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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 15 March 2016
Graz, University Library, MS 807 and Vienna, Austrian National Library, latin 13314 have been studied intensively for more than a century, yet unsolved problems remain. Following a brief discussion of the sources and relevant scholarship, the antiphons for the Rogationtide processions in the gradual portions of both manuscripts I examine, along with a supplementary set of Rogationtide antiphons added to the Vienna codex. I then take a closer look at the expanded descriptions for the rites for Holy Thursday, Good Friday and Holy Saturday in the Vienna manuscript's sacramentary. From this evidence, I reaffirm the association of the liturgies in Vienna 13314 and Graz 807 with the canons and canonesses of Klosterneuburg respectively, and argue that the twelfth-century additions to Vienna 13314 suggest that the two manuscripts were kept together already in the twelfth century, most likely at the Augustinian monastery at Seckau. I conclude with further observations on the much-discussed odd placement of the Dedication of the Church in the Sanctorale of Graz 807 and on the occasion that would have brought the two manuscripts to Seckau.
1 Graz 807 entered the library as one of a cache of 325 manuscripts transferred from the former cathedral at Seckau after its suppression in May 1782. See Roth, Benno, Seckau. Geschichte und Kultur 1164–1964: Zur 800-Jahr-Feier der Weihe der Basilika (Vienna, 1964), 355Google Scholar. See also Froger, Jacques, Le manuscrit 807 Universitätsbibliothek Graz (XII siècle): Graduel de Klosterneuburg, Paléographie musicale 19 (Berne, 1974), 9*Google Scholar.
2 Three twelfth-century antiphoners in the Klosterneuburg Abbey Library date from around the same time. See Debra Lacoste, ‘The Earliest Klosterneuburg Antiphoners’, Ph.D. diss., University of Western Ontario (2000); Klugseder, Robert, ‘Studien zur mittelalterlichen liturgischen Tradition der Klosterneuburger Augustinerklöster St Maria und St Magdalena’, Musicologica Austriaca, 27 (2008), 11–42Google Scholar; and Norton, Michael L. and Carr, Amelia J., ‘Liturgical Manuscripts, Liturgical Practice, and the Women of Klosterneuburg’, Traditio, 66 (2011), 67–169, at 82–105CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
3 Huglo, Michel and Haggh-Huglo, Barbara reviewed and critically appraised the relevant research in ‘Notes sur l'origine du Graduel de Graz, UB 807’, in Dies est leticie: Essays on Chant for Janka Szendrei, ed. Hiley, David and Kiss, Gábor (Ottawa, 2008), 295–305Google Scholar.
4 Rudolf Wolfgang Schmidt suggested the Augustinian monastery of Reichersberg as a possible home for both Graz 807 and Vienna 13314, although he ultimately settled on Klosterneuburg. See ‘Die Frage der Herkunft des Cod. Vindob. Palat. 13314 und die Problematik seines Sequenzenrepertoires’, Jahrbuch des Stiftes Klosterneuburg, Neue Folge, 12 (1983), 43–62. Six years later, Rudolph Flotzinger proposed the Augustinian monastery of St Nikola in Passau as the home for the two manuscripts in ‘Zur Herkunft und Datierung der Gradualien Graz 807 und Wien 13314’, Studia Musicologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, 31 (1989), 57–80.
5 The manuscript was first assigned to Klosterneuburg by Hesbert, René-Jean, Le codex 10673 de la Bibliothèque vaticane fonds latin (XIe siècle). Graduel bénéventain, Paléographie musicale 15 (Tournai, 1931), 59Google Scholar. Others assigning it to Klosterneuburg include Hourlier, Jacques, ‘La domaine de la notation messine’, Revue grégorienne, 30 (1951), 96–113Google Scholar; Huglo, Michel, Fonti e Paleografia del Canto Ambrosiano, Achivio Ambrosiano 7 (Milan, 1956), 83Google Scholar; and idem, Le Graduel romain, Vol. 2: Les Sources (Rome, 1957), 53. In 1974 Froger (Le manuscrit 807, 33*) speculated that the three antiphoners to which Graz 807 was related may have been associated with the canonesses of Klosterneuburg, an observation later confirmed by Huglo, Michel, ‘Bilan de 50 années de recherches (1939–89) sur les notations musicales de 850 à 1300’, Acta musicologica, 62 (1990), 224–59, at 241–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Franz Karl Praßl, ‘Psallat Ecclesia Mater: Studien zu Repertoire und Verwendung von Sequenzen in der Liturgie österreichischer Augustinerchorherren vom 12. bis zum 16. Jahrhundert’, Ph.D. diss., University of Graz (1987), 33, argued on the basis of the sequence repertory that the manuscript represented the use of Klosterneuburg and that its notation was associated with the canonesses specifically. More recently, Robert Klugseder has offered further support for associating the manuscript with Klosterneuburg's canonesses in ‘Studien zur mittelalterlichen liturgischen Tradition’.
6 Sidler, Hubert, ‘Ein kostbarer Zeuge der Choralüberlieferung’, Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch, 34 (1950), 9–15Google Scholar.
7 Froger, Le manuscrit 807, 10*, 14*–15*.
8 Rudolf Flotzinger speculated that the manuscript might have already been in Perchtoldsdorf in the fifteenth century (Flotzinger, ‘Zu Herkunft’, 80, n. 139). Its earlier provenance is unknown.
9 Praßl, Franz Karl, ‘Codex Wien Österreichische Nationalbibliothek 13314. Das älteste Klosterneuburger Gradual (Missale)?’, Wiener Quellen der älteren Musikgeschichte zum Sprechen gebracht, 1 (2007), 83–109Google Scholar.
10 Robert Klugseder, Musikalische Quellen des Mittelalters in der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek (http://www.cantusplanus.at/de-at/beschreibungen/13314.pdf).
11 Lipphardt, Walther, ‘Musik in österreichischen Klöstern der Babenbergerzeit’, Musicologica Austriaca, 2 (1979), 48–69Google Scholar, at 56, summarises prior scholarship locating the origin of Vienna 13314 in Augustinian communities at St Pölten, Seckau, St Florian, Reichersberg and Suben. See also note 4 above.
12 This is covered most thoroughly in Praßl, ‘Codex Wien Österreichische Nationalbibliothek 13314’.
13 See Bailey, Terence, The Processions of Sarum and the Western Church (Toronto, 1971), 120–31Google Scholar; and Huglo, Michel, Les manuscrits du processionnal, 2 vols. (Munich, 1999–2004)Google Scholar, passim.
14 Froger, Le manuscrit 807, 28*–29*.
15 Klugseder, ‘Studien zur mittelalterlichen liturgischen Tradition’, 28–9.
16 In addition, two fifteenth-century processionals, namely A-KN 1005 and 1006, may be connected with A-KN 995 and hence the canonesses of Klosterneuburg, as argued in Norton and Carr, ‘Liturgical Manuscripts’, 110–14.
17 The most thorough studies of the liturgical Depositio are Corbin, Solange, La déposition liturgique du Christ au Vendredi Saint: sa place dans l'histoire des rites et du théâtre portugais (Paris, 1960)Google Scholar; and Gschwend, Kolumban, Die Depositio und Elevatio Crucis im Raum der alten Diözese Brixen: ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Grablegung am Karfreitag und der Auferstungsfeier am Ostermorgen (Sarne, 1965)Google Scholar. Editions of the texts of most currently known settings are in Lipphard, Walther, Lateinische Osterfeiern und Osterspiele, 9 vols. (Berlin, 1975–90)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
18 The rite was commonly performed either before or after Vespers in German-speaking Europe, Italy and Portugal. In France it took place earlier in the day, following the Adoratio crucis.
19 Thomas Csanády proposed that Graz 208, which he dates to the late twelfth century, represents the usage of the Augustinian monastery of St Nikola of Passau. ‘Breviarium monialium Seccoviensium—über einige so genannte Seckauer Nonnenbreviere. Liturgiewissenschaftlicher Beitrag zur Frage der Lokalisierung einer Handschriftengruppe an der Universitätsbibliothek Graz’, Ph.D. diss., University of Graz (2008); and ‘Eine bislang unentdeckt gebliebene Handschrift des 12. Jahrhunderts aus St Nikola vor Passau (?): der Liber Ordinarius MS 208 der Universitätsbibliothek Graz’, Archiv für Liturgiewissenschaft, 51 (2009), 109–18. Robert Klugseder has more recently argued that the manuscript was likely copied in the early thirteenth century and represents an adaption by Seckau of the Passau Liber ordinarius, perhaps corresponding with Seckau's elevation to diocesan status in 1218. Klugseder, Robert, ‘Die mittelalterliche Liber Ordinarius in der Diözese Passau’, Studien zur Musikwissenschaft. Beihefte der Denkmäler der Tonkunst in Österreich, 57 (2013), 11–43, at 28–9Google Scholar.
20 The most recent treatment is Inga Behrendt, ‘Der Seckauer Liber ordinarius von 1345 (A-Gu 756: Edition und Kommentar)’, Ph.D. diss., University of Graz (2009). See also Wolfgang Irtenkauf, ‘Das Seckauer Cantionarum vom Jahre 1345 (Hs. Graz 756)’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, 13 (1956), 116–41.
21 Lipphardt (Lateinische Osterfeiern, 6:307) assigned this manuscript to a German/Augustinian convent in Hungary due to the inclusion of the feast of King Stephan in September. The Holy Week rites, though, suggest a connection with Seckau. Not only does its Depositio follow the format found of the Seckau ordinals, its Visitatio sepulchri also includes a number of parallels with that of Graz 208, the use of two rather than three Marys in particular.
22 Praßl, ‘Codex Wien Österreichische Nationalbibliothek 13314’, 84.
23 Froger, Le manuscrit 807, 22*.
24 See note 4 above.
25 Some Austrian Graduals place the Mass at the beginning of the commons. Flotzinger, ‘Zu Herkunft’, 60, n. 22.
26 The dates are extracted from Hermann Grotefend, Zeitrechnung des deutschen Mittelalters und der Neuzeit, 2 vols. (Hannover, 1891–92), vol. 2; I have added the dedication dates for both Klosterneuburg and Seckau.
27 Klugseder, ‘Studien’, 41, n. 68. While these are not included in the rites of profession for Klosterneuburg's canonesses, chants from the liturgies for St Agnes and St Agatha are included in the liturgy for the profession of nuns in the pontificals. See several essays by Borders, James, ‘The chants for the consecration of a virgin in the tenth-century pontifical romano-germanique’, in Chant and its Peripheries: Essays in Honour of Terence Bailey, ed. Gillingham, Bryan and Merkey, Paul (Ottowa, 1998), 202–17Google Scholar; ‘Distribution of Chants for the Consecration of Nuns’, International Musicological Society Study Group Cantus Planus. Papers Read at the 13th Meeting, Niederaltaich, Germany, 2006. Aug. 29 - Sept. 4, ed. Barbara Haggh and László Dobszay (Budapest, 2009), 85–103; and ‘Gender and Performativity, and Allusion in Medieval Services for the Consecration of Virgins’, The Oxford Handbook of the New Cultural History of Music, ed. Jane Fulcher (Oxford and New York, 2011), 17–38. On the profession of canonesses at Klosterneuburg, see Norton and Carr, ‘Liturgical Manuscripts’, 91, n. 100, and 126, n. 214.
28 Froger, Le manuscrit 807, 40*.
29 The life and works of Hartmann are treated in Sparber, Anselm, Leben und Wirken des seligen Hartmann, Bischofs von Brixen 1140–1164 (Vienna, 1957)Google Scholar.
30 The life of Archbishop Konrad II is treated in Susanne Wach, ‘Erzbischof Konrad II. von Salzburg: ein Beitrag zu seiner Biographie’, Ph.D. diss., University of Vienna (1965). For short biographies, see Zeillinger, Kurt, ‘Konrad II., Erzbischof von Salzburg’, Neue Deutsche Biographie, 25 vols. to date (Berlin, 1953–), 12:525Google Scholar; and Körner, Hans-Michael and Jahn, Bruno, ‘Konrad II., Bischof von Passau, Erzbischof von Salzburg’, Große Bayerische Biographische Enzyklopädie, 4 vols. (Munich, 2005), 2:1073Google Scholar.
31 The canons settled originally at the church of St Marein bei Freistritz (near Knittelfeld), which had been turned over to the Augustinian canons by Adalram von Waldeck on 10 January 1140. The canons of St Marein moved to Seckau in 1142. See Roth, Seckau, 43–9.
32 Hiley, David, Review of Les Manuscrits du processionnal by Michel Huglo, Music and Letters, 89 (2008), 490–3, at 490CrossRefGoogle Scholar.