¹ The hıstory of the Column, a detaıled descrıptıon of ıts decoratıon and a useful survey of ınterpretatıons are to be found ın Vogel, L, The Column of Antonınus Pıus (Cambrıdge, Massachusetts 1973)Google Scholar

² See Vogel, Column fıg 39 for a plan of the area, and Platner, S B, Ashby, T, A Topographıcal Dıctıonary of Ancıent Rome (London 1929) 545Google Scholar, s v Ustrmum Antomınorum, for a descrıptıon of the remaıns

³ Cf Weınstock, S, Dıvus Julıus (Oxford 1971) 291 and 357Google Scholar concernıng the belıef ın apotheosıs at crematıon rather than at death

⁴ For ıllustratıons see, for example, Strong, D E, Roman Art (Harmondsworth 1980)Google Scholar pls 69 (Tıtus ın trıumph), 71 2 (Cancellerıa relıefs), 92 (Arch of Trajan, Beneventum), Pfanner, M, Der Tıtusbogen (Maınz am Rheın 1983)Google Scholar pl 68 1 (Tıtus ın apotheosıs)

⁵ Weinstock, Dıvus Julıus 358; Vogel, Column 40.

⁶ Vogel, Column 33.

⁷ Vogel, Column 32. On the horologium in general see now (since Vogel) Buchner, E., ‘Solarium Augusti und Ara Pacis’, Mıtteılungen des Deutschen Archaologıchen Instituts, Romısche Abteılung 83 (1976) 319–65Google Scholar; idem, ‘Horologium Solarium Augusti: Vorbericht uber die Ausgrabungen 1979/80’, Mıtteılungen des Deutschen Archaologıchen Instituts, Romısche Abteılung 87 (1980) 355–73.

⁸ Unlike some river-gods, however, the Tiber appears to be represented only as an elderly, bearded male: see Encıclopedıa dell'Arte Antıca III (Rome 1960) 715–17Google Scholar, s.v. Fluvıali, Divınità (H. Sichtermann), and VII (Rome 1966) 790–1, s.v. Tevere (B. Conticello) especially fıg. 911 illustrating an elderly Tiber on a coin of Antoninus Pius.

⁹ Buchner, , RM 83 (1976) 364Google Scholar fıg. 19.

¹⁰ Brendel, O.J., The Vısıble Idea: interpretatıons of Classıcal Art (Washington 1980) 58–9Google Scholar.

¹¹ Vogel, Column 35.

¹² Deubner, L., ‘Die Apotheose des Antoninus Pius’, RM 27 (1912) 1–20Google Scholar especially 14–20.

¹³ See LeGlay, M., ‘Aion’, in Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae I.1 (Zurich/Munich 1981) 405–9Google Scholar nos. 24a–58.

¹⁴ Levi, , ‘Aion’, Hesperia 13 (1944) 269–314 especially 306–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar; R. Turcan ‘Le Piédestal de la Colonne Antonine—à propos d'un livre récent’, Revue Archéologique 1975, 305–18; LeGlay, , LIMC I.1, 403–4Google Scholar no. 19; on Aion in Roman art, see most recently Gury, F., ‘Aiôn juvénile et l'anneau zodiacal: l'apparition du motif’, Mélanges de l'École française de Rome: Antiquité 96 (1984) 7–28CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁵ Vogel, Column 35–8.

¹⁶ Vogel, Column fig. 90.

¹⁷ Vogel, Column fig. 92: the attributes differ from those of Saeculum Aureum.

¹⁸ Hannestad, Neils, Roman Art and Imperial Policy (Aarhus 1986) 216Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Parrish, D., Season Mosaics of Roman North Africa (Rome 1984) 46–7Google Scholar.

²⁰ Turcan, RA 1975, 307–8.

²¹ Turcan, RA 1975, 308–14.

²² Hannah, R., ‘The Emperor's Stars: The Conservatori Portrait of Commodus’, American Journal of Archaeology 90 (1986) 337–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²³ Turcan, RA 1975, 310 fig. 4, 313 fig. 7.

²⁴ Turcan, RA 1975, 313–14.

²⁵ Hanfmann, G. M. A., The Season Sarcophagus in Dumbarton Oaks (Cambridge, Massachusetts 1951) 12–13Google Scholar.

²⁶ Maternus, Firmicus, Math. III. 1.1Google Scholar.

²⁷ See the diagram in Ancient Astrology: Theory and Practice- Matheseos Libri VIII by Firmicus Maternus, translated by Bram, J. R. (Park Ridge 1975) 73Google Scholar.

²⁸ Cf. LeGlay, , LIMC I. 2Google Scholar pls. 311–15 passim.

²⁹ Turcan, RA 1975, 308.

³⁰ M. Manılıı Astronomıcon II, ed. Housman, A. E. (Cambridge 1937) xGoogle Scholar.

³¹ Pedersen, O., ‘Some Astronomical Topics in Pliny’, in Scıence ın the Early Roman Empıre: Pliny the Elder, hıs Sources and Influence, eds. French, R. and Greenaway, F. (London 1986) 170Google Scholar.

³² Manılıus, , Astronomıca, ed Goold, G P (London 1977) 2 265–8Google Scholar, the translatıon ıs Goold's

³³ Manılıus 2 192–3

³⁴ Housman refers to Maxımus (second century A D?) and Paulus Alexandrınus (fourth century A D)

³⁵ Hanfmann, Season Sarcophagus 155 with note 94

³⁶ Anthologıa Latına, ed Riese, A (Leıpzıg 1869)Google Scholar no 864

³⁷ Varro, , de Re Rustıca 1. 28Google Scholar. 1–2.

³⁸ Pliny the Elder, Naturalıs Hıstorıae 18. 221–2.

³⁹ Pliny the Elder, NH 18. 220Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Pliny the Elder, NH 18. 221, 246, 264Google Scholar.

⁴¹ See Hanfmann, Season Sarcophagus 120–1 for a discussion of this difficulty.

⁴² Hanfmann, Season Sarcophagus 248.

⁴³ Hanfmann, Season Sarcophagus fıg. III (no. 134).

⁴⁴ Lehmann, K., ‘The Dome of Heaven’, Art Bulletin 27 (1945) 7CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁵ On its date see the discussion in Lehmann, Art Bulletin 27 (1945) 6 note 38, and cf. Hanfmann, Season Sarcophagus 247, although his description is less reliable.

⁴⁶ Hanfmann, Season Sarcophagus 248.

⁴⁷ A Roman mosaic of the third or fourth century A.D. from Münster-Sarmsheim in Germany presents the sun god in a frontal quadriga in the central medallion, while the twelve signs of the zodiac (now only partly preserved) occupy the circle around him; if this zodiac is read with the circle divided into quadrants by the central vertical axis and the horizontal axis set at 90° to it, then one has four groups of signs: Aries–Taurus–Gemini in the top right quadrant, (Cancer)–(Leo)–Virgo in the top left, Libra–Scorpio–(Sagittarius) in the bottom left, and Capricorn–Aquarius–Pisces in the bottom right: Parlasca, K., Die römischen Mosaiken in Deutschland, Römisch-Germanische Forschungen 13 (Berlin 1959) 86–7Google Scholar, pls. 84.2, 85. 2–87; cf. Ling, R., ‘The Seasons in Romano-British Mosaic Pavements’, Britannia 14 (1983) 18–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar. By the fifth and sixth centuries A.D. it was possible for this ‘normal’ arrangement of the zodiacal signs to be completely misunderstood, so that each group of three signs could be set a whole season out of sequence: see the mosaic from Beth Alpha in Palestine in Goodenough, E. R., Jewish Symbols in the Graeco-Roman Period I (New York 1953) 248–51Google Scholar with fig. 640, VIII (New York 1958) 184–95.

⁴⁸ Simon, E. in Enciclopedia dell'Arte Antica VII (Rome 1966) 472Google Scholar s.v. Stagioni; contrast her identification in Helbig, W., Führer durch die offentliche Sammlungen klassischer Altertümer in Rom, I (4th ed. Tübingen 1963) 379Google Scholar where she opted for Mithraic Aion alone.

⁴⁹ Vogel, Column 36.

⁵⁰ See, for example, the attributes listed in Parrish, Season Mosaics 34–7, Ling, , Britannia 14 (1983) 16–17CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and McCann, A. M., Roman Sarcophagi in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York 1978) 28, 95–6, 135Google Scholar.

⁵¹ Vogel, Column 37

⁵² The principal references were gathered together by Knox, B M W, ‘The Serpent and the Flame the imagery of the Second Book of the Aeneıd’, American Journal of Phılology 71 (1950) 380Google Scholar and note 5, to which add Statıus, Thebaid 4 93–100 Some more general remarks on the image of renewal and snakes are provided by J M Toynbee, C, Anımals ın Roman Lıfe and Art (London 1973) 234–5Google Scholar

⁵³ Ovid, Metamorphoses 9 262 70, the translatıon is F J Mıller's (Loeb Classıcal Lıbrary, London 1976)

⁵⁴ Victoria. Historıa Augusta. Alexander Severus 14. 2, see Weınstock, Dıvus Julıus 358. Consecratio/Aeternitas: Brendel, Vısıble Idea 53–6 with note 17.

⁵⁵ Hıstona Augusta. Severus 22. 1—quoted ın part in the title of this paper.

⁵⁶ Hanfmann, Season Sarcophagus 171–2.

⁵⁷ McCann, Roman Sarcophagı 25–9 no. 1, especially 28–9.

⁵⁸ McCann, Roman Sarcophagı 94–106 no. 17, especially 102, and 135.

⁵⁹ Vogel, Column 36; cf. McCann's comments, Roman Sarcophagı 97, 135, on other interpretations of the Seasons' roles.

⁶⁰ Suggestıons have ranged from the emperors Constantıus Chlorus, Julıan and Antonınus Pıus (on the occasıon of an annıversary of hıs bırth or consecratıon) to a member of the Symmachus family for references to earlier literature see Hınks, R, Myth and Allegory in Ancıent Art (London 1939) 90–1Google Scholar, Weınstock, Dıvus Julıus 363 and pl 24 4, Volbach, W. F., Elfenbeınarbeıten der Spatantıke und des fruhen Mıttelalters (Maınz am Rheın 1976) 52Google Scholar no 56, pl 28, Spatantıke und fruhes Chrıstentum Ausstellung ım Lıebıeghaus Museum alter Plastık, Frankfurt am Maın, 16 Dez 11 Mar 1984 (Frankfurt am Main 1983) 671–3 no 248, the captıon under the dıptych-leaf ın the Brıtısh Museum currently (1987) suggests that ıt mıght honour Quıntus Aurelıus Symmachus, Prefect of Rome in 384/5, who died in 401 or 402

⁶¹ Spatantıke undfruhes Chrıstentum 672

⁶² Spatantıke und fruhes Chrıstentum 673 The poınt has been made that the sıgn of Lıbra ıs the fırst ın thıs half-zodıac and that thıs promınence mıght ındıcate that the month whıch ıt represents, from 19 September, was of sıgnıfıcance, Antonınus Pıus's bırthday and festıval ın the calendar fell on 19 September, so the dıvus ın the dıptych relıef ıs probably that emperor see the arguments and references ın Hınks, Myth and Allegory 90 1 Thıs suggestıon ıgnores the rest of the half-zodıac, and ıt may be that ıf the six sıgns stand for the seasons of autumn and wınter, and ıf the honorand ıs Antonınus Pıus, then they represent the seasons of that emperor's bırth (autumn, under Lıbra) and death (wınter, under Pısces), so Antonınus's lıfe ıs neatly framed by the fırst and the last sıgns

⁶³ An elderly, though clothed, Wınter occurs ın a thırd century A D mosaıc from North Afrıca Parrısh, Season Mosaıcs 23, 156–60 no 29, pl 42

⁶⁴ Seneca, Epistles 36.9–11; the translation is R. M. Gummere's (Loeb, London 1934). On palingenesis among the Stoics see Cumont, F., Recherches sur le Symbolisme funéraire des Romains (1942, reprinted Paris 1966) 489–91Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Marcus Aurelius, Medıtatıons 5. 13; the translation is Farquharson, A. S. L.'s in The Medıtatıons of the Emperor Marcus Aurelıus (Oxford 1944)Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ Marcus Aurelıus, Medıtatıons 11.2; the translation is A. S. L. Farquharson's.