1 Joachim W. Stieber, Pope Eugenius IV, the Council of Basel and the Secular and Ecclesiastical Authorities in the Empire (Leiden, 1978), 44–57.

2 Du Fay's presence in Bologna is attested by two privileges of absence sent by Louis Allemand to St Géry, dated 12 April 1427 and 28 March 1428, partially entered in the chapter acts, LAN, 7G 753, fols. 107v–108r. See also Alejandro Enrique Planchart, ‘The Early Career of Guillaume Du Fay’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 46 (1993), 342.

3 The documentation on Auclou is enormous. He is first mentioned as a secretary to Allemand in 1419 (ASV, RS 121, fol. 218r), and remained his secretary until Allemand was made governor of Bologna in 1424, whereupon Auclou travelled to Paris and enrolled in the university (BAD, G 178, fol. 232r), by February 1426 he was in Bologna as secretary of Allemand and as a law student at the university (ASV, RS 196, fol. 31v). He served Allemand in that capacity until August 1428, when the legate and his court were overthrown by the Bolognese.

4 Documentation for Du Fay's possession of the last three is in ASV, DC 13, fols. 61r–61v; his possession of St Peter in Tournai is documented in ASV, RS 256, fols. 202v–203r. No record of Du Fay's resignation of the benefices in Laon and Nouvion les Vineux, which were surely done in partibus through the chapter in Laon, survive. He resigned St Peter in Tournai upon his collation of the prebend in Lausanne (ASV, RS 303, fols. 19v–20v), and the chaplaincy of the Salve at St Géry upon his collation of the Cambrai prebend (ASV, RS 326, fol. 234v).

5 ASV, RL 303, fols. 19v–20v.

6 Documents for the actual grant have apparently not survived: the earliest mentions of Du Fay as curate of St Loup de Versoix are ASV, RS 297, fols. 88r–88v (29 July 1434), and TAS, Tesoreria Generale, Reg. 79, fol. 448v (12 August 1434).

7 ASV, RS 326, fols. 212v–213r, and RL 343, fols. 76r–77v.

8 BAV, CS 703.1, relevant passage in Franz X. Haberl, Wilhelm du Fay: monographische Studie über dessen Leben und Werke, Bausteine für Musikgeschichte I (Leipzig: Breitkopf & Härtel, 1885, Reprint Hildesheim: Olms, 1971), 117. CS 703.1 does not specify where the benefices are, but this is made clear in ASV, 287, fol. 1v, a revalidation of the supplication in CS 703.1, that indicates that the two benefices were canonicates in Tournai and at St Donatian.

9 These are mentioned in the non obstantibus section of a dispensation allowing him to hold incompatible benefices dated 11 July 1435 (ASV, RS 308, fols. 123v–124r).

10 There is a long series of supplications connected with this: ASV RS 302, fol. 152r; RS 315, fols. 110r–110v; RS 318, fols. 182r–182v; RS 338, fols. 276v–277r.

11 Reinhard Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges (Oxford, 1985), 24.

12 The repeated petitions of both the duke and Du Fay for help to the pope begin on 18 September 1434 and extend to 17 August 1437 (cf. ASV, RS 302, fol. 152r and RS 338, fols. 176v–177r as the termini).

13 TAS, Tesoreria generale, Reg. 86, fol. 168r.

14 LAN, 4G 5074, fol. 17r.

15 Craig Wright, ‘Dufay at Cambrai: Discoveries and Revisions’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 28 (1975), 182 and Doc. 1; David Fallows, Dufay, revised edition (London, 1987), 220 and note 30.

16 LAN, 4G 5074, fol. 17r (all entries).

17 BAB, Reeks A 51, fols. 38r–38v.

18 TAS, Tesoreria Generale, Reg. 98, fol. 270r.

19 LAN, 4G 1313, p. 7.

20 Wright, ‘Dufay and Cambrai’, 185, Fallows, Dufay, 65, but in the end Fallows accepts that there was some official connection between Du Fay and the Burgundian court.

21 TAS, Tesoreria Generale, Reg. 104, fol. 281v, listing Du Fay's name immediately ahead of that of the first singer of the chapel in the grant of cloth in 1455; CAS, Inv. 24, SA 3605, quittances, no. 24, autograph quittance by Du Fay in 1455; and ASV, Reg. Lat. 483, fols. 195r–295v, papal letter, 1454.

22 CAS, Inv. 24, SA 3604–3608.

23 Fallows, Dufay, 65–66.

24 This is reflected in the terms ‘magister cappellae et consiliarius’ that the duke himself used for Du Fay, see ASV, RL 483, fols. 295r–295v.

25 Rob Wegman, ‘From Maker to Composer: Improvisation and Musical Authorship in the Low Countries, 1450–1500’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 49 (1996), 409–79.

26 See Liane Curtis, ‘Music Manuscripts and their Production in Mid-Fifteenth-Century Cambrai’, Ph.D. dissertation (University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1991).

27 Cf. the inscription in Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Can. misc. 213, fol. 73r, concerning Quel fronte signorille: ‘Guillermus du y Romae composuit’.

28 CMM, 1059, fol. 1v.

29 Lille, Palais de Beaux Arts, Funeral monument of Guillaume Du Fay.

30 See Alejandro Enrique Planchart, ‘Guillaume Du Fay's Benefices and his Relationship to the Court of Burgundy’, Early Music History, 8 (1988), 117–171, and idem, ‘Guillaume Du Fay's Second Style’, in Music in Renaissance Cities and Courts: Studies in Honor of Lewis Lockwood, ed. Jessie Ann Owens and Anthony M. Cummings (Warren, MI, 1996), 307–40.

31 LAN, 4G 4656, fol. 30r. See also Wright, ‘Dufay at Cambrai’, 225–6, Doc. 16. On the antiphoners see Curtis, ‘Music Manuscripts’, 155–64.

32 See Alejandro Enrique Planchart, ‘Notes on Guillaume Du Fay's Last Works’, The Journal of Musicology, 13 (1995), 55–72.

33 Trento, Biblioteca Capitolare, MS BL (= Trent 93), fols. 14v–42r (introit, Trinity), fols. 53v–54r (introit, St Andrew), fols. 103v–104r (Kyrie, St Anthony and St Francis).

34 Cf. Planchart, ‘Guillaume Du Fay's Benefices’, 153. A typographical error indicates Du Fay as the author of the cycle for St Stephen which is surely not by him.

35 The reason for this hypothesis is that one of the surviving cycles by Du Fay, identified as a Mass for St George in Trent 88, is clearly not a cycle for this saint but part of a commune martyrum (cf. Planchart, ‘Guillaume Du Fay's Benefices’, 157–8), and the writing of a commune sanctorum presupposed the existence of a proprium de tempore and a proprium sanctorum.

36 The Du Fay Propers for the Cross have the communion used in Dijon, Per signum crucis, while the liturgy at Cambrai (and through most of northeastern France) was Per lignum servi facti sumus.

37 See Planchart, ‘Guillaume Du Fay's Benefices’, 157–8.

38 The entry in LAN, 4G 4656, fol. 30r, mentions sequences among the contents of these volumes.

39 This is based on a collation of the following missals: Missale parvum secundum usum venerabilis ecclesie Cameracensis (Paris, 1507), CMM, MSS 147, 148, 151, 152, 232, and the graduals CMM, MSS 60, 61, 75.

40 The other two are the Requiem, without an alleluia, and the Lady Mass, which has different alleluias and tracts as it changes throughout the year.

41 See note 31.

42 It appears in Montpellier, Faculté de Médecine, MS H 159, p. 189, cf. Antiphonarium Tonale Missarum (IXe siècle). Codex H. 159 de l'École de Médecine de Montpellier, 2 vols., Paléographie Musicale 6–7 (Solesmes: Abbaye de Saint-Pierre, 1901; Tournai: Desclée, 1905. Reprint, Bern: Herbert Lang, 1972), 116, but not in Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS II 3284.

43 See Karlheinz Schlager, Thematischer Katalog der ältesten Alleluia-Melodien aus Handschriften des 10. und 11. Jahrhunderts, ausgenommen das ambrosianische, alt-römische und alt-spanische Repertoire, Erlanger Arbeiten zur Musikwissenschaft 2 (Munich, 1965), no. 347. Surprisingly Schlager did not use Cambrai, Mediathèque Municipale, MS 61 for his catalogue.

44 CMM, MS 61, fols. 96r–96v.

45 Trent 88, fols. 157v–159r.

46 LAN, 4G 4681, fol. 21v.

47 Aosta, Archives Regionales, Archives Chaillant, Carton 247, Lettres.

48 Augusta Lange, ‘Une lettre du duc Louis de Savoie au duc de Bourgogne à propos Guillaume Du Fay’, Publication du centre européen d'études Burgondo-Médianes, 9 (1967), 103–5.

49 Wright, ‘Dufay at Cambrai’, 191–2.

50 Wright, ‘Dufay at Cambrai’, 192 and note 99. Wright, with his exquisite scholarly instinct, leaves the possibility of an answer open.

51 Fallows, Dufay, 59–60.

52 Wright, ‘Dufay at Cambrai’, 192.

53 Joseph Toussaint, Les relations diplomatiques de Philippe le Bon avec le Concile de Bâle (1431–1449) (Louvain, 1942), 177–8.

54 Toussaint, Les relations, 177–79.

55 There are two letters to this effect: ASV, RV 360, fols. 186v-187r and 195r-196v. The first is dated 9 November 1440, the second is undated ‘Datum Florencie etc.’

56 The rubric is extremely faint and does not show in the facsimile. I am indebted to the late Adelyn Peck Leverett for confirming it.

57 The sources of the Cambrai information are: CMM MSS 151, fol. 180v; 232, fol. 45v; Missale parvum, fol. 58v.

58 Maria José [of Savoy], Amedée VIII, le duc qui devint pape, 2 vols. [=La maison de Savoie II–III], (Paris: Albin Michel, 1962), 2:125. Court documents, however, refer to Louis and Philip by these titles even before November 1434.

59 Laurence Feininger, Auctorum Anonymorum Missarum Propria XVI Quorum XI Gulielmo Dufay Ascribenda Sunt, Monumenta Polyphoniae Liturgicae Sanctae Ecclesiae Romanae. Ser. 2/1 (Rome, 1947), 108.

60 The introit, with tropes for St Maurice, appears in Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, fonds latin, MSS 909, fols. 49v–50r; 1084, fols. 82r–82v; 1118, fols. 88v–89r; 1119, fols. 69v–70r; 1121, fol. 37v; n.a.l. 1871, fol. 31r; and VAB, Reg. lat. 222, fol. 98r, and without tropes, but as part of the mass for St Maurice in London, British Library, MS Harley 4951, fol. 296r. These sources go from the late tenth to the late eleventh century, and cover an area from the Spanish border to Bourges. The tropes, including the absolutely specific one Haec legio duce Mauritio, are published in Clemens Blume, Tropen des Missale im Mittelalter. Zweite Folge, Analecta Hymnica Medii Aevi 49 (Leipzig: Reisland, 1906, Reprint New York: Johnson Reprint, 1961), nos. 309–11.

61 See Planchart, ‘Dufay's Benefices’, 143–4.

62 ASV, RS 377, fol. 79r.

63 While papal responses to requests for a licentia permutandi sometimes grant it for fewer benefices than the request, granting it for more benefices is extremely rare and probably the result of a reformatio.

64 CMM, MS 1046, fol. 123v; he was a canon from 1455 to 1458 and was actually resident for part of the time. As early as 1437, Philippron had been granted by Eugenius a canonicate at St Géry (ASV, RS 335, fols. 199r–199v), but if he collated the canonicate he was not a resident canon, for he remained in Rome.

65 ASV, LA 8, fol. 288v.

66 TAS, Sezione I, Archivio di Corte, Bollario di Felice V, II, fols. 265v–268r, dated Basel, 19 October 1441, and fols. 298v–299r, dated Basel, 6 February 1442. At this time the canonicate was in litigation between Du Fay and Jehan de Fruyn.

67 TAS, Sezione I, Archivio di Corte, Bollario di Felice V, IV, fols. 259v–260r, dated Geneva, 4 November 1443.

68 TAS, Sezione I, Archivio di Corte, Bollario di Felice V, IV, fols. 260v–261v, dated Geneva, 4 November 1443.

69 There is no question of the possibility that the cycle follows a German liturgy, as the Propers for St Maurice in most churches east of the Rhine are entirely different.

70 Florence, Archivio di Stato, Mediceo Avante il Principato, filza 22, fols. 118r–118v; facsimile available on the website of the Archivio di Stato (www.archiviodistato.firenze.it) (registration required).

71 Fol. 67r, in the common of martyrs. The very complete notated missal of the early fourteenth century, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, latin 17311, given as a missal of Cambrai in Victor Leroquais, Les sacramentaires et les missels manuscrits de les bibliothèques publiques de France, 4 vols. (Paris, 1924), II, no. 403, an origin repeated without comment in Le Graduel Romain, II. Les Sources (Solesmes, 1957), 108, is unfortunately not from Cambrai but from a Premonstratensian abbey.

72 Cf. Cologny-Geneva, Bibliotheca Bodmeriana, MS 74, fols. 97r-97v, VAB, Vat. Lat. 5319, fol. 104r, Archivio di San Pietro, F 22, fol. 90v. Among the manuscripts edited in René-Jean Hesbert, Antiphonale Missarum Sextuplex (Brussels: Vroomans, 1935, Reprint Rome: Herder, 1967), no. 98, only Compiègne and Corbie give the full text of the offertory and only Corbie includes the alleluia.

73 There is a ‘northern tradition’ for Mirabilis deus without the alleluia, which extends from the Nevers sources, such as Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, nouv. acq. fr. 1235 to all the north French and English graduals and missals I have been able to examine. Professor Rebecca Maloy, who has done extensive work on the plainsong offertories, confirms the existence of this tradition in a private communication (October 2007).

74 CMM, MS 60 (Cambrai), fol. 76v (Primus & Felicianus), MS 61 (Lille), fol. 97v (Gordianus & Epimachus), MS 75, fol. 102v (Primus & Felicianus).

75 From Guillaume Du Fay, Opera omnia, ed. Alejandro Enrique Planchart, forthcoming.

76 Text gaps in the cantus of some of Du Fay's Propers, as well as cantus firmus migrations in others, provide evidence that Du Fay intended all voices to have the text.

77 This precludes the possibility that the rubric was a local addition reflecting the traditions of Munich, Vienna, or Trent, which would have been the traditions familiar to Johannes Wiser.

78 Reinhard Strohm, ‘Quellenkritische Untersuchungen and der Missa “Caput”’, in Quellenstudien zur Musik der Renaissance 2. Datierung und Filiation von Musikhandschriften der Josquin-Zeit, ed. Ludwig Finscher, Wolfenbütteler Forschungen 26 (Wiesbaden, 1984), 153–76.

79 Alejandro Enrique Planchart, ‘The Books that Du Fay Left to the Chapel of Saint Stephen’, in Sine musica nulla disciplina: Studi in onore di Giulio Cattin, ed. Franco Bernabei and Antonio Lovato (Padua, 2006), 175–212.