¹ On the date, see de Chabannes, Adémar, Epistola de apostolatu sancti Martialis, ed. Migne, J.-P., Patrologiae cursus completus: Series latina, 221 vols. (Paris, 1844–1864; hereafter PL), CXLI, 95–6.Google Scholar Adémar gives the year as 1028, but Louis Saltet,‘Une discussion sur Saint Martial entre un Lombard et un Limousin en 1029’, Bulletin de Litteérature Ecclésiastique, 26 (1925), 171 and n. 16Google Scholar, asserts that this is a falsehood. In the proceedings of the council at Limoges in 1031, Bishop Jordan of Limoges states that the ceremony took place on the day after the council of 1029 concluded: Labbe, Philippe and Cossart, Gabriel, eds., Sacrosancta concilia, 16 vols. (Paris, 1671–1672), IX, 887–8.Google Scholar These proceedings descend to us only via a copy in the hand of Adémar de Chabannes, and are probably forgeries; see Saltet,‘Un cas de mythomanie historique bien documenté Adémar de Chabannes (988–1034)′, Bulletin de Littérature Ecclésiastique, 32 (1931), 152–7Google Scholar; and Callahan, Daniel, ‘Adémar de Chabannes, Apocalypticism and the Peace Council of Limoges of 1031’, Revue Bénédictine, 101 (1991), 32–49Google Scholar. In the proceedings of the council, Jordan specifies that the ceremony occurred on a Sunday, which statement could be considered additional verification of the date 1029, as 3 August fell on a Sunday that year, but on Saturday in 1028; see Capelli, A., Cronologia, cronograpa e calendario perpetuo dal principio dell'èra cristiana ai nostri giorni, 5th edn (Milan, 1983), 66–7Google Scholar and 82–3 for, respectively, 1029 and 1028. See also Saltet, , ‘Une discussion’, 170–82;Google Scholar and Landes, Richard, Relics, Apocalypse, and the Deceits of History: Admar of Chabannes 989–1034, Harvard Historical Studies 117 (Cambridge, Mass., 1995) 226–7.Google Scholar

² Gregory of Tours, Libri octo miraculorum, 8, Liber in gloria confessorum, 27–8, ed. Krusch, Bruno, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores Rerum Merouingicarum 1, part 2 (Hanover, 1885), 764–5;Google Scholar on the date of his mission, see idem,Historia Francorum, 1.30, 2nd edn, ed. Krusch, Bruno and Levison, Wilhelm, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores Rerum Merouingicarum 1, part 1 (Hanover, 1937–1951), 23.Google Scholar The principal sources for the episcopal liturgy are, for the Office, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, fonds latin (hereafter Pa), MS 1253, fols. 15r–21v and Pa 1085, fols. 76v–77r (a breviary and antiphoner, respectively, both from the early eleventh century), and, for the Mass, Pa 1120, fols. 46r–51v, and Pa 1121, fols. 28v–32r (both tropers from the early eleventh century). See also Chailley, Jacques, L'école musicale de St Martial de Limoges jusqu′à la fin du Xle siècle (Paris, 1960), 62–3Google Scholar; Evans, Paul, The Early Trope Repertory of St Martial de Limoges, Princeton Studies in Music 2 (Princeton, 1970), 44–5Google Scholar; Grier, James, ‘Ecce sanctum quern deus elegit Marcialem apostolum: Adémar de Chabannes and the Tropes for the Feast of Saint Martial’, in Beyond the Moon: Festschrift Luther Dittmer, ed. Gillingham, Bryan and Merkley, Paul, Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen 53 (Ottawa, 1990), 28–74, especially 36–47;Google Scholar and idem, ‘de Chabannes, Roger (d. 1025), Cantor of St Martial, Limoges’, Early Music History, 14 (1995), 117–19.Google Scholar

³ On St Martial as a pilgrimage destination, see de Lasteyrie, Charles, L'abbaye de Saint-Martial de Limoges: Etude historique, économique el archéologique précédée de recherches nouvelles sur la vie du saint (Paris, 1901), 31–41Google Scholar; Bernard Töpfer, ‘Reliquienkult und Pilgerbewegung zur Zeit der Klosterreform im burgundisch-aquitanischen Gebiet’, in Vom Mittelalter zur Neuzeit: Zum 65. Geburtstag von Heinrich Sproemberg, ed. Kretzschmar, Hellmut, Forschungen zur mittelalterlichen Geschichte 1 (Berlin, 1956), 420–39, especially 428–33;Google ScholarCallahan, Daniel F., ‘The Sermons of Adémar of Chabannes and the Cult of St. Martial of Limoges’, Revue Bénédictine, 86 (1976), 253–5, 280–95;Google Scholar and Landes, , Relics, Apocalypse and the Deceits, 49–53, 61–9.Google Scholar

⁴ A series of gifts from Bishop Jordan and his family to the abbey of St Martial, one of which acknowledges the Saint as an apostle, attests to his positive attitude towards the abbey: Premier cartulaire de I'aumonerie de S. Martial, nos. 28, 30, 32–4, 36, ed. Leroux, Alfred, Molinier, Emile and Thomas, Antoine, Documents historiques bas-latins, provençaux et français concernant principalement la Marche et le Limousin, 1 vols. (Limoges, 1883–5), II, 10–15;Google Scholar and Second cartulaire de I'aumonerie de S. Martial, no. 34 and 35, ibid. II, 20–1. Of these, no. 32 of the first cartulary, ibid. II, 12, names St Martial as an apostle. For commentary on these documents and on the attitude of the cathedral canons, see Becquet, Jean, ‘Les évêques de Limoges aux Xe, Xle et XIIe siècles’, Bulletin de la Société Archéologique et Historique du Limousin (hereafter BSAHL), 105 (1978), 99–101, 104;Google Scholar see also Lasteyrie, , L'abbaye,Google Scholar 75–9; Saltet, ‘Une discussion’, 171–3; and Landes, Richard, ‘Autour d'Adémar de Chabannes (1034): Précisions chronologiques au sujet du Limousin vers l'An Mil’, BSAHL, 122 (1994), 39, 42–4.Google Scholar

⁵ The feast is identified in the proceedings of the council at Limoges in 1031, ed. Labbe and Cossart, Sacrosancta concilia, IX, 888. See also [François] Arbellot, , ‘Cathédrale de Limoges: Histoire et description’, BSAHL, 3 (1848), 171–2;Google Scholar and Saltet, , ‘Une discussion’, 173.Google Scholar

⁶ On Adémar's biography, see Delisle, Léopold, ‘Notice sur les manuscrits originaux d'Adémar de Chabannes, Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Bibliothéque Nationale et autres bibliothéques, 35 (Paris, 1896), 241–358.Google ScholarSaltet, , ‘Une discussion’, 161–86, 279–302;Google Scholaridem, ‘Une prétendue lettre de Jean XIX sur St Martial fabriquée par Adémar de Chabannes’, Bulletin de Litérature Ecclésiastique, 27 (1926), 117–39;Google Scholaridem, ‘Les faux d'Adémar de Chabannes: Prétendues décisions sur saint Martial au concile de Bourges du ler novembre 1031’, Bulletin de Litérature Ecclésiastique, 27 (1926), 145–60;Google Scholaridem, ‘Un cas de mythomanie’, 149–65; Lee Wolff, Robert, ‘How the News was Brought from Byzantium to Angoulême; or, The Pursuit of a Hare in an Ox Carf’, Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies, 4 (1978), 139–89;Google Scholar and Landes, Relics, Apocalypse, and the Deceits. For further bibliography, see Grier, ‘Ecce sanctum’, 28 n. 2; and the bibliography cited in Landes, Relics, Apocalypse, and the Deceits.

⁷ Jacques Chailley mentions the appearance of a second hand in this codex, ‘Les anciens tropaires et séquenriares de l'école de Saint-Martial de Limoges (Xe-XIe.s.)’, Etudes Grégoriennes, 2 (1957), 174–5,Google Scholar and makes a tentative attribution to Adémar, L'école, 88–91. Husmann, Heinrich, Tropenund Sequenzenhandschriften, Répertoire International des Sources Musicales, BV/1 (Munich, 1964), 119,Google Scholar and Evans, The Early Trope Repertory, 49, both mention the intrusion without alluding to Adémar. Only Emerson, John A., ‘Two Newly Identified Offices for Saints Valeria and Austriclinianus by Adémar de Chabannes (MS Paris, Bibl. Nat., Latin 909, Fols. 79–85v)’, Speculum, 40 (1965),33–5,Google Scholar unequivocally attributes this section of the manuscript to Adémar, see also Grier, ‘Ecce sanctum’, 35–40; and, for a codicological assessment of the manuscript, idem, ‘Scripto interrupta: Adémar de Chabannes and the Production of Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, MS latin 909’, Scriptorium, 51 (1997) (forthcoming).

⁸ The letter appears in autograph in Pa 5288 fols. 51–9, and is published in PL, CXLI, 89–112. A much-needed new edition will appear in the forthcoming collected edition of Adémar's works in Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaeualis. For commentary, see Saltet, , ‘Une discussion’; and Landes, Relics, Apocalypse, and the Deceits, 214–68.Google Scholar

⁹ On the libellus structure of this type of manuscript in general, see Huglo, Michel, ‘Les Libelli de tropes et les premiers tropaires-prosaires’, in Pax et sapientia: Studies in Text and Music of Liturgical Tropes and Sequences in Memory of Gordon Anderson, ed. , Ritva Jacobsson, Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis, Srudia Latina Stockholmiensia 29 (Stockholm, 1986), 13–22;Google Scholaridem, Les livres de chant liturgique, Typologie des Sources du Moyen Age Occidental 52 (Turnhout, 1988), 64–75; Grier, , ‘Roger de Chabannes’, 108–9Google Scholar; and idem, ‘Scriptio interrupts’.

¹⁰ Chailley, ‘Les anciens tropaires et séquentiaires’, 176–7; idem, L'école, 90–1; Husmann, Tropen- und Sequenzenhandschriften, 119. On the restoration of 1979, see Huglo, Michel, ‘On the Origins of the Troper-Proser’, Journal of the Plainsong & Mediaeval Music Society, 2 (1979), 17 n. 27 (note on p. 18)Google Scholar (trans, of ‘Aux origines du Tropaire-Prosaire’, in Nordiskt kollokvium i latinsk hturgiforskning, 4 [Oslo, 1978], 53–65).

¹¹ On the influence of the tropers Pa 1120 and 1121, both of the abbey of St Martial, and the book's intended use at the abbey of St Martin, see Grier, ‘Ecce sanctum’, 54–69. Chailley, , ‘Les anciens tropaires et séquentiaires’, 174, and L'école,Google Scholar 90, assigns the manuscript to St Martin; see also Grier, ‘Scriptio interrupta’. Most scholars attribute Pa 909 to St Martial, e.g., Husmann, Tropen- und Sequenzenhandschriften, 118–19. A tantalizing piece of evidence is provided by the appearance of a troped Mass for St Androchius in the hand of the first scribe (fols. 58r–59r, immediately following that for St Valery, whose feast falls on 10 December). This shadowy saint appears in liturgical manuscripts associated with St Martial: in the Kalendar of Pa 1240 (fol. 14r), which gives his feast as 6 August; and in the sacramentary Pa 821, fol. 72v (but not its Kalendar), where his feast is combined with that of Sts Felicissimus and Agapitus, companions of St Sixtus, the third-century pope, also on 6 August. A brief account of his life appears in the martyrology, Pa 5245, fol. 43r (printed in Ritva Jacobsson, ‘Contribution à la géographie des saints’, in La tradizione dei tropi hturgici, ed. Leonardi, Claudio and Menesto, Enrico, Biblioteca del ‘Centro per il Collegamento degli Studi Medievali e Umanistici nell′Università di Perugia’ 3 [Spoleto, 1990], 174–5);Google Scholar an abbreviated version of the same passage occurs in Pa 5929, fol. 58vb, where it forms part of the text Nomina sanctorum Lemouicensis dyocesis (Pa 5929, fols. 55r–65v; printed text in Labbe, Philippe, Noua bibliotheca manuscriptorum librorum, 2 vols. [Paris, 1657], I, 629–38Google Scholar [where the passage on Androchius is omitted]). There is also a tenuous link between Androchius and St Martin, in that it was reported that the saint's body was carried to St Martin on 4 April 1520 (Pa 5239, fol. 21r; printed in Duplés-Agier, H., ed., Chroniques de Saint-Martial de Limoges [Paris, 1874], 215)Google Scholar. See also Jacobsson, ‘Contribution à la géographie des saints’, 168–76.

¹² Chailley, , ‘Les anciens tropaires et séquentiaires’, 175Google Scholar; idem, L'école, 89; Gaborit-Chopin, D., La décoration des manuscrits à Saint-Martial de Limoges et en Limousin du IXe au Xlle siécle, Mémoires et Documents Publiés par la Société de l'École des Chartes 17 (Paris and Geneva, 1969), 183;Google Scholar Evans, The Early Trope Repertory, 32–3; Grier, ‘Ecce sanctum’, 35; and idem, ‘Scriptio interrupta’.

¹³ Grier, , ‘Roger de Chabannes’, 64–5; and ‘Scriptio interrupta’.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Grier, , ‘Ecce sanctum’, 36–7.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Ibid., 66.

¹⁶ Chailley, , ‘Les anciens tropaires et séquentiaires’, 176Google Scholar; idem, L'école, 88–91; Emerson, ‘Two Newly Identified Offices’, 33–5; Gaborit-Chopin, La décoration, 183; Wolff, ‘How the News was Brought’, 153, 173; and Grier, ‘Scriptio interrupta’.

¹⁷ Hooreman, Paul, ‘Saint-Martial de Limoges au temps de l'abbé Odolric (1025–1040): Essai sur une piéce oubliée du répertoire limousin’, Revue Belge de Musicologie, 3 (1949), 16–30;Google Scholar he also notes, p. 21, that other parts of Pa 909 are in Adémar's hand without specifying which folios. On the sequentiary and its extension, see also Chailley, , ‘Les anciens tropaires et séquentiaires’, 176–7Google Scholar; idem, L'école, 91; Husmann, , Tropen-und Sequenzenhandschriften, 119; Jean Vezin, ‘Un nouveau manuscrit d'Adémar de Chabannes (Paris,Google Scholar Bibl. nat., lat. 7231)’, Bulletin de la Société Nationale des Antiquaires de France (1965), 45; Gaborit-Chopin, La décoration, 183; Wolff, ‘How the News was Brought’, 152–3; Huglo, Michael, ‘Codicologie et musicologie’, in Miscellanea codicologica F. Masaidicata MCMLXX1X, 2 vols.,Google Scholar ed. Cockshaw, Pierre, Monique-Cécile Garand and Pierre Jodogne, Les Publications de Scriptorium 8 (Gand, 1979), I, 76–81Google Scholar, especially 79–80; and idem, ‘On the Origins’, 14.

¹⁸ Alleluias: fols. 177v–178r. Processional antiphon: fol. 251r. Tonary: fols. 251r–257v; see Huglo, Michel, Les tonaires: lnventaire, analyse, comparaison, Publications de la Société Française de Musicologie, Series 3, vol. 2 (Paris, 1971), 154 n. 3, who notes erasures on fol. 255r–v.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Delisle, Léopold, ‘Les manuscrits de Saint-Martial de Limoges: Réimpression textuelle du Catalogue publié en 1730’, BSAHL, 43 (1895), 4;Google Scholaridem, ‘Notice’, 350–2; Huglo, ‘Codicologíe et musicologie’, 80; and Grier, James, The Critical Editing of Music: History, Method, and Practice (Cambridge, 1996), 187–8.Google Scholar

²⁰ On the Office for Sainte Foy, see Chailley, , ‘Les anciens tropaires et séquentiaires’, 166; and Huglo, ‘Codicologie et musicologie’, 74 n. 17.Google Scholar On the liturgy for St Géraud d'Aurillac, see Enrique Planchart, Alejandro, ‘Fragments, Palimpsests, and Marginalia’, Journal of Musicology, 6 (1988), 297–305;Google Scholar Planchart also identifies two other such examples in non-Aquitanian manuscripts, ibid., 300.

²¹ I am indebted to Illo Humphrey for identifying Marcialem apostolum Petrus as a tract.

²² Grier, , ‘Ecce sanctum’, 47–50.Google Scholar

²³ On the role of the cantor see Fassler, Margot E., ‘The Office of the Cantor in Early Western Monastic Rules and Customaries: A Preliminary Investigation’, Early Music History, 5 (1985), 29–51, especially 46–51.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁴ Schlager, Karl-Heinz, Thematischer Katalog der dltesten Alleluia-Melodien aus Handschriften des 10. und 11. Jahrhunderts, ausgenommen das ambrosianische, alt-römische und alt-spanische Repertoire, Erlanger Abreiten zur Musikwissenschaft 2 (Munich, 1965);Google Scholar and idem, ed., Alleluia-Melodien, I, bis 1100, Monumenta Monodica Medii Aeui 7 (Kassel, Basel, Paris, London and New York, 1968).

²⁵ See the trope complexes given for Mihi autem in Weiß, Günther, ed., Introitus-Tropen, I, Das Repertoire der südfranzösischen Tropare des 10. und 11. Jahrhunderts, Monumenta Monodica Medii Aeui 3 (Kassel, Basel, Tours and London, 1970), nos. 130–40, pp. 153–62.Google Scholar Only one trope complex, no. 139, pp. 160–1, consists of four elements, while as many as four contain only two elements, nos. 131, 132, 136, 140, pp. 153–5, 157–8, 161–2. Further on the composition of new Propers for the apostolic liturgy for St Martial and their relationship to the tropes, see Maria Jacobsson, Ritva, ‘Att tillverka en apostel: Bibliotekshistoria och hagiografi’, in Bibliotek: Tradition och utveckling – Festskrift till Lars-Erik Sanner den 18 januari 1991 (Stockholm, 1991), 250–9.Google Scholar

²⁶ In accordance with the principles devised by the Corpus Troporum, I give the host text in capitals. All editions and translations are my own.

²⁷ See Evans, , The Early Trope Repertory, 86–7;Google ScholarGrier, , ‘Ecce sanctum’, 50–3Google Scholar; and idem, ‘A New Voice in the Monastery: Tropes and Versus from Eleventh-and Twelfth-Century Aquitaine’, Speculum, 69 (1994), 1030–2.

²⁸ On the question of the relation between trope and host text and chant, see Evans, , The Early Trope Repertory, 55–118; Annie Dennery, Le chant postgrégorien: Tropes, séquences et prosules, Musique – Musicologie 19 (Paris, 1989), 112–19;Google Scholar and Grier, , ‘A New Voice’, 1029–32.Google Scholar

²⁹ The following manuscripts place Hie dictis in the Mass for St Martin: Pa 1120, fols. 63v-64r; Pa 1121, fol. 41v; Pa 909, fol. 57r; Pa 1119, fol. 78r; Pa 1118, fol. 98v; Pa 887, fol. 42r; Pa 1084, fol. 88v; Pa 1871, fol. 36v; Pa 779, fol. 115r; Pa 903, fol. 161r. Two manuscripts, written at St Martial, also place it in the Mass of St Martial: Pa 1120, fol. 51v and Pa 1121, fol. 41v. On the suppression of tropes that share assignment to both Sts Martin and Martial, see Grier, , ‘Ecce sanctum’, 57–64.Google Scholar

³⁰ Pa 1120, fols. 46r–50v; one further complex is presented on fol. 63r. Pa 1121, fols. 28v–32r.

³¹ Hughes, Andrew, Medieval Manuscripts for Mass and Office: A Guide to Their Organization and Terminology (Toronto, 1982), 34–5;Google Scholar for the abbreviations, see ibid., pp. xvii–xix and endpapers. On the grouping of trope complexes in threes, see Enrique Planchart, Alejandro, Repertory of Tropes at Winchester, 2 vols. (Princeton, 1977), I, 69–78.Google Scholar

³² Planchart, , The Repertory, I, 69–78; Hughes, Medieval Manuscripts, 34–5.Google Scholar

³³ For more detailed discussion of this arrangement and the omission by Adémar of the Doxology, see Grier, , ‘Ecce sanctum’, 41–4.Google Scholar

³⁴ My calculation is based on the performance of a troped version of the Easter introit Resurrexi et adhuc on the recording Anglo-Saxon Easter, Schola Gregoriana of Cambridge, directed by Berry, Mary, Archiv 413 546–1 (Hamburg, 1984).Google Scholar Four troped iterations of the introit are sung in the arrangement IVI●VI (i.e., one uersus ad repetendum is used), and the entire piece takes ll′5O″.

³⁵ On Adémar's original compositions in the troped Mass, see Grier, , ‘Ecce sanctum’, 38–40, 47–54.Google Scholar

³⁶ Evans, The Early Trope Repertory, 4–6; Huglo, Michel, ‘La tradition musicale aquitaine: Répertoire et notation’, in Liturgie et musique (IXe-XlVe s.), Cahiers de Fanjeaux 17 (Toulouse, 1982), Table 2, p. 257; Grier, ‘Ecce sanctum’, 32–4Google Scholar; and idem, ‘A New Voice’, 1026–7.

³⁷ Epistola de apostolatu Martialis, PL, CXLI, 92; proceedings of the council of 1031, ed. Labbe and Cossart, Sacrosancta concilia, IX, 888–9.

³⁸ This statement appears to be a locus communis in the twelfth century: William of Conches, Glosses on Priscian, in Jeauneau, Edouard, ‘Deux rédactions des gloses de Guillaume de Conches sur Priscien’, Recherches de Theologie Ancienne et Médiévale, 27 (1960), 234–6, text on 235.Google Scholar John of Salisbury, Metalogicon, 3.4, ed. Webb, Clemens C. I. (Oxford, 1929), 136, attributes the saying to Bernard of Chartres. Alexander Neckam, De naturis rerum, 1.78,Google Scholar ed. Wright, Thomas, Rerum Britannicarum Medii Aeui (Rolls Series) 34 (London, 1863), 123, gives as his source, philosophus,Google Scholar who in this instance seems not to be Aristotle. For other sources and commentary, see Jeauneau, Edouard, ‘Nains et géants’, in Entretiens sur la renaissance du 12e siécle, ed. Maurice de Gandillac and Edouard Jeauneau, Décades du Centre Culturel International de Cerisy-la-Salle, New series vol. 9 (Paris, 1968), 21–52Google Scholar, who believes that Bernard of Chartres is the source for this remark, ibid., 31–5.