¹ Iglesias indicated that the book was inaccessible in a private collection, but a copy is in fact preserved in the Biblioteca del Palacio Real in Madrid with the callmark VIII/1816. I am very grateful to Luis Robledo for pointing me in the right direction. It seems that this volume - the only known surviving copy of the edition - was miscatalogued, being included among books of arithmetic rather than music. A misreading of the word ‘tānger’ in the title as ‘tejer’ (it appears in the abbreviated form ‘tager’) with the meaning ‘A newly invented art of learning to weave’, undoubtedly served to disguise further its existence. Iglesias is planning a facsimile edition and transcription of the volume.

² de Brito, M. C., ‘As relacões musicais portuguesas com a Espanha, a Itália e os Países Baixos durante a Renascenca’, in Estudos de História da Música em Portugal (Lisbon, 1989), 43–4.Google Scholar

³ Deslandes, v., Documentos para a historia da typographia Portugueza nos seculos XVI e XVII (Lisbon, 1888), 19.Google Scholar On Galharde, see below.

⁴ The reference for this document is given by Deslandes as Chancellaria de D. João, Privilegios, liv.xxii, f. 43 (text from Deslandes; translation my own).

⁵ Vieira, E., Diccionario biográfico de musicos Portugueses, historia e bibliografia da musica em Portugal, 1 vols. (Lisbon, 1900), I, 82–;3.Google Scholar

⁶ Francisco, , de Sousa Viterbo, Marqués, Subsidios para a historia da musica em Portugal (Coimbra, 1932), 82Google Scholar: ‘O livro, ou não chegou a publicar-se, ou passou completamente ignorado a todos os nossos bibliographos que d'elle nem do autor fizeram mencao’.

⁷ It is not referred to in bibliographical information relating to the printer Germão Galharde; for example, no mention of the book is found in Anselmo, A. J., Bibliografia das obras impresas em Portugal no se'culo XVI (Lisbon, 1926).Google Scholar

⁸ de Sampaio Ribeiro, M., Livraria de musica de El-rei D. João IV. Estudo musical, histórico e bibliogrdfico, facs. edn of 1649 edition (Lisbon, 1967), 106–;13Google Scholar; these items are numbered 442, 441, 488, 454, 447 and 453. The 1649 Index of this library also lists Mateo de Aranda's two treatises under the entry no. 530 in ‘Caixao 18. Theoricos’; these are the only other music books to have been printed in Portugal before 1540.

⁹ As far as is known, no copy is preserved in a Portuguese library; its preservation in the royal library in Madrid is entirely logical given the close dynastic ties between the Spanish and Portuguese royal courts throughout the sixteenth century. The original print-run of Baena's Arteis not known, although the surviving copy is numbered 247, suggesting that at least 300 were printed originally.

¹⁰ Santiago Kastner, M., ‘Relations entre la musique instrumentale francaise et espagnole au XVI siecle’, Anuario musical 10 (1955), 96–;7.Google Scholar

¹¹ Manuel Rodrigues de Coelho, Flores de Musica pera o instrumento de tecla & harpa, ed. M. Santiago Kastner, 2 vols., Portugaliae Musica, serie A, I & III, I, xl: ‘… mas totalmente mouido do zelo do bem commum, que por ser parto de tal animo nascido, & o primeiro de Musica pera Tecla & Harpa, que nestes nossos Reynos tern saido, confio, que não sera mal recebido’. There is an interesting parallel here with the publication of keyboard music in France: in 1623 Titelouze also claimed that ‘hors de souvenance des hommes’ organ music had never previously been printed in France, despite the fact that in 1531 Pierre Attaingnant had produced seven volumes of keyboard music under royal licence: see Titelouze's preface to Hymnes de I'Eglise (repr. Paris, 1897), I, 1, 5; cited in ed. Rokseth, Y., Deux livres d'orgue parus chez Pierre Attaingnant en 1531(Paris, 1925), v.Google Scholar

¹² Apel, W., The Notation of Polyphonic Music 900–;1600 (Cambridge, Mass., 1953), 47.Google Scholar For an example of Italian keyboard score as it might have been known in the Iberian peninsula before 1540, see the facsimile edition of Cavazzoni, Marcantonio, Recerchari/motetti/canzoni Libro primo (Venice, 1523), in Monuments of Music and Music Literature in Facsimile: First Series-Music XII (New York: Broude Bros., 1974).Google Scholar

¹³ Santiago Kastner, M., ‘Los manuscritos musicales nos. 48 y 242 de la Biblioteca General de la Universidad de Coimbra’, Anuario musical, 5 (1950), 78–;96.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Juan Bermudo, Fray, Declaración de instrumentos musicales (1555), facs. edn, Documenta Musicologica I: Erste Reihe: Druckschriften-Faksimiles, XI (Kassel and Basel: Bärenreiter, 1957), fols. cxiiii-cxxviii, ‘De taner el organo’.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Ibid., f. ctiiiv: ‘Digo esta musica ser hecha para taner, y no para cantar, y que se ha de taner por donde va puntada: porque amudarse una vez faltaran teclas, y otra vez manos’.

¹⁶ Ibid., f. lxxxiv: ‘Algunos tanedores despues que han visto esta manera de cifrar: dizen que han inuentado otras: y a mi ver son las mesmas: sino que las visten de otra librea’.

¹⁷ Ibid., f. lxxxiii.

¹⁸ Ibid., f. lxxxivu: ‘Qualquier tanedor estudioso puede inuentar (a ymitadon de estas) otras cifras: las quales el solo entewdera, y a quien el las declarare’.

¹⁹ Brown, H. M., Instrumental Music Printed before 1600: A Bibliography (Cambridge, Mass., 1965), 46.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Brown also notes the loss of a Tablature d'Epinette printed in Lyons in 1536.

²⁰ It should be noted that the fact that only one copy has survived is quite typical of the period; for the situation as regards books printed in Italy see Fenlon, I. A., Music, Print and Culture in Early Sixteenth-Century Italy (London, 1995), 2–;11.Google Scholar

²¹ See below with regard to the music examples in the treatises of Mateo de Aranda.

²² C. W. Chapman, ‘Printed Collections of Polyphonic Music Owned by Ferdinand Columbus’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 21 (1968), 52–;3. Nos. 92–;128 of her inventory of Columbus's library include the keyboard volumes 1531, 1531, 1531, B1531, 1531 and B1531: see pp. 75–;6. Columbus also had a copy of Schlick's collection of 1523, see ibid., 66–;7, 71 and 82–;3. Santiago Kastner (‘Los manuscritos musicales’, 80) comments on the transmission of Franco-Netherlandish repertory to the Iberian peninsula through printed collections.

²³ Hirsch, E. F., Damião de Gois: The Life and Thought of a Pourtuguese Humanist, 1502–;1574 (The Hague, 1967), 13CrossRefGoogle Scholar; the factory was abolished in 1549. Gois is known to have recommended that Manoel I seek Flemish minstrels for his court; see Brito, ‘As relacoes musicais portuguesas’, 48.

²⁴ Livermore, H. V., A New History of Portugal, 2nd edn (Cambridge, 1976), 148.Google Scholar Santiago Kastner (‘Relations musicales’, 87–;92) points to the presence of Francois I, albeit in captivity, in Spain in 1525–;6 as a further impetus to cultural exchange.

²⁵ Santiago Kastner, ‘Relations’, 97; Rokseth, Deux livres d'orgue vi.

²⁶ Santiago Kastner, ‘Relations’, 96.

²⁷ C. Jacobs, ‘Milan, Luis de’, New Grove; Trend, J. B.Luis, Mildn and the Vihuelistas Hispanic Notes and Monographs XI (Oxford, 1925), 17.Google Scholar Trend suggests that if Milan did travel to Portugal it would have been after the publication of El maestro, since no mention of a visit to Portugal is made in the dedication to Joao III. It may well have been that Milan was attempting to secure a position at the Portuguese court which had a good reputation for cultivation of the arts in the early part of the sixteenth century: see, for example, Hirsch, Damião de Gois, 5. Brito (‘As relacoes musicais portuguesas’, 46) assumes a Portuguese visit by Milán.

²⁸ See Jacobs, C. (ed.), Luis de Milán: El Maestro (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1971), 9.Google Scholar

²⁹ Bermudo also dedicated a work, El arte tripharia (1549), the first part of his Dedaracidn, to Joao III, perhaps with the precedents of Milan and Baena in mind. Bermudo clearly had high expectations for the king's support, and his Prologue acknowledges that the king's renown as a munificent patron had spread throughout Spain and praises the Portuguese nation for its musicality. However, it is clear from the Introduction to the 1555 edition of the Dedaracidn that Joao III had not given the volume his support, because, according to Bermudo, people had spoken ill of him to the king. See R. Stevenson, Juan Bermudo (The Hague, 1960), 10–;11.

³⁰ See Jacobs, Luis de Mildán, 10–;13; and Appendix 1.

³¹ Jacobs, Luis de Milán, 12.

³² The repertory of El maestro consists primarily of free fantasias for vihuela and vihuela-accompanied songs in Castilian, Portuguese and Italian.

³³ See Knighton, T., ‘Los de Baena: tres generaciones de úusicos-compositores del Renacimiento’, forthcoming in Anuario musical.Google Scholar

³⁴ Knighton, T., ‘Baena’ in the forthcoming Diccionario de la Musica Española e Hispanoamericana (Madrid, 1996).Google Scholar

³⁵ Simancas, Archivo General, Casa y Sitios Reales, legajo 5, f. 438.

³⁶ Simancas, Archivo General, Cdmara de Castilla, legajo VIII, fols. 83–;85, dated 15 November 1511.

³⁷ I am grateful to Emilio Ros-Fábregas for drawing my attention to this roster which is published in Gaetano de Sousa, A., Provas de Historia Genealogica da Casa Real Portuguesa, VI (Lisbon, 1748), 622Google Scholar, and cited in Brito (‘As relacoes musicais portuguesas’, 48) and in ]. V. Serrao, Histdria de Portugal III: O stculo de ouro (1495–;1580), 2nd edn (Lisbon, 1978), 417. This roster includes fifty-two singers and eight chamber musicians: João de Badajos, Goncalo, Francisco and Antonio de Baena and Antonio de Madrid, for none of whom an instrument is specified; the Flemish Joao de Bergomao ‘tangedor da capella’; Nicolao de Escovar ‘tangedor de harpa’; and Mestre Joao ‘organista’.

³⁸ Serrao, História de Portugal, 418.

³⁹ Garcia de Resende, Miscellania e variedade de historias, costumes, casos, e cousas aue em seu tempo aconteceram, ed. Mendes dos Remedios (Coimbra, 1917) [Subsidios para o estudo da História da Literature Portuguesa], 65: ‘Musica vijmos chegar / aa mais alta perfeicam, / Sarzedo, Fonte, cantar / Francisquilho assi juntar / tanger, cantar, sem razam: Arriaga que tanger! / ho cego que gram saber / nos orgãos! & ho Vaena! / Badajoz! outros que a pena / deixa agora descreuer.’ The ‘Vaena’ mentioned here has been taken to refer to Lope de Baena, singer, organist and composer from Segovia who served the Catholic Monarchs between 1478 and 1506, but the Portuguese court context described by Garcia de Resende makes it much more likely to be a reference to Gonzalo or, just possibly, one of his brothers. Vieira (Diccionario biogrdfico) confirms the presence of Fonte and Badajoz at the Portuguese court. Several were also, or had been, connected to the Castilian royal household: Mateo Fonte served as a singer in the royal Castilian chapel between January 1493 and 1501, and was subsequently mestre de capella to Manoel I; and Sarzedo is probably Martin de Salzedo, organist at the court of Charles V from 1518 to 1525. On Arriaga, one of three organists in the household of Manoel I, see Santiago Kastner, ‘Relations’, 94.

⁴⁰ Anglés, H., La musica en la corte de Carlos V, Monumentos de la Música Española II (Barcelona, 1965), 27ss.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Serrao, , História de Portugal, III, 417–;20Google Scholar ‘A música na era de Quinhentos’, supplies a brief resume of the known facts largely drawn from the research of Sousa Viterbo at the beginning of this century.

⁴² Cited in de Vasconcellos, J., Os musicos portuguezes, 2 vols. (Oporto, 1870), I, 222–;3.Google Scholar On the court-based Moorish musicians described by Gois, see below.

⁴³ Viterbo, Sousa, Subsidios para a historia, 81.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ On these dynastic links between Spain and Portugal, see Brito, ‘As relacoes musicais portuguesas’, 45–;6, and Santiago Kastner, ‘Relations’, 93.

⁴⁵ de la Torre, A. and Suarez Fernandez, L. (eds.), Documentos referentes a las relaciones con Portugal de los Reyes Catdlicos, 3 vols. (Valladolid, 1958–;1963), III, 7.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Anglés, H., La rmisica en la corte de los Reyes Católicos, Monumentos de la Miisica Espanola I (2nd edn, Barcelona, 1960),Google Scholar and Knighton, T., Music and Musicians at the Court of Fernando of Aragon, 1474–;1516, Ph.D. diss., University of Cambridge (1984).Google Scholar

⁴⁷ This likely reason for Escobar's return to his native Portugal has not previously been noted. On Escobar's career and sojourn in Spain, see Stevenson, R., ‘Portuguese Music and Musicians Abroad, to 1650’, in Sayers, R. S. (ed.), Portugal and Brazil in Transition (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1968), 310–;13 and 352–4.Google Scholar Mateo Fonte may also have travelled to Portugal at the time of Maria's marriage.

⁴⁸ See Rees, O., Polyphony in Portugal C.1530–C.1620: Sources from the Monastery of Santa Cruz, Coimbra, Outstanding Dissertations in Music from British Universities (New York and London: Garland, 1995), 49–;85.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Brito (‘As relaõcoes musicais portuguesas', 53) argues that contact with Flemish musicians would have occurred mainly through Spanish connections. Castile was certainly an important front on which such exchange must have occurred.

⁵⁰ The Franco-Netherlandish song repertory would seem to have been favoured at the Portuguese court in the second half of the fifteenth century if the order given by Afonso V to his chapel master Tristan de Suva to make a collection of such songs can be taken as a genuine indication. See Brito, ‘As relacoes musicais portuguesas’, 49.

⁵¹ Table 1 shows the pieces in the Arte with concordances in Iberian sources. See also Rees, Polyphony in Portugal, Chapter 2. On the transmission of Franco-Netherlandish polyphony to Spain see Knighton, T., ‘Northern Influence on Cultural Developments in the Iberian Peninsula during the Fifteenth Century’, Renaissance Studies, I (1987), 221–;37.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵² On the other main Iberian sources of this period, see Ros-Fabregas, E., The Manuscript Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalunya, M.454: Study and Edition in the Context of the Iberian and Continental Manuscript Traditions, Ph.D. diss., The City University of New York (1992).Google Scholar

⁵³ Some pieces are presented in versions with a different number of voices: the ‘Pleni sunt celi’ from Ockeghem's Mass De plus en plus is a2 in Baena (no. 21) (a3 in other surviving sources), and the Benedictus from the same Mass a3 rather than a2 (no. 26).

⁵⁴ A more thorough study of the concordances remains to be undertaken.

⁵⁵ On Galharde, see Anselmo, Bibliografia, 160, and Norton, F. J., A Descriptive Catalogue of Printing in Spain and Portugal 1501–;1520 (Cambridge, 1978), 500–;1.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ For a list of Galharde's publications, see Anselmo, Bibliografia, 160–;92 - a total of 677 works are listed, but Anselmo does not include Baena's Arte.

⁵⁷ See Norton (A Descriptive Catalogue, 500) for the disputed dates of the Evora Missal which has been dated, probably erroneously, as early as 1509.

⁵⁸ Anselmo, Bibliografia, 171.

⁵⁹ Anselmo, A. J., Origens da imprensa em Portugal (Lisbon, 1981), 75.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Anselmo, Bibliografia, 171–;3 (nos. 599 and 606). Copies of both volumes are preserved in the British Library. The royal privileges (reproduced at the beginning of each volume) granted to Aranda are very similar to Baena's although they are valid only for three years. See facs. edn Mateus de Aranda: Tractado de cãto Llano (1533), J. A. Alegría, Rei Musicae Portugaliae Monumenta n (Lisbon, 1962).

⁶¹ R. Stevenson, ‘Aranda, Mateo de’, New Grove; on the Cardinal-Archbishop and his patronage of Aranda, see Stevenson, R., Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus (The Hague, 1960), 96–;7 and 97–100,CrossRefGoogle Scholar for more details of Aranda's biography and treatises.

⁶² Stevenson, Spanish Music, 97; the original reads: ‘que ninguno que sea em qualquier arte o stiencia: puede mostrar ni ensenar enteramente: si no escriue: e haze muestra de aquello que en su facultad alcanna’.

⁶³ Alegría, Mateus de Aranda, 47; de Noronha, T., A imprensa portugueza durante o seculo XVI (Porto, 1874), 14,Google Scholar cited in Manuel II, Livros antiguos portuguesas, 3 vols. (London, 1929), I (1489–;1539), 482. The chant examples in the Tractado de canto llano appear to have been made in blocks according to ligature patterns.

⁶⁴ These paste-overs were presumably cut out from extra, specially printed pages (i.e., a whole page of reversed b's). It can only be presumed that these corrections were also made to other exemplars.

⁶⁵ The folio size is 315 mm high by 212 mm wide.

⁶⁶ Norton suggests that Galharde had come into the stocks of three earlier Portuguese printers: Valentim Fernandes, a German from Moravia who was active between 1501 and 1518; the Italian Joao Pedro de Cremona (Buonhomini), active between 1510 and 1514; and Hermao de Campos ‘imprimidor e bombardeyro del Rey’, also of German descent who worked in Lisbon between 1509 and 1518, and it was from him that Galharde received the royal arms (Norton, A Descriptive Catalogue, 500–;1). Anselmo (Bibliografia, 39) reproduces a very similar style of frame daring from 1557 in a volume printed by Joao de Barreira, who in turn may have inherited stock from Galharde. In this case, the initials are ‘A. C (left-hand column), while the space for the date is left blank. Given that Baena applied for his licence to print only in 1536, the date 1534 is probably not relevant to the Arte.

⁶⁷ The verses read: ‘Sublimado puro argento / Campo en escudo real / Cinco escudos en cruz de niro / de color celestial: / Cinco cinco en cada qual / Dineros del rey diuino / y en su sangre diuinal / Los castillos doro fino’.

⁶⁸ Organs, as well as keyboards marked up with letters (following the German system of letter tablature), are found in Virdung's Musica getutscht (Basel, 1511) (see Bullard, R. (ed. and trans.), Musica getutscht: A Treatise on Musical Instruments (1511) by Sebastian Virdung (Cambridge, 1993), 109;Google Scholar and Agricola's, Musica instrumentalis deudsch of 1529, ed. and trans. Hettrick, W. E. (Cambridge, 1994).Google Scholar Bermudo, too, offers an illustration of a keyboard (of a monachord) with the keys both numbered and allotted letters, though he follows a different system with capital letters and double letters (rather than dots) to differentiate the octaves, and with no suggestion as to the letter designation of the black notes (see Declaration, f. lxii).

⁶⁹ Bermudo does likewise in the section of the Declaration on ‘De taner el organo’ where he, too, refers to the ‘monachordio’ throughout (see Declaration, fols. lx-xci). It is clear from Baena and Bermudo that the monachord (or clavichord) was the instrument primarily associated with learning to play the keyboard. On the clavichord in Spain, see Kenyon de Pascual, B., ‘Clavicordios and Clavichords in 16th-Century Spain’, Early Music, 20/4 (11. 1992), 611–;32.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Santiago Kastner (‘Relations’, 94) refers to three organ-builders and twelve clavichord-makers active in Lisbon in the first half of the sixteenth century.

⁷⁰ The Castilian is littered with Portuguesisms such as ‘fim’ for ‘fin’.

⁷¹ Compare Table 1 and Appendix 3.

⁷² On the presence of Moorish musicians at the Portuguese court, at least in the time of Manoel I, see Vasconcellos, Os musicos Portugueses, I, 222–;3, and below.

⁷³ Bermudo (Declaration, f. lxxxiii) also points out these advantages of using tablature, claiming that tablature saves as much as four times the space taken up by mensural notation: ‘si alguno quisiere tener mucho canto de organo en poco papel: lo tenga puesto en cifras. Quatro vezes mas ocupa el canto de organo puntado: que cifrado’.

⁷⁴ If he did publish further volumes, which seems unlikely, no record of these has survived.

⁷⁵ Milán, however, points out that in order to learn to play the vihuela, the student must first study canto de órgano (i.e., mensural music); see Jacobs, Luis de Milan, 12.

⁷⁶ The sequence of letters to cut out and stick down is reproduced on f. viiu: ‘Estas son las letras que han de ser puestas en las teclas assi como enel organo pintado parece. Pueden las cortar daqui y apegarlas encima de las teclas; de modo que los dedos no las toquen’.

⁷⁷ The concordances I have studied so far suggest that Baena did indeed intabulate his vocal models exactly; slight discrepancies with other surviving sources are only to be expected. It is too early to tell whether a stemmatic study will prove possible for these concordant pieces, many of which are to be found in other manuscript sources from the Iberian peninsula (see Table 1). It is interesting that Baena should claim that he has reproduced these pieces accurately and without embellishment, and this would accord with his aim stated in the Prologue to allow the student to study the works of the ‘great masters’. This approach allows us to reconstitute the unica in the Arte as vocal pieces and in many cases as new additions to the repertory. As with other intabulations, the tablature specifies the accidentals and helps clarify, often in surprising ways, matters of musica ficta. As yet a systematic study of these accidentals has not been undertaken, but it may prove enlightening. It has to be borne in mind, however, that Baena may be applying tastes and trends of the 1530s to a repertory that is mostly from considerably earlier, although still apparently performed in the Iberian peninsula in the first half of the sixteenth century.

⁷⁸ The number-based tablatures adopted by Bermudo and Venegas de Henestrosa allow for greater flexibility in this respect.

⁷⁹ See Farmer, H. G., An Old Moorish Lute Tutor (Glasgow, 1933), 27–;9;Google Scholar and Gomez, Ma. C., ‘Some Precursors of the Spanish Lute School’, Early Music, 20/4 (11. 1992), 592.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ The Portuguese court was noted for its religious and cultural tolerance in the reign of Manoel I and the early part of that of Joao III; the Inquisition was not established in Portugal until May 1536, and even then was more or less inactive for some years: see Livermore, A New History, 147.

⁸¹ Bermudo, Declaration, f. lxxxiii: ‘Aprouechan mas las cifras para los principiantes. Si vn maestro que ensena a tafier, tiene discipulos, que no saben cantar: por cifras les puede enseñar.’

⁸² Baena provides the following rubric beneath the canon on f. lxivr: ‘Puse aqui esta obra de quatro vozes por vna: para que ninguna desconfianca ponga temor a los que tanto no han visto. Porque assi como esta se puede tirar y aprender facilmente: todas las otras en comparacion son blandas y de poco trabajo. Caso que el ingenio sea rudo y la memoria flaca: ni por tanto la obra tiene falta: lo que por falta o negligencia del que obra no se alcanna.’

⁸³ Santiago Kastner (‘Manuscritos musicales’, 80) assigns a didactic purpose to one of the later Portuguese keyboard collections (MS 48) and comments on the unadorned character of the pieces it contains.

⁸⁴ Both Baena and Fuenllana drew on the Hercules Dux Ferrariae, de Beata Virgine and La sol fa re mi Masses, but (with the one exception) selected different sections for intabulation.

⁸⁵ On the preservation of Josquin's music in Iberian sources, see Stevenson, R. M., ‘Josquin in the Music of Spain and Portugal’, in Lowinsky, E. E. (ed.), Josquin des Prez: Proceedings of the International Josquin Festival-Conference (London, New York and Toronto, 1976), 217–;46.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ I have as yet found no concordance for this piece, which, if it is by Cristóbal, must be a relatively early work. There was another composer by the name of Morales at the Castilian court, notably Francisco de Morales (1485 to at least 1498), who may well be the composer of the work ascribed to a ‘Fo. Morales’ in TarC 2–;3.

⁸⁷ The composers represented in Fuenllana are precisely those recommended by Bermudo (Declaratión, f. be).

⁸⁸ Portugal, on the fringe of the European continent, is usually assumed to have been provincial in outlook (Brito, ‘As relacoes musicais portuguais’, 53) and generally behind the mainstream. Baena's Arte confirms that mainstream repertory did reach Portugal and was known and admired there, at the very least as teaching material. Its contents would appear to confirm a time-lag, but this may be deceptive if Baena was deliberately drawing on ‘old masters’.

⁸⁹ See Ros-Fabregas, The Manuscript.

⁹⁰ This is particularly important since little sacred polyphony from the time of Ferdinand and Isabella has been preserved.

⁹¹ More detailed study of the concordances of Franco-Netherlandish works is currently being undertaken by Eric Jas of the University of Utrecht, to whom I am most grateful for sharing his identification of some of these pieces.