¹ Plato, Five Dialogues, ed. A. D. Lindsay (London: J. M. Dent, 1952), p. 6.

² English Critical Essays: Nineteenth Century, ed. E. D. Jones (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1950), pp. 131–32, 112.

³ The Verbal Icon (Lexington : Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1967), p. 18.

⁴ Frankenstein (London: World Distributors, 1957), p. 8. 5 See H. M. Richmond, “Ozymandias and the Travelers,” Keats-Shelley Journal, 11 (1962), 65–72.

⁶ This issue is discussed and documented in detail in H. M. Richmond, “The Dead Albatross: The New Criticism as a Humanist Fallacy,” College English, 33 (1972), 515–31.

⁷ The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy (Oxford: Phaidon, 1945), p. 81.

⁸ See, e.g., Helen Waddell, The Wandering Scholars (Harmondsworth : Penguin, 1954).

⁹ Trans. Jacob Zeitlin (Urbana: Univ. of Illinois Press, 1924), p. 149. The original reads “Vivere ut velis, ire quo velis, stare ubi velis. … In utraque tuum esse et ubicunque fueris esse tecum, . . . non impelli, non collidi, non affici, non urgeri.” Francesco Petrarcha, Prose, ed. G. Martellotti (Milan : Riccardo Ricciardi, 1955), p. 354.

¹⁰ Selected Essays, ed. Blanchard Bates (New York: Random, 1949), pp. 82–83. The original reads: “Je ne suis pas marry que nous remerquons l'horreur barbaresque qu'il y a en une telle action, mais ouy bien dequoy, jugeans bien de leurs fautes, nous soyons si aveuglez aux nostres. Je pense qu'il y a plus de barbarie à manger un homme vivant qu'à le manger mort, à deschirer par tourments et par geénes un corps encore plein de sentiment, le faire rostir par le menu, le faire mordre et meurtrir aux chiens et au pourceaux (comme nous l'avons non seulement leu, mais veu de fresche memoire, non entre des ennemis anciens, mais entre les voisins et concitoyens, et qui pis est, sous pretexte de pieté et de religion), que de le rostir et manger après qu'il est trespassé.” Montaigne, Œuvres complètes, ed. Albert Thibaudet and Maurice Rat (Paris: Gallimard, 1967), pp. 207–08.

¹¹ Bates, p. 1 ; “je ne m'y suis proposé aucune fin, que domestique et privée. Je n'y ay eu nulle consideration de ton service, ny de ma gloire. … Si c'éust esté pour rechercher la faveur du monde, je me fusse mieux paré et me presenterois en une marche estudiée. Je veus qu'on m'y voie en ma façon simple, naturelle et ordinaire, sans con-tantion et artifice: car c'est moy que je peins. Mes défauts s'y liront au vif, et ma forme naïfve.” Œuvres complètes, p. 9.

¹² The Religio Medici, ed. C. H. Herford (London: J. M. Dent, 1947), pp. 82–83.

¹³ John Donne, The Elegies and the Songs and Sonnets, ed. Helen Gardner (Oxford: Clarendon, 1965), p. 73.

¹⁴ “When I… say unto them, The God of your fathers hath sent me unto you; and they shall say unto me, What is his name? what shall I say unto them? And God said unto Moses, i AM THAT I AM” (Authorized Version). All textual references to Shakespeare are clued to Shakespeare, The Complete Works, ed. Alfred Harbage (Baltimore: Penguin, 1969).

¹⁵ The Duchess of Malfi, ed. Fred B. Millet (New York: Appleton, 1953), p. 73.

¹⁶ Civilization of the Renaissance, pp. 49, 81–82. A fuller account of such influences appears in Paget Toynbee, Dante Aligheri His Life and Works (New York: Harper, 1965), and the current authority is Michele Barbi, Life of Dante (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1954).

¹⁷ Note, e.g., Sonnet 137 in Vita di Madonna Laura beginning: “L'avara Babilonia ha / colmo il sacco / D'ira di Dio e di vizi empi …” Francesco Petrarca, Le Rime, ed. G. Carducci (Florence: Sansomi, 1957), p. 219. A version, possibly by Thomas Wyatt, begins: “Vengeaunce must fall on thee, thow fifthie whore / Of Babilon, thou breaker of Christ's fold.” Petrarch, Selected Sonnets, Odes and Letters, ed. Thomas G. Bergin (New York: Appleton, 1966), p. 64.

¹⁸ Life of Petrarch (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1962), p. 17.

¹⁹ Bergin, p. 6; “cum omnium sed in primis illius tediosis-sime urbis fastidium atque odium, naturaliter animo meo insitum, fere non possem, diverticulum aliquod quasi portum querens, repperi vallem perexiguam sed solitariam atque amenam, que Clausa dicitur, quindecim passuum milibus ab Avinione distantem, ubi fontium rex omnium Sorgia oritur. Captus loci dulcedine, libellos meos et meipsum illuc transtuli, cum iam quartum et trigesimum etatis annum post terga relinguerem. Longa erit historia si pergam exequi quid ibi multos ac multos egerim per annos. Hec est summa: quod quicquid fere opusculorum michi excidit, ibi vel actum vel ceptum vel conceptum est.” F. Petrarca, Prose, p. 12.

²⁰ The most relevant material for this aspect of Petrarch appears in Ernest H. Wilkins, Petrarch at Vaucluse: Letters in Verse and Prose (Chicago : Univ. of Chicago Press, 1958). Discussion bearing on Petrarch's retreat also appears in H. M. Richmond, Renaissance Landscapes (The Hague: Mouton, 1973), pp. 38–55.

²¹ For these aspects of Marot and Ronsard see Renaissance Landscapes, pp. 55–76. For Ronsard's impact in England, see H. M. Richmond, “Ronsard and the English Renaissance,” Comparative Literature Studies, 8, No. 2 (1970), 141–60.

²² Ronsard, Œuvres complètes, ed. Gustave Cohen (Paris: Gallimard, 1950), ii, 595–621. My translations in the rest of this paragraph are of the following lines of the original:

D'avoir osé blasmer une telle personne

Sçachant bien que tu mens et que je ne suis point

Des vices entaché dont ta rage me poignt. . . .

Tu te plains d'autre-part que ma vie est lascive,

En delices, en jeux, en vices excessive;

Tu mens meschantement: si tu m'avois suivy

Deux mois, tu sçaurois bien en quel estat je vy ;

Or je veux que ma vie en escrit apparoisse,

Afin que pour menteur un chacun te cognoisse.

M'esveillant au matin, devant que faire rien,

J'invoque l'Eternel, le pere de tout bien. . . .

Apres je sors du lict, et quand je suis vestu,

Je me range à l'estude et apprens la vertu

Composant et lisant suivant ma destinée,

Qui s'est dés mon enfance aux Muses enclinée;

Quatre ou cinq heures seul je m'arreste enfermé;

Puis, sentant mon esprit de trop lire assommé,

J'abandonne le livre et m'en vais à l'église;

Au retour, pour plaisir, une heure je devise;

De là je viens disner, faisant sobre repas,

Je rends graces à Dieu; au reste je m'esbas.

Car, si l'apres-disnée est plaisante et sereine,

Je m'en vais promener tantost parmy la plaine,

Tantost en un village, et tantost en un bois,

Et tantost par les lieux solitaires et cois;

J'aime fort les jardins qui sentent le sauvage,

J'aime le flot de l'eau qui gazouille au rivage.

Là, devisant sur l'herbe avec un mien amy,

Je me suis par les fleurs bien souvent endormy

A l'ombrage d'un saule, ou, lisant dans un livre,

J'ay cherché le moyen de me faire revivre,

Tout pur d'ambition et des soucis cuisans.

(pp. 596, 606–07)

²³ Complete Poems and Major Prose, ed. Merritt Y. Hughes (New York: Odyssey Press, 1957), p. 690.

²⁴ A fuller account of material bearing on the later evolution and use of the Miltonic persona will be found in H. M. Richmond, The Christian Revolutionary: John Milton (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1974).

²⁵ The Falstaff material is vividly described in Henry S. Bennett, Six Medieval Men and Women (New York: Atheneum, 1962), pp. 30–68.

²⁶ Lectures and Essays (London: Macmillan, 1905), pp. 141–42. Ainger's judicious balance of historical and mythical factors seems to have influenced J. Dover Wilson, The Fortunes of Falstaff (Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1943), pp. 16, 32–35. The complex assimilation by Shakespeare's Falstaff of various elements in earlier plays such as The Famous Victories of Henry the Fifth and Woodstock is succinctly described by A. R. Humphreys' Arden edition: Shakespeare, The First Part of Henry IV (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1961), pp. xxxii-vii. Humphreys also discusses the bearing of the Oldcastle tradition on the play (pp. xxxix-xlv) and I too cover the issues: Shakespeare, The First Part of the History of King Henry iv, ed. H. M. Richmond (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1967), pp. xxi-ii. Most recent scholars tend to emphasize the derivation of Falstaff's theology from the Vice figures in Morality Plays, or from earlier analogies discussed in C. L. Barber, Shakespeare's Festive Comedy (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1959), but many see some inspiration from the original, historical Oldcastle figure. My first challenge to a merely negative view of Falstaffian ethics appears in H. M. Richmond, Shakespeare's Political Plays (New York: Random, 1967), pp. 153–57, 174, 197.

²⁷ Humphreys, p. xxxix. It is worth noting that Shakespeare shows a predilection for historical figures about whom traditional opinions become thoroughly polarized, as argued by John R. Elliott, “Polydore Vergil and the Reputation of King John in the Sixteenth Century,” English Language Notes, 2, No. 2 (1964), 90–92.

²⁸ John Wycliffe and the Beginnings of English Nonconformity (London: English Univs. Press, 1952), p. 170.

²⁹ Cited in Michael Holroyd, Lytton Strachey: A Biography (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1971), p. 363: “en réalité le satanisme a gagné. Satan s'est fait ingénu. Le mal se connaissant était moins affreux et plus près de la guérison que le mal s'ignorant. G. Sand inférieure à de Sade.”

³⁰ The First Part of the History of Henry iv, ed. J. Dover Wilson (Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1968), pp. xxix-xx.

³¹ “Shakespeare and the Stoicism of Seneca,” in Selected Essays (New York: Harcourt, 1950), p. 119.

³² Paul M. Kendall, Richard in (Garden City: Anchor, 1965), p. 353.

³³ Brad Darrach, The Killing of Richard in, rev. Robert Farringdon (New York: Scribners, 1971), in Time, 3 Jan. 1972, p. 68.

³⁴ Shakespeare, King Henry vm, ed. R. A. Foakes (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1964), p. xxiii. I also review these issues in detail, in H. M. Richmond, “Shakespeare's Henry viii: Myth Redeemed by History,” Shakespeare Studies, 4 (1969), 334–49 and in Shakespeare, Henry viii, ed. H. M. Richmond (Dubuque: Wm. C. Brown, 1971), pp. xiii-xvii.

³⁵ A full survey of the various discussions of Donne's relationship to Shakespeare by Leishman, Crutwell, and others appears in H. M. Richmond, “Donne's Master: The Young Shakespeare,” Criticism, 15, No. 2 (1973), 21–40.

³⁶ The School of Love: The Evolution of the Stuart Love Lyric (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1964).

³⁷ The Poems and Letters, ed. H. M. Margoliouth (Oxford: Clarendon, 1927), i, 29–30.

³⁸ Much of my argument about the implication of Upon Appleton House coincides with that of George deF. Lord, “From Contemplation to Action: Marvell's Poetical Career,” Philological Quarterly, 40 (1967), 207–24. The broader applications of contextual studies to Marvell's writing have been well displayed in John M. Wallace, Destiny His Choice: The Loyalism of Andrew Marvell (London : Cambridge Univ. Press, 1968).

³⁹ For some account of this literary influence of Marvell's religious pamphlets in particular see Pierre Legouis, Andrew Marvell, Poet, Puritan, Patriot (Oxford: Clarendon, 1955), pp. 193–223 (note particularly the Bibliography on pp. 208–09).

⁴⁰ See The School of Love, pp. 268–69, 273–75, n. 44.

⁴¹ See Herbert J. C. Grierson, Milton and Wordsworth (Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1937), and Renaissance Landscapes, pp. 130–43, n. 27.

⁴² See particularly Petronius, The Satyricon, trans. William Arrowsmith (New York: Mentor, 1960), pp. 77–84.

⁴³ This essay was originally delivered as an address to the Pacific Northwest Regional Conference at the Univ. of Oregon, in Eugene, on 10 March 1973.