Every student of the literature of the Middle Ages is aware that Eichard I was a highly popular figure in medieval England, and that about the historical facts of his career there grew up with rapidity and luxuriance a considerable growth of romantic legend. As his fame challenged the pre-eminence of Arthur among British heroes, so his exploits, like Arthur's, multiplied and grew more marvelous in the imagination of the people, though for obvious reasons the process never went so far. To Richard's prestige among his own people we have abundant testimony in the seven manuscripts of the Middle English romance of Richard Cœur de Lion extant and in the three printed editions of the sixteenth century. As Ellis pointed out, as early as 1805, in introducing his synopsis of the romance, it is a curious texture of narrative mainly historical concerning the Third Crusade, interwoven liberally with bits of this legendary material. It will be profitable, before dealing with illustrations of certain episodes occurring in the romance, to devote some attention to its development and structure. In a review of Dr. Karl Brunner's critical edition of Richard Cœur de Lion, to be published elsewhere, I hope to deal fully with the subject, and merely summarize here the results of my investigations. I owe much to Dr. Brunner's discussion, but more to that of Gaston Paris, whose conclusions in general I adopt.
1 Romania, 1897, p. 387, n. 5.
2 Ibid., pp. 353 ff.
3 Ll. 21, 5100, 7028.
4 Romania, 1897, p. 362, n. 2.
5 Koelbing, Arthour and Merlin, pp. xcvii ff.
6 Ibid., pp. lxxiii ff.
7 Catalogue of the Romances in the British Museum, i, p. 946.
8 Romania, 1897, pp. 362, 385 ff.
9 Journal des Savants, 1893, pp. 489–91.
10 Peter de Langtoft, Rolls Series, ii, p. 102. Walter de Hemingburgh, ed. H. C. Hamilton, p. 183.
11 Rot. Liberal. 35 Hen. III. De operacionibus apud Clarendon Rex vicecomiti Wiltes salutem. Precipimus tibi quod facias lambruscari cameram nostram sub capella nostra et murum ex transuerso illius camere amoueri et in eadem camera historiam Antiochie et duellum Regis Ricardi depingi et lambruscariam illam depingi viridi colore cum scintillis aureis, etc. Vetusta Monumenta, vol. vi, Painted Chamber at Westminster, p. 23.
12 I have in preparation a study of these tiles, which will appear in the Series of Philological Studies published by the University of Illinois. I hope to improve on the out-of-date material of Dr. Shurlock's text and to furnish illustrations that more accurately reproduce the original designs.
13 Walpole Society (London), Annual Volume ii, 1913, pp. 78 f.
14 Figured also in S. Lane-Pool, Saladin, p. 30.
15 Figured in Queen Mary's Psalter, ed. G. Warner, Pl. 207.
16 Figured in New Palaeographical Society, Part i, Pl. 16.
17 G. H. Needier, Richard Gaur de Lion in Literature, p. 57.
18 M. R. James's monograph on bosses of Norwich Cathedral cloister, p. vii.
19 Version b, ii, 1035–1057/44.
20 Sir George Warner, Queen Mary's Psalter, pp. vi f., suggests that the Psalter was destined for Edward I or II.
21 P. Chabaille's résumé in Mémoires de la Société d'Emulation d'Abbeville, 1838–40, p. 477.
22 Gaston Paris in the Journal des Savants, 1893, pp. 491–96, elaborates a theory that the literary versions of the Pas Saladin were each inspired by pictorial representations, that artists were responsible for the spread of the story, and that writers merely developed independently suggestions afforded by the paintings. He furthermore (p. 492), says that it is probable that those paintings had a very ancient point of departure and had originally represented, perhaps at the instance of Richard himself, his marvelous relief of Jaffa and discomfiture of the Saracen host with the aid of only a few companions. Now, that the several literary versions of the Pas Saladin owe their origin to the exploits of Richard and his ten knights at Jaffa, Paris has amply demonstrated. But his general theory that the motif was diffused by paintings alone rests on the slight basis of the references to paintings in the Pas Saladin; and his suggestion that Richard had himself given the order for a painting of the original battle at Jaffa rests upon the incorrect assumption (p. 492, n. 3) that Henry III's commission for the painting at Clarendon of the duellum Regis Ricardi referred to the same battle. The word duellum itself precludes such an identification. Accordingly, while I may not deny that paintings and tapestries played some part in the diffusion and modification of the story of the Pas Saladin, yet I regard Paris's theory as stretching far beyond the bounds of ascertained fact, and it is unfortunate that it should have been repeated with such assurance by Dr. Lodeman in editing the Pas Saladin. See Mod. Lang. Notes, xii, p. 93.
23 Journal des Savants, 1893, p. 491, n. 1. J. Nichols, Collection of Wills of Kings and Queens of England, p. 72.
24 Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des Allerhöchsten Kaiserhauses, xvi, p. 223. Ch. Dehaisnes, Documents concernant l'Histoire de l'Art dans la Flandre, p. 533.
25 Froissart, Bk. iv, ch. i.
26 K. Brunner, Richard Löwenherz, p. 69.
27 W. G. Thomson, History of Tapestry, p. 100.
28 J. Guiffrey, Inventaires de Jean Duc de Berry, ii, pp. 209 f.