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Asymmetries in the intonation system of the tonal dialect of Maastricht Limburgish*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 April 2012

Carlos Gussenhoven
Carlos Gussenhoven
Affiliation:
Radboud University Nijmegen and Queen Mary, University of London
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Abstract

The lexical tone and intonation contrasts in the Limburgish dialect of Maastricht are remarkable in a number of ways. While a falling pitch contour on an IP-medial syllable signals a non-declarative intonation, on an IP-final syllable it signals a declarative intonation. In addition, although there is a binary tone contrast (Accent 1 vs. Accent 2) and four nuclear intonation contours, only three intonation contours exist for nuclear syllables with Accent 2, while in IP-final position only two intonation contours exist for nuclear syllables with Accent 1, so that the full set of four intonation contours is only observable in IP-medial nuclear syllables with Accent 1. The context-dependent function of the pitch fall and the asymmetries are explained by a grammar in which the OCP is enforced absolutely, and the number of tones per syllable is restricted to two, unless the three tones each represent a different morpheme: OCP, Realise.orph≫#TTT.

Type
Articles
Information
Phonology , Volume 29 , Issue 1 , May 2012 , pp. 39 - 79
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2012

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