Avoidance of adjacent consonants that are ‘sufficiently identical’ – that is, identical except for possible differences in a small subset of specific features – is argued to result from joint satisfaction of a constraint against geminates (identical adjacent consonants) and other active constraints that independently require assimilation with respect to those features ignored in the determination of identity. The crux of the proposal is the dependence of antigemination on independent assimilation processes, a prediction that is independently verified in case studies from English and Lithuanian. The factorial typology of constraints at the core of the proposal is demonstrated to closely fit a significant range of observed cases.

This article investigates the process of o-fronting in Ukrainian and claims that it should be analysed as an effect of PAL-e, a constraint mandating that the consonant and the vowel agree in backness. The operation of PAL-e is opaque, due to the interaction with a depalatalisation process applying before [ε]. The analysis establishes four points of theoretical interest. First, from a typological perspective, PAL-e parallels PAL-i, postulated by Rubach (2000a) for Russian, which strengthens the contention that PAL constraints should be stated as agreement constraints that bring under the same denominator the palatalisation of consonants and the fronting of vowels. Second, the opacity of o-fronting cannot be analysed by appealing to MAX[F] constraints. Third, sympathy theory cannot handle the data either. Fourth, Optimality Theory must be modified to admit derivational levels.

The paper provides an optimality-theoretic analysis of the prosodic structure and stress patterns in templatic and non-templatic hypocoristics in Hebrew. It is designed to illustrate the emergence of the trochaic foot, whose role elsewhere in the language is rather limited. The trochaic foot has been shown to determine the structure of templatic hypocoristics in various languages; this is also true in Hebrew. In addition, it plays a major role in Hebrew non-templatic hypocoristics, which on the surface look like simple constructions of base+suffix. The trochaic foot does not delimit the number of syllables in non-templatic hypocoristics, but it plays an important role in the stress system, where the position of stress is also sensitive to the input stress and the type of suffix.

This paper offers a formal analysis of prefixing and suffixing reduplication in Kosraean. The prosodic shape of each affix is sensitive to the form of the stem, giving rise to multiple prosodic variants. In particular, its prefix illustrates the binarity effect, in which the reduplicant is binary if and only if the base is binary. Curiously, the suffix is not subject to the same generalisation, but still follows from the same formal analysis. Both affixes also show additional curious effects of vowel-initial stems. Using an optimality-theoretic approach, I will show that the prosody of both affixes is a function of the prosodic structure of the whole word rather than of a requirement that the affix fill a specified prosodic template. The analysis makes the binarity effect an example of a contextually weight-sensitive language, in which closed syllables are bimoraic only under certain morphological circumstances.

We argue that there is no need to split phonological representations into two worlds: one syllabic and another in which word stress is calculated. We show that both syllable- and stress-related phenomena can be accounted for with a single set of representations, if traditional syllabic analysis is modified in one central respect: what is traditionally taken to be a coda–onset cluster is interpreted as two independent onsets enclosing an empty nucleus. Accordingly, our proposal may be understood as a development of the idea that underlies classical metrical grids, i.e. that stress-relevant units project to higher levels and are therefore visible for stress. The units in the proposal made here, however, are uniformly nuclei. Contentful nuclei are always projected, while their empty counterparts (i.e. codas in traditional approaches) may or may not be. The weightlessness of onsets directly follows from this approach.

A number of languages have independently developed a pattern of vowel-length neutralisation according to which a vowel after a vocoid must be long. It is proposed that this pattern arises from the inherent acoustic ambiguity of such sequences, which are realised with a diphthongal transition from one formant pattern to the next, with no clear boundary between the two. Neutralisation in vocoid sequences originates from listeners' difficulties in determining the duration of vowels in this context. Lengthening of the second vocoid arises when listeners attribute some of the transition duration to that segment. The phonetic bases of this account are supported by three experiments with Finnish speakers. A production study shows that speakers treat the transition as belonging in part to the realisation of the postvocoid vowel. Two perception studies show that increasing the duration of the transition increases the probability of such a vowel being identified as long.

This paper advances a novel analysis of Spanish non-verb stress couched in the metrical model of Halle & Idsardi (1995), minimally augmented with an Edge Marking domain parameter. All relevant data are surveyed, and the patterns are classified on empirical grounds into unmarked, marked and supermarked. The unmarked pattern, assigned by default, has the stem-final syllable stressed, while the marked pattern involves a binary trochee, also on the right edge of the stem, and supermarked stress a non-final binary trochee or a word Edge Marking domain. All and only these patterns are generated, in both singulars and plurals, through permutations in the settings of three of the four Edge Marking components (domain included), checked by an avoidance constraint barring stress from the desinence. The ‘three-syllable window’ directly falls out from this machinery, both in the established Spanish vocabulary and in incoming borrowings, blind mimicry of the source form thus being obviated, indeed contradicted.

Ambivalent segments are speech sounds whose cross-linguistic patterning is especially variable, creating contradictions for theories of universal distinctive features. This paper examines lateral liquids, whose [continuant] specification has been the subject of controversy because of their ability to pattern both with continuants and with non-continuants, and because phonetically they are situated in the contested ground between two different articulatory definitions for the feature [continuant]. Evidence from a survey of sound patterns in 561 languages shows that lateral liquids, like nasals, pattern with continuants about as often as with non-continuants. Ambivalent phonological behaviour is argued to be natural and expected for phonetically ambiguous segments in a theory of emergent distinctive features where features are the result of sound patterns, rather than the other way around.

Function words in standard Serbian fall into two classes: prosodically free functional elements on the one hand, and prosodically bound functional elements, or clitics, on the other. The two classes have overlapping syntactic distributions, yet exhibit clear prosodic differences. Free functional elements may become prosodic words if they are minimally disyllabic, or if focused, and in this they crucially differ from clitics, whose only prosodic option is to be included into the host prosodic word. It is argued that the prosodic properties of the two classes of function words cannot be captured by a single set of ranked constraints, and that one of the classes, the class of clitics, needs to be encoded lexically, by virtue of prosodic prespecification.

This paper investigates the word-prosodic system of the Curaçao dialect of Papiamentu. Curaçao Papiamentu has both lexically distinctive stress and, independently, a word-level tone contrast. On the basis of a detailed acoustic investigation of this tonal contrast, we propose a privative phonological interpretation of the tone contrast, similar to proposals for the Scandinavian word-accent systems (Riad 1998, to appear). As compared to previous treatments of Curaçao Papiamentu word prosody, our hypothesis makes crucial reference to intonation and to tonal underspecification. We also investigate the realisation of primary and secondary stress in Curaçao Papiamentu.

We argue that the common phonological assumptions that (i) plain voiceless consonants are less marked than voiceless aspirates and (ii) the unmarked two-way stop system opposes unaspirated voiced and voiceless members are incorrect. A wide range of phonetic and internal and external phonological evidence suggests instead that (i) the maximally unmarked single-series stop is unspecified for laryngeal features and (ii) the unmarked two-way stop system opposes aspirated and unaspirated stops, and the aspirated series may be the unmarked member of this set.

Plural internal reduplication in Washo has generated much interest in the phonological literature. This study presents a novel analysis that unifies the treatment of a set of seemingly disparate aspects of this plural reduplication pattern (e.g. variation in the placement and size of the reduplicant, contrastive vowel length in stressed syllables, post-tonic gemination, and vowel-length inheritance in reduplication), relying on the interaction between constraints on weight assignment, affix anchoring and stress assignment. In particular, the odd placement of the plural reduplicant in roots with internal consonant sequences and the restricted distribution of long vowels in Washo can be attributed to a previously unnoticed emerging preference for heavy stressed syllables on the surface. The results of this study have implications for theories of reduplication and theories of weight phenomena in general.

Whistled languages are communication systems that convey an open-ended set of messages by transposing selected acoustic aspects of the spoken languages that serve as their source. There are two types: those based on non-tone languages, which transpose F2 patterns, and those based on tone languages, which transpose tone melodies. This paper examines basic phonological and phonetic properties of both types of whistled language, with the goal of eliciting their basic similarities and differences. Pitch variation is found to encode segmental distinctions in the first type of language and tonal distinctions in the second. What is common to both is the central role of amplitude modulations, which provide a frame with respect to which segmental boundaries are defined and major segmental classes are distinguished. Examples are taken from whistled languages based on Spanish, Turkish, Moba and Hmong, among others.