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Overshoot in licensing-driven harmony

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 January 2020

Aaron Kaplan
Aaron Kaplan*
Affiliation:
University of Utah
*
*E-mail: [email protected].
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Abstract

Kaplan (2018a) argues for a positive and gradient version of positional licensing in Harmonic Grammar. A chief difference between this formalism and standard positional licensing is that it predicts that harmony whose goal is to place a feature in a licensing position may overshoot its target by extending beyond the licensing position. Centralisation harmony in Tudanca Montañés bears out this prediction: though harmony triggered by a final vowel typically stops at the stressed syllable, under particular circumstances it extends into the pretonic domain. Positive gradient positional licensing is indispensable in an account of this. It plays a central role in a gang effect that drives overshoot, an interaction that cannot be replicated with standard versions of positional licensing.

Type
Articles
Information
Phonology , Volume 36 , Issue 4 , November 2019 , pp. 605 - 626
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2020

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Footnotes

For feedback during the development of this work I am grateful to audiences at the 25th Manchester Phonology Meeting, WECOL 2017 and the 2018 LSA Annual Meeting, as well as participants in UC Santa Cruz's Phlunch in December 2017. I especially wish to thank Shannon Barrios and Brendan Terry for helping me navigate Spanish-language sources. All errors are of course mine.

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