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Tonal association in Tashlhiyt Berber: evidence from polar questions and contrastive statements*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 October 2015

Martine Grice ,
Rachid Ridouane  and
Timo B. Roettger
Martine Grice*
Affiliation:
University of Cologne
Rachid Ridouane*
Affiliation:
Laboratoire de Phonétique et Phonologie (CNRS, Sorbonne Nouvelle)
Timo B. Roettger*
Affiliation:
University of Cologne
*
E-mail: [email protected]
E-mail: [email protected]
E-mail: [email protected].
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Abstract

The placement of F0 peaks in Tashlhiyt Berber is highly variable, both within and across speakers, even across repetitions of the same target sentence. We show that peak placement is determined by a number of competing factors: in addition to a general tendency for the peak to be placed on the rightmost syllable – a tendency that is stronger in questions than in statements – the peak is attracted to the syllable with the most sonorous nucleus and preferentially to heavy syllables. Moreover, in words consisting entirely of obstruents, there are three possible intonation patterns: no F0 peak at all, an anticipated peak (before the target word) or a peak on a vocoid between two obstruents. The F0 peak is analysed phonologically as a H tone that is either associated with a postlexically determined syllable or, if the syllable is not tone-bearing, aligned with the edge of the larger domain.

Type
Articles
Information
Phonology , Volume 32 , Issue 2 , August 2015 , pp. 241 - 266
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2015 

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Footnotes

*

This work was funded by the Volkswagen Foundation project ToPIQQ (Tonal Placement: Interaction of Qualitative and Quantitative Factors), awarded to Martine Grice and Anne Hermes, and by the Labex Empirical Foundations of Linguistics (ANR/CGI). We would also like to express our gratitude to the Department of Amazigh Studies at the Ibn Zohr University in Agadir for their continued and generous support on this project.

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