¹ V. E. Gasdià published his first study: Sancta Maria de Strata, Colitti, Campobasso, in 1911Google Scholar; this was developed in a fuller, revised work: Sancta Maria de Strata, Casale e Badia net Contado di Molise, in the Rivista storica benedettina, Anno XVI, vol. xvi, Roma, 1925Google Scholar, where he deals with the history of the abbey, pp. 29–67, and Anno XVII, vol. xvii, Roma, 1926, pp. 35–55, where he deals with the monument and its art. These three studies will be cited as Gasdìa, 1911, 1925, and 1926. E. D. Petrella followed with his essay ‘Santa Maria della Strada (Note d'arte e di storia medievale),’ in Nuova Rivista storica, Anno X, Milano-Roma-Napoli, 1926, pp. 83–93Google Scholar. This essay he prefaces with a full bibliography of the church: he omits, however, the photographs published by A. d'Avena, Monunenti dell' Italia meridionale, Figs. 108–113 (Relazione dell' Ufficio regionale per la conservazione dei monumenti delle Provincie meridionali, vol. i, del periodo 1891–1901, Officina poligrafica Romana, 1902Google Scholar). The present paper was already in proof when my attention was called by Mons. Alberto Romita, Bishop of Boiano-Campobasso, to a series of articles on S. Maria della Strada by Padre Michele Galluppi, O.F.M.C. in the ‘Cronaca di Molise’ of the Giornale d Italia, of 15 November, 1935, 16 April, 20 June and 16 August, 1936. I am glad that he shares my view of the significance of the fountain-column and the Celestial Journey of Alexander the Great; but I cannot endorse his conviction of the Greek origin of S. Maria, nor yet of the early evidence for the casale in the mention of ‘Castromm Matritii Sancte Marie de Strata et Montis Agani’ in a diploma of 1038 or 1039, which purports to be the grant of the castrum of Montagano to certain of the inhabitants by Paldolf III and Landolf VI of Benevento. This document, which was published by J. B. Doni, Inscriptiones Antiquae, Florence, 1731, p. 518, and by Fedor Schneider, Quellen u. Forschungen aus Italienischen Archiven u. Biblioteken, xvi, Rome, 1914, p. 16Google Scholar, is given in facsimile by P. Galluppi in Atti della Società Storica del Sannio, Anno X. fasc. 1. It is, however, impossible to avoid serious doubts as to its genuineness; the handwriting is not the Beneventan script of the early IIth century, but rather of the 13th or later, since the characteristic ligatures and abbreviations are absent, of the letters only a and t retain the Beneventan form, and most elements of diplomatic minuscule appear. Further the names of the inhabitants are very improbable for the earlier period, though likely enough for the 13th century, while the description of S. Maria as a castrum contradicts all that is known of the history of this casale. But it is not feasible to discuss the matter here as fully as it deserves. P. Galluppi has also contributed articles, inter alia, on S. Maria di Canneto to the Giornale d'ltalia in 1936 and 1937. I was able to consult P. Galluppi's articles in the Biblioteca Provinciale Molisana at Campobasso by the kindness of the Librarian, Avv. Antonio Mancini.

² Gasdìa, 1911, pp. 5–12; 1925, pp. 61–67.

³ Petrella, p. 87.

⁴ I should like here to express my sincere gratitude for the invaluable help without which the present study could not have been completed, owing to my absence from Italy. To Signorina Dott. Bianca Mazzoleni, of the Grande Archivio di Stato, Naples, I am indebted for the lengthy researches she has carried out at my request in the ‘Notamenta’ of Carlo de Lellis for notices of documents concerning Matrice and S. Maria della Strada and their lords, and for the careful transcripts she has made from the Angevin Registers and Fascicoli in the Grande Archivio di Stato. The most important of these are published in an appendix, forming as they do the indispensable basis of the historical investigation. The study of the architecture and sculpture of S. Maria, on the other hand, has been greatly facilitated by the beautiful photographs obtained for me by the good offices of Prof. Alfredo Zazo; some of them were the work of the Ingegniere Magliano, and were published by A. d'Avena, in the Monumenti dell' Italia Meridionale, already mentioned; others were specially taken for me with great courtesy and skill by the Ingegniere Romeo Musa, Campobasso. In addition I have had the use of photographs from the collections of the Istituto Nazionale LUCE and of D. Anderson, several of which I am kindly permitted to reproduce here. I have thus been able to follow up the observations and sketches which I made on the spot when I visited S. Maria.

⁵ Gasdìa, 1925, p. 35, referring without acknowledgment, as Petrella points out, to Ughelli-Coleti, , Italia Sacra, Venice, 1717–1722, vol. viii, col. 113–114, 117Google Scholar.

⁶ Gasdía, doc.(2), 1911, pp.6–7; 1925, 62; App. n. 10. Whether this refers to William I, crowned as co-ruler with his father in 1151, or to William II (1166–1189), some date in the second half of the twelfth century is indicated; probably the reference is to William I, in view of the other documents from this period.

⁷ App. n. 1.

⁸ Petrella, p. 89.

⁹ App. n. 2.

¹⁰ Petrella, p. 84, quoting Ambrosiani, Vincenzo, La Chiesa badiale di S. Maria la Strata in Matrice, Campobasso, 1887Google Scholar; see Pl. I, 1.

¹¹ Gasdìa, 1911, and 1925, pp. 31–33; cf. Sthamer, Eduard, ‘Die Hauptstrassen des Königreichs Sicilien im 13 Jahrhundert’ in Studi di storia napoletana in onore di Michelangelo Schipa, Napoli, 1926, p. 99, IIIGoogle Scholar. The Via Valeria and its branches, of which III. e. from Bojano to old Larino via Vinchiaturo and Campobasso (diverging from III. d., Corfinium-Boiano-Benevento) is the equivalent of Gasdìa's Via Frentana Apula.

¹² Gasdìa, 1925, p. 35.

¹³ Petrella, pp. 87–88.

¹⁴ Ibid. Petrella gives a very long list of Cassinese possessions in the county of Molise: he treats, however, S. Eustachio in Pantasia as a different church from S. Eustachio in Ficarola, when they were in truth identical, and some of the churches mentioned by him were not in the county in the twelfth century, but belonged rather to the counties of Civitate and Lorotello. On the other hand, he omits S. Illuminata in castello Limosani, and S. Maria di Canneto iuxta Fluvium Trinium.

¹⁵ Gasdía, 1911, p. 8; and 1925, p. 63, where he gives the text of the inquest, Fasc. Ang. n. 24, fol. 81; this has been verified for me by the kindness of Signorina Bianca Mazzoleni, of the Grande Archivio di Stato, Naples, and will be discussed, post, p. 43. It is printed again App. n. 13.

¹⁶ Regesti Bernardi I Abbatis Casinensis Fragmenta ex archivio casinensi…cura… Caplet, D. Anselmi Mariae, Rome, 1890, no. 165, p. 77Google Scholar; and Regesto di Tommaso Decano o Cartolario del Convento Cassinese (1170–1280), p. 220.

¹⁷ Petrella, p. 87, quoting Gattola, E., Historia Casinensis, vol. i, Venice, 1733, p. 217Google Scholar. S. Eustachio di Ficarola is in the territory of S. Elia a Pianisi, and S. Maria di Casalpiano in that of Morrone del Sannio, both in the county of Molise. The commission to the archpriest of Morrone was obviously fitting, and S. Maria della Strada was a neighbouring Benedictine house.

¹⁸ Mascitta, G., indeed, in Il Molise dalle origini ai nostri giorni, Napoli, 1914, vol. ii, p. 215Google Scholar writes, ‘Essa Badia, feudo Cassinese, era ricca di terre ed altri cespiti. Nel 1809 il suo patrimonio fu incamerato, e Re Gioachino lo concesse in gran parte al Duca della Regina.…’ But he does not give the source of the statement that it was a fief of Monte Cassino.

¹⁹ Sarnelli, Pompeo, Memorie cronologiche de' Vescovi ed Arcivescovi della S. Chiesa di Benevento; Napoli, 1691, pp. 131–132Google Scholar, cit. G. Masciotta, ii, 214, n. 136, and 219, and following him, Petrella, p. 87. The same information is given by Sarnelli with some variants in his Memorie dell' insigne collegio di S. Spirito della città di Benevento, Napoli, 1688, pp. 56–57Google Scholar.

²⁰ See Gasdìa, 1911, pp. 11–12, and 1925, pp. 66–67.

²¹ For this there is abundant evidence in the Reg. and Fasc. Ang. from 1269 onwards.

²² Catalogus Baronum in Cronisti e scrhtori sincroni napoletani, ed. del Re, G., Napoli, 1845, vol. i, p. 593, art. 792–796Google Scholar.

²³ Jamison, E., ‘The Administration of the County of Molise,’ I, App. 1, in English Historical Review, vol. xliv, October 1929, p. 5545CrossRefGoogle Scholar and ‘I conti di Molise e di Marsia,’ App. n. 1, in Atti del Convegno Storico Abruzzese Molisano, Casalbordino, 1933, vol. 1, p. 153Google Scholar. Hugh Marchisius did not also hold Limosano, as Gasdìa states; this was a demesne town of the counts of Molise.

²⁴ [A]VALERII DOMINI ROBBERTI TEMPORE RE…VT SITIENS BIBAT HOC CLARO DE FONTE QVO DE X…(or QVOD EX…). The ends of the lines are illegible, partly owing to deliberate cancellation and partly to the cutting of the rectangular opening, Pl. V, 1 and 2.

²⁵ Gasdìa, 1911, gives as instances the neighbouring villages of S. Giovanni in Golfo and S. Stefano. Among countless others, S. Sofia di Gibizza may be fitly mentioned, since it is to the vicissitudes of that church and village that we owe the notice of the dedication of S. Maria.

²⁶ App. n. 1.

²⁷ A parallel case is the dispute between abbess Bethlem of S. Maria di Porta Somma and her nephews about the casale of S. Angelo in Ingeniis: she brought the dispute into the king's court at Salerno, and the royal officials arranged an agreement in 1155. Jamison, E., ‘The Abbess Bethlem and the Barons of the Terra Beneventana,’ App. I, n 8, in Oxford Essays in Medieval History, Oxford, 1934Google Scholar. Such an explanation of the ‘privilege’ of King William for S. Maria is much more probable than that of Petrella (p. 89), that it was a privilege en feoffing the abbey with the houses round the church. Its disappearance is not astonishing in view of the loss of all the documents of S. Maria.

²⁸ Huillard-Bréholles, , Historia diplomatica Friderici II, Paris, 1852–1861, vol. v. 1, p. 615Google Scholar.

²⁹ Cat. Bar. p. 615, art. 1373; cf. ibid. p. 603, art. 1079, 1081, and p. 612, art. 1257, 1259 (Hugh Avalerius at Sangro). De Lellis, ‘Notamenta,’ ex Fasciculis, II, p. 444; ex Archis, I, p. 1017, 1026; II, p. 906; Archivio d. Regia Zecca, vol. 24, No. 717.

³⁰ App. n. 4.

³¹ App. n. 16.

³² App. n. 3.

³³ Reg. Ang. 1300 A, n. 106, f. 255, Mandate of 1301, 10 July, Ind. XIV, recites how ‘Petrus de Luparia miles … nuper exposuit maiestati quod, vivente Gemma domina Baronie Luparie, matre sua iure francorum vivente cuius se primogenitum asserit et heredem …’

³⁴ App. n. 8.

³⁵ Cat. Bar. p. 592, art. 777, 778, and p. 593, art. 793; there is documentary evidence that Manfred was alive in 1179 (Arch. stor. prov. di Benevento, Perg. di S. Sofia, vol. 13, n. 16).

³⁶ App. n. 2.

³⁷ Masciotta, , op. cit. vol. ii, p. 115Google Scholar.

³⁸ Marra, Ferrante della, Guardia, Duca della, Discorsi delle Famiglie estinte, forastiere, o non comprese ne' Seggi di Napoli, imparentate colla Casa della Marra, Napoli, 1641, pp. 227–228Google Scholar. See post, Appendix I.

³⁹ Ibid.Cf. E. Jamison, Conti di Molise e di Marsia, App. n. I, p. 153.

⁴⁰ App. n. 17.

⁴¹ Ibid. Nicolas de Penestrino.

⁴² App. n. 18.

⁴³ App. n. 8.

⁴⁴ App. nn. 15, 16.

⁴⁵ App. n. 11.

⁴⁶ Reg. Ang. 1276 B, n. 26, fol. 131; Reg. Ang. 1277 F, n. 28, fol. 68, both documents being dated 1278, 26 Feb., Ind. VI; and Reg. Ang. 1278–1279 H, n. 33, fol. 53 v°, document dated 1279, 31 Jan., Ind. VII.

⁴⁷ App. n. 14.

⁴⁸ App. nn. 15, 16.

⁴⁹ App. n. 17.

⁵⁰ Fasc. Ang. 36, f. 15: we may note also the effort of Peter and Nicolas in the same year to make good their right to a house in Boiano, of which they had been dispossessed by the late Roger count of Celano (Fasc. Ang. 23, f. 23 v°, 26 June, Ind. XIV).

⁵¹ This is clear from the mandate for the confiscation of Peter's lands in 1305, and from the documents for Nicolas and his descendants, passim.

⁵² Reg. Ang. 1300 A, n. 106, fol. 255, doc. of 1301, 10 July, Ind. XIV; and Reg. Ang. 1305–1306 C, n. 154, fol. 121 v°, doc. of 1306, 8 Feb., Ind. IV.

⁵³ App. n. 5.

⁵⁴ App. n. 10. The reference to the procedure established for the restitution of property is to the provision of 15 March, 1272, Trifone, R., La Legislazione Angioina, Napoli, 1921, doc n. XXIIGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁵ Sthamer, Eduard, Bruchstücke mittelalterlicher Enqueten aus Unteritalien (Abhandlungen der preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1933, phil. hist. Klasse N. 2), Berlin, 1933, pp. 26–27Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ App. n. 8.

⁵⁷ App. nn. 6 and 7. The inquest for S. Maria is published by Gasdìa, but not that immediately following for Matrice.

⁵⁸ App. n. 9.

⁵⁹ App. nn. 12, 13.

⁶⁰ Sthamer, ibid. p. 28, n. 2. He refers in regard to the third inquest only to the section for the Basilicata (and Principato) preserved in Fasc. 29 (olim 30) and published in a distorted form by Sanseverino, N. Cianci (Campi pubblici di alcuni castelli del medio evo in Basilicata, Napoli, 1891, pp. 113 ff.Google Scholar). Perhaps the inquests for S. Maria (Fasc. 24, f. 81) and Matrice (Fasc. 24, f. 79, App. nn. 12, 13) are to be added to the records of this inquest; but the subject of inquiry differs from that given for the Basilicata, and seems to have a closer connexion with that of the sixth feudal inquest of 1283–1284. Cf. App. n. 12.

⁶¹ App. n. 19.

⁶² The reading of the MS. is ‘Nyclaus,’ as Gasdìa read correctly in 1911, and not ‘Marchysius,’ as he sub stituted in 1925; a further suggestion to supply the lacuna after the words ‘servitium … pecunie unius uncie auri tam pro predicta terra Casalis Sancte Marie de Strata quam’ by reading ‘pro terra Matritii’ is only hypothesis, because the paper bears no remaining trace of words. That it is a likely hypothesis is borne out by the frequent coupling of the two places in regard to the service due and by the statement in 1325 that ‘castrum Matricis et Casalis sancte Marie de Strata … de feudo antique are held sub adoha uncie unius…’ See post, p. 47, and App. n. 25.

⁶³ Egidi, P., Codice diplomatico dei Saraceni di Lucera, 1285–1343, Napoli, 1917 (Società Napoletana di Storia Patria), p. 189, N. 400, an. 1300, 1 Nov., NapoliGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁴ C. Minieri Riccio, op. cit. p. 36, doc. XXXII, and Fedele, P., Per la Storia dell' attentato di Anagni in Bullettino dell' Istituto Storico Italiano, xli, 1921, p. 201Google Scholar, both publish the important document from Reg. Ang. 1304 A, n. 133, fol. 120, of 1304, 7 Sept., Ind. III.

⁶⁵ De Lellis, ‘Notamenta,’ vol. xi, ‘Petro de Luparia militi remissio feudalis servicii quia moratur in servicio nobilis Petri Gaietani comitis Casertani domini pape nepotis ecc. in anno 1301’ (Area H, mazzo 38, n. 12). Cf. ‘Notamenta,’ vol. viii, ‘Domino Petro de Luparia similis quia moratur ad servicia Summi Pontificis cum nobili domino Petro Gaytano comite Casertano’ (Fasc. 2, f. 84 v°.); vol. ix (Fasc. 59, f. 190).

⁶⁶ The actual order for carrying out the sentence was issued on the same day, Reg. Ang. 1305 A, n. 145, fol 90, 7 Sept., Ind. III; an abstract is given by Minieri Riccio in Studi storici fatti sopra 84 Registri Angioini, Napoli, 1876, p. 102Google Scholar, and Signorina Mazzoleni has supplied me with a full transcript.

⁶⁷ The treatment given to Peter's family can only be guessed, because the Register containing the order is lost; cf. De Lellis, ‘Notamenta,’ vol. lv bis, ‘Filiis Petri de Luparia militis foriudicatis provisio’ (Reg. 1306–1307 B, f. 93). Frequent orders concerning the tenure of the Barbarano family appear in the Registers. It does not seem impossible that Angelus's of Lupara, who was bishop of Boiano between 1338 and 1364, was a son or grandson: that Peter had a son Nicolas who may have been Angelus's father appears from a document of II November, 1292, Ind. VI, addressed to the justiciar of the Terra di Lavoro: ‘pro parte Nicolai de Luparia, filii nobilis viri Petri de Luparia, militis, devoti nostri, fuit nobis nuper expositum quod tu, ipsum Nicolaum et quondam collectores tercii generalis subventionis anni quinte indictionis nuper elapse, in iurisdictione tua promissi pro gagiis servientium, ad iteratam soludonem certe quantitatis pecunie recollecte et recepte per predictum Nicolaum ab eisdem collectoribus, ut assent, proparte dicti patris sui, de pecunia dicti tercii ex commissione tunc ipsi patri suo facta …’ (Reg. Ang. 1292–1293B,n. 62, f. 12 v°), Angelus of Lupara was the executor of Philip of Lupara's will, see post, p. 48.

⁶⁸ Della Marra, op. cit. p. 200; L. Cadier, Essai sur l'administration du Royaume de Sicile sous Charles I et Charles II d'Anjou, pp. 184 and 280.

⁶⁹ See ante, p. 43.

⁷⁰ ‘Pro Curia de destituendis certis baronibus,’ 1296, 24 June, Ind. IX (Reg. Ang. 1296 A, n. 81, f. 42).

⁷¹ Riccio, C. Minieri, Saggio di Codice diplomatico, Supplemento, Parte 2, Napoli, 1883, p. 36Google Scholar, note (1), refers to the relevant documents as Reg. Ang. 1300 X, n. 105, f. 64 (1300, 30 May, Ind. XIII, Naples); Reg. Ang. 1300 A, n. 106, f. 249 (1301, 23 June, Ind. XIV, Naples), and Reg. Ang. 1300 A, n. 106, f. 255 (1301, 10 July, Ind. XIV, Naples). Of these Signorina Bianca Mazzoleni has kindly sent me transcripts, as well as of another relevant document, Reg. Ang. 1301 B, n. 107, f. 37 (1301, 23 June, Ind. XIV).

⁷² Reg. Ang. 1306 A, n. 156, f. 126 (1305, 3 Dec., Ind. IV).

⁷³ App. n. 21.

⁷⁴ De Lellis, , ‘Notament a ex Fascicolis,’ vol. viiiGoogle Scholar, ‘Domino Petro de Luparia domino castri Campileti provisio contra Guillelmum Alamagnum dominum castri Ripe (Fasc. 13, f. 204 v°).

⁷⁵ App. n. 22. For William's tenure of Ripa Limosani and Petrella, see Ciarlanti, G. V., Memorie historiche del Sannio, Napoli, 1644, p. 395Google Scholar, and for Pietracupa and Pietrabbondante, p. 361, where he is also called ‘Maestro delle foreste, e poscia fatto Vicario del Principe Carlo II nel 1284.’

⁷⁶ De Lellis, , ‘Notamenta,’ vol. ivGoogle Scholar, ‘Feudatariis terre Laboris et Comitatus Molisii mandatum quod se conferant in terra Seminarii ad prestandum feudale servicium etc., nomina feudatariorum sunt videlicet…Petrus de Luparia’ (Reg. 1316 C, fol. 32, now lost); and ‘Barones Terre Laboris et Comitatus Molisii electi ad eundem in Calabria … Petrus de Luparia’ (ibid. f. 51, now lost). Cf. Caggese, R., Roberto d'Angiò e i suoi tempi, Florence, 1921–1930, ii, 167Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ App. n. 24.

⁷⁸ Reg. Ang. 1330 B, f. 9, Perduto, cit. De Lellis, , ‘Notamenta,’ vol. ivGoogle Scholar bis, ‘Clementia de Lupara consors Manfridi de Monteforte.’ Owing to the loss of the Register, it is not possible to verify the date.

⁷⁹ Reg. Ang. 1322 A, n. 242, f. 220 v°; document of 1322, 12 May, Ind. V, incorporating another of 1320, 19 June, Ind. III.

⁸⁰ Reg. Ang. 1305 A, n. 145, fol. 151 v°. This mandate is dated ‘Neapoli per Bartholomeum de Capua militem die XXVII madii III indictionis,’ which must be interpreted as 1320, because of the reference to ‘nostri capituli beneficium super violentis destitutionibus novissime editi,’ i.e. the legislation of King Robert in 1317 (Trifone, R., La Legislazione angioina, Napoli, 1921, p. 172, n. xcviiiGoogle Scholar).

⁸¹ De Lellis, , ‘Notamenta.’ vol. iiiGoogle Scholar, ‘Philippo de Luparia … provisio contra vassallos suos … castri Castellonie (?) ad prestandam subventionem’ (Reg. 1334–1335 E, fol. 238 v°).

⁸² Caggese ii, 214 seq.; cf. De Lellis, , ‘Notamenta’ vol. iiGoogle Scholar, Mandatum quod barones et pheudatarios se presentent in Calabria ultra ad praestandum servicium quorum nomina sunt videlicet…dominus Petrus de Luparia' Reg. 1324 A, fol. 10).

⁸³ De Lellis, , ‘Notamenta.’ vol. iiiGoogle Scholar, ‘A domino Petro de Amatricio sic per manus Philippi filii sui pro Campoleto uncias 10 tarenos 15, et pro Matricio cum Casali sancte Marie de Strata quod tenet in feudum antiquum uncias 1 ultra ipsum servicium ecc’ (Reg. [Perduto] 1322 C, f. 92).

⁸⁴ App. n. 25.

⁸⁵ Further references to Philip's tenure of this castrum are to be found in De Lellis, , ‘Notamenta,’ vol. iiiGoogle Scholar, Reg. 1335 C, f. 37; 1334–1335 C, f. 187 v° (this register is not in Conte Riccardo Filangieri di Candida's list); 1334–1335 E, f. 238 v°; 1340 A, f. 47, 48. I would suggest that this castrum, whose name is given variously as Correctisii, Correttisiis, Corichisii and Cornachitis, is in fact Colledanchise. The origin of this place and its name seems never to have been traced; this identification is confirmed by the statement (Reg. 1335 C, f. 37) that a certain mill in dispute was situated ‘inter territorium dicti castri Baronelli et castri Cornachitis,’ since the territory of Baranello does in fact march with that of Colledanchise. A slightly different form of the word, Corranquisium, is found in the document of 1 Nov., 1300, ordering the supply of pack-horses (Egidi, P.: Codice diplomatico dei Saraceni di Lucera (Soc. Nap. di Storia Patria), Napoli, 1917, p. 189, no. 400Google Scholar).

⁸⁶ Caggese, vol. ii, pp. 239–243.

⁸⁷ App. n. 27; he had already paid two ounces in 1327, App. n. 26.

⁸⁸ De Lellis, , ‘Notamenta,’ vol. ivGoogle Scholar bis, from Reg. Ang. 1337–1338–1339, f. 88, Perduto, ‘Guillelmo, Petro et Bernardo de Brusato nepotis fratris Arnaldi archiepiscopi beneventani, assensus super obligatione castri Cornachtis in comitatu Molisii eis factam per Philippum de Luparia pro certo deposito unc. 350.’

⁸⁹ Reg. Ang. 1337 A, n. 308, f. 71, document of 1338, 10 May, Ind. VI. For his son Louis, see Reg. Ang. 1335 D, n. 299, f. 259 (document of 1336, 21 April, Ind. IV).

⁹⁰ Reg. Ang. 1340 A, n. 321, f. 48 (document of 1341, 1 April, Ind. IX).

⁹¹ App. n. 28.

⁹² App. n. 29; the exact descent of Thomas of Lupara is somewhat obscure. The payments both of the relief and the arrears of service were made by ‘Thomasio de Luparia filio Johanne de Luparia nepote ex quondam Nicolao de Luparia,’ and this description occurs three times. The only children of Nicolas who have hitherto appeared were Johannoctus and Margaret. Johannoctus certainly survived his grandfather, since he succeeded to Campolieto, and Margaret was alive in April 1341. Thomas of Lupara was apparently the son of another daughter of Nicolas, Joanna, who is described as alive in the document of 1341 and 1342, but it is curious that her name is given without any mention of her husband. The suggestion that ‘Johanne’ is a mistake for ‘Johannis,’ thus making Thomas the son of Johannoctus, is difficult to reconcile with the grant, made by King Robert, who died in January 1343, of Campolieto to Margaret's husband, Charles de Stella, because Johannoctus had died ‘sine liberis’ (Reg. Ang. 1343 E, f. 120 v°, Perduto, and Reg. Ang. 1343 H, f. 17). The fact that neither Johannoctus nor Margaret inherited any share in Matrice may have been due to some arrangement made by Peter to provide for Joanna and her son, like the provision already made for the others.

⁹³ From their mother they had a half of Licinoso and Morrone (in the Contado di Molise) and Casandrino (near Aversa), while Pontelandolfo was sold in accordance with Philip's will; from their father they had the fiefs which he bought from Queen Sancia, Oratino, Rocca Rodoboni and Ferrazzano. The references are given by De Lellis, , ‘Notamenta ex Registris,’ vols. iii, iv bis, v and viGoogle Scholar; and ‘Notamenta ex Fasciculis,’ vols. viii, ix, x and xi.

⁹⁴ De Lellis, , ‘Notamenta,’ vol. iiiGoogle Scholar, from Reg. Ang. 1328 C, n. 314 f. 297 V°, ‘Margarite de Luparia uxori Raimundelli de Cabannis domicelle domine ducisse’; and inter alia, ibid. vol. vi, from Reg. Ang. 1338–1339 E, f. 7, Perduto, ‘Carolo de Cabannis militi qui tenet penes se Margaritam de Luparia filiam et heredem quondam Philippi de Luparia, nurum dicti Caroli provisio protaxatione alimentorum condignorum et ibi taxantur alimenta et servitia.’

⁹⁵ De Lellis, , ‘Notamenta,’ vol. viGoogle Scholar, from Reg. Ang. 1343 E, f. 33, Perduto, ‘Johanni de Lando de Capua milite et Antonio eius filio assensus super obligatione feudalium et matrimonium inter dictum Antonium eius filium et Iohannam de Luparia dominam castrorum Ferraczani, Rocce et Loratini,’ and numerous other references.

⁹⁶ Masciotta, vol. ii, p. 163.

⁹⁷ Ibid. p. 212; Masciotta gives a fairly full summary of its subsequent feudal history.

⁹⁸ F. Scandone, ‘D'Aquino,’ in Litta, P., Famiglie Celebri Italiane (Seconda Serie), Napoli, 1905–1909, tav. xxvi and xxviiGoogle Scholar, and plate illustrating the tombs of Giovanna d'Aquino, wife of Enrico Sanseverino, Conte di Mileto, d. 1345, and Tommaso II d'Aquino, Conte di Belcastro, d. 1375. There is some error here, for in the text (tav. xxvi) Giovanna was the wife of Ruggiero Sanseverino, Enrico being their son; and the count who died in 1375 was Tomasello, grandson of Tommaso II. The latter had died by 1339. See Pl. VIII, 2.

⁹⁹ Croce, B., Rettificazione di dad biografici riguardanti Cola di Monforte Conte di Campobasso e la sua famiglia (Accad. di scienze morali e politiche della Soc. Reale di Napoli), Napoli, 1932, pp. 10–12Google Scholar. Cf. F. Scandone, ‘D'Aquino di Capua’ in Litta, P., Famiglie Celebri Italiane (Seconda Serie), Napoli, 1905–1909, tav. xxxGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ Croce, op. cit., p. 30.

¹⁰¹ De Lellis, , ‘Notamenta,’ vol. ivGoogle Scholar, ‘Clementie de Lupara relicte quondam Manfridi de Monteforte provisio contra Petrucium de Monteforte eorum comunem filium pro restitutione dotium unciarum 300’ (Reg. 1340 A, fol. 8 v°) (this leaf is missing from the Register).

¹⁰² Petrella, p. 89.

¹⁰³ Gasdía has published or noted many documents dealing with the later history of the church and abbey.

¹⁰⁴ Cit. E. D. Petrella, op. cit., p. 83.

¹⁰⁵ D'Avena, op. cit.; see ante, p. 1, and Pl. I, 2.

¹⁰⁶ Bertaux, E., L'art dans l'Italie Méridionale, Paris, 1904, pp. 512, 513Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ Gasdía 1925, pp. 37, 51–52.

¹⁰⁸ Petrella, pp. 86, 88.

¹⁰⁹ App. n. 1.

¹¹⁰ Bertaux, op. cit., p. 512.

¹¹¹ Schulz, Heinrich Wilheim, Denkmäler der Kunst des Mittelalters in Unteritalien, 2 volsGoogle Scholar and atlas, Dresden, 1860, vol. ii, p. 49.

¹¹² Gavini, I. C., Storia dell' architettura in Abruzzo, 2 vols, Milano-Roma, 1926–1928Google Scholar, and Sommario della storia della scultura in Abruzzo, in Atti e Memorie del Convegno storico Abruzzese-Molisano, Casalbordino, 1933, vol. 1, pp. 357–359Google Scholar.

¹¹³ Bertaux, op. cit. pp. 560–566.

¹¹⁴ Gavini, , Storia dell' architettura vol. i, cap. iii, Le scuole minori, pp. 165seqGoogle Scholar.

¹¹⁵ Ibid., pp. 165–178.

¹¹⁶ Ibid., pp. 178 seq., and p. 292; vol. ii, pp. 218 seq., and Bertaux, p. 560.

¹¹⁷ For illustrations see Schulz, Atlas, tav. i, iii, and Bertaux, Pl. xxiv, and Figs. 255, 256, besides Gavini passim.

¹¹⁸ Bertaux, pp. 562–563, for the inscriptions at Moscufo and Cúgnoli, and p. 513 for the reference to that at Canneto. For this last cf the photograph by the Istituto nazionale LUCE, N. 12137.

¹¹⁹ Gavini, vol. i, p. 193, quoting Piccirilli.

¹²⁰ Schulz, vol. ii, p. 49.

¹²¹ Gavini, vol. ii, p. 334.

¹²² The same type of roses occurs also at S. Maria in Cellis at Cársoli (Gavini, Fig. 201).

¹²³ The design is found on the capital in the crypt of S. Giovanni in Leopardo at Borgocollefegato, another Benedictine church of the Valva school (Gavini, Fig. 434), and the same church offers an example also of the rhythmical grooved acanthus-leaf design noted below (Gavini, Figs. 184, 185).

¹²⁴ Pl. III and Pl. XII.

¹²⁵ Pl. VIII.

¹²⁶ Coelius Sedulius, Carmen Paschale, lib. i, line 355 (Migne, , Patrologiae Cursus Completus, Series Latina, Paris, 1846, t. xix, col. 591Google Scholar).

¹²⁷ Schulz, Atlas, tav. lxi, Fig. 1, and tav. liii.

¹²⁸ See ante, p. 50, for the references for these tombs.

¹²⁹ Pl. III.

¹³⁰ Pl. I, 2.

¹³¹ Pl. III and Pl. IX.

¹³² Petrella, p. 89, summarizing the attribution of the Orsini inventory, ‘la Vergine Sacrosancta che risiede sopra una bestie sommaria.“ He himself thinks that it is indeed the Saint to whom the church is dedicated represented under the name of ‘Della Strada,’ a popular conception.

¹³³ Ambrosiani described the figure as ‘la castellana di Matrice, o la regina del tempo.’

¹³⁴ Gasdìa, 1926, p. 37.

¹³⁵ Mâle, Emile, L'Art religieux du XII^e siècle en France, Deuxième, ed., Paris, 1924, pp. 247–251Google Scholar.

¹³⁶ Mâle, loc. cit., quoting Wace, Le Roman de Rou.

¹³⁷ The ‘Horse of Constantine’ is variously described in the different medieval accounts of the statue: Benedict, the canon of St. Peter's, to whom in all probability we owe the ‘Mirabilia Urbis Romae,’ circa 1140, is emphatic that it was not, in fact, a statue of Constantine on horse back, ‘In campo Lateranensi est quidam caballus ereus, quidicitur Constantini sed non est ita,’ and he describes it as ‘equum ereum deauratum pro memoria, sine sella, ipso (i.e. the esquire of the legend, for which see pp. 61 ff.) desuper residente, extenta manu dextra, qua ceperat regem. Ipsum quoque regem, qui parue persone fuerat, retro ligatis manibus, sicuti eum ceperat, sub ungula equi memoriabiliter destinauerunt, et in capite equi memoria cocobaie, ad cuius cantum ceperat regem.’ This last reference is to the tuft of hair between the horse's ears, which became in medieval imagination the owl of the legend (Schramm, P. E., Kaiser, Rom und Renovatio, teil ii, Leipzig, 1929, p. 87Google Scholar). Master Gregory, the English man who wrote an up-to-date guide in the middle of the thirteenth century, says, ‘Eratque equus et eques et columpne optime deaurate. … Sedet autem eques manum dexteram dirigens tanquam populo loquens vel imperans. Sinistra manu frenum retentat, quo capud equi in dexteram partem obliquet, tanquam alio diuersurus.’ (This feature is very marked at S. Maria della Strada.) ‘Avicula etiam quam cuculam uocant inter aures equi sedet, et nanus quidam sub pede equi premitur, miram morientis et extrema pacientis speciem representans’ (Rushforth, G. Mc. N., ‘Magister Gregorius de Mirabilibus Urbis Romae,’ in Journal of Roman Studies, vol. ix, 1, 1919, p. 46Google Scholar). Cf. Schramm, op. cit. p. 50. Finally, in ‘Il libro delle storie di Fioravante,’ written between 1315 and 1340 in its present form, but incorporating much older material: Constantine … ‘fecie fare un cavallo di metallo, e fecievi far su il villano col bastone in mano e co’ calzari legati in pie, e ogni cosa fecie fare di metallo, e'l cavallo fecie fare senza sella. Ecchi va a Roma sillo pote vedere, e vedra sempre che'l mondo si bastera' (Rajna, P., I Reali di Francia. Ricerche intorno ai Reali di Francia, vol. i, Bologna, 1872, p. 364Google Scholar, ‘Il libro delle storie di Fioravante,’ c. xiv). Rajna has here discussed most fully the relation of Fioravante to the Reali di Francia, in which, however, the description of the ‘Horse of Constantine’ is not found.

¹³⁸ Compare the different stories told in the Mirabilia (Schramm, op. cit., pp. 87–88) and in ‘Il Libro delle storie di Fioravante,’ c. xiii and xiv (Rajna, op. cit. pp. 360–364); see also Reali di Francia, vol. i, c. 30–43, 54–59. Master Gregory gives a more sophisticated view in his alternative explanations derived from the ‘senioribus et cardinalibus et uiris doctissimis’ (op. cit., pp. 46–48).

¹³⁹ Octavian, Altfranzösische Roman nach der Oxforder Handschrift, Bodl. Hatton 100, ed. Vollmöller, Karl, Heilbronn, 1883 (Altfranzösische Bibliothek, herausgeg. von Wendelin Förster, Bd. 3), pp. xvi–xviiiGoogle Scholar. For the history of the story, cf. Rajna, op. cit. pp. 67–83.

¹⁴⁰ ‘Il Libro delle storie di Fioravante,’ ed. cit., p. 462, c. lxviii. Cf. the same story in the Reali di Francia, lib. ii, c. 48.

¹⁴¹ Ibid. c. lxix, p. 463, and c. lxxii, pp. 466–467. Cf. Reali, lib. ii, c. 48, and c. 50.

¹⁴² Haseloff, A., Pre-romanesque Sculpture in Italy, Florence and Paris, 1930, Plate 69Google Scholar.

¹⁴³ G. H. Gerould, ‘Arthurian Romance and the Date of the Relief at Modena,’ in Speculum, Oct. 1935, pp. 355–376.

¹⁴⁴ Floovant, Chanson de Geste, publiée pour la première fois d'après le manuscrit unique de Montpellier par Guessard, F. et Michelant, H., Paris, 1859Google Scholar, in ‘Les anciens poètes de la France.’ See also Brockstedt, G.: Floovant Studien, Inaugural-Dissertation, Kiel, 1904Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁵ ‘Libro di Fioravante,’ ed. cit., p. 371, c. xx. (Cf. Reali di Francia, lib. ii, c. 7.)

¹⁴⁶ In the French ‘Floovant’ she is called Florote.

¹⁴⁷ The corresponding passage in ‘Floovant’ is worth quoting:

Floovans en fiert. i. an la targe florie;

Desoz la boucle à or li a fraite et malmise,

Et l'aubert de son dos li derout et dessire;

Ou cors li mit la lance, qui qu'an plort ne qui rie;

Tant soué l'abait mor qu'i ne brait ne ne crie.

¹⁴⁸ Historia Karoli Magni et Rotholandi ou Chronique du Pseudo-Turpin, ed. Meredith-Jones, C., Paris, 1936, pp. 178–200Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁹ Ibid. p. 188, the ‘Lapis marmoreus or petronus marmoreus, qui ibi erectus erat’ was in all probability a marble column for a boundary stone. The rough indication of a cleft column seems to recall such a column as the paschal candlestick at S. Clemente di Casauria, the work of the school of Roger, Robert, and Nicodemus or their successors.

¹⁵⁰ Garufi, C. A., ‘Il pavimento a mosaico della Cattedrale d'Otranto,’ in Studi Medievali, Il, Torino, 1906–1907, p. 505Google Scholar; he mentions ‘a little man blowing a horn.’

¹⁵¹ Ibid. Garufi refers to the drawings of the French man, Millin, and the MS. of Ortensio de Leo in the Biblioteca Comunale di Brindisi. Illustrations are given by Bertaux, op. cit. p. 493, and by Schulz, op. cit. Atlas, tav. xlv.

¹⁵² Der Alexanderroman Jes Archpresbyters Leo, ed. Pfister, Friedrich (Sammlung mittellateinischer Texte, 6, Heidelberg, 1913)Google Scholar. The Journey to the Sky is found in the Letter of Alexander to his mother, Olympias, in Leo, lib. iii, 27^II, 4 and 5, pp. 125–126.

¹⁵³ For a general account of the Alexander Romances, see Magouin, F. P., The Gests of King Alexander of Macedon, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A., 1929CrossRefGoogle Scholar, Introduction.

¹⁵⁴ For the subject in art, see Loomis, R. S., ‘Alexander the Great's Celestial Journey,’ Burlington Magazine, 1918, vol. xxxii, pp. 136–140, 177–185Google Scholar; and Boffito, G., ‘La Leggenda Aviatoria di Alessandro Magno nella Letteratura e nell' Arte,’ Bibliofilo: Rivista di Storia del Libro, 1920, xxii, pp. 316–330Google Scholar, xxiii, 1921–1922, pp. 22–32, with additional note by Bertoni, idem. pp. 32–33. For its appearance on the church of S. Demetrius at Vladimir in Russia at the end of the twelfth century, see Buxton, D. R., Russian Mediaeval Architecture, Cambridge, 1934, p. 10Google Scholar. It must be noted that the picture here given differs entirely from that attributed to the same church and illustrated by Mr. Loomis.

¹⁵⁵ Olschki, L., ‘La Cattedrale di Modena e il suo rilievo arturiano,’ in Archivum Romanicum, vol. xix, pp. 145–182Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁶ The sculpture of the Agnus Dei at S. Maria di Canneto should be noted here.

¹⁵⁷ For the references for this, see ante, p. 66, n. 150.

¹⁵⁸ The sculptures at Bari are obviously of no account here because they deal with the Breton and not the Carolingian cycle, and the same is true of the much disputed Modena archivolt, in North Italy.

¹⁵⁹ Rajna, P., ‘Contributo alla storia dell' epopea e del romanzo medievale’ in Romania, An. 26, 1897, pp. 48–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar; also Archivio storico Italiano, serie 4, xviii, pp. 329–354 and xix, pp. 23–54; and Suttina, L. in Studi Medievali, N.S. vol iii (1930), pp. 305seq.Google Scholar, and vol. iv (1931), pp. 358 seq..

¹⁶⁰ Cat. Bar. p. 579 art. 297, and p. 577 art. 228.

¹⁶¹ Brockstedt, G., Floovant-Studien, Inaugural Dissert. zu Kiel, 1914, p. 62Google Scholar.

¹⁶² P. Rajna, Ricerche, p. 59.

¹⁶³ L. Olschki, op. cit., p. 174.

¹⁶⁴ Hugo Falcandus, Historia o Liber de Regno Sicilie, ed. G. Siragasa, 1897, p. 180.

¹⁶⁵ The indiction should be the eleventh instead of the second, which is plainly written in the original manuscript of the document. It is difficult to account in any satisfactory manner for so serious an error in calculation on the part of the notary.

¹⁶⁶ Giroldus de Fay was lord of Jelsi (the ancient Gebizza) and of S. Angelo in Vico near to Volturara (to-day the ‘Crocelled i S. Angelo’ to the west of the road from Volturara to S. Bartolommeo in Galdo, appears on the Carta dell' Istituto geografico militare, scale 1 in 100,000, Edizione 1927, Foglio 163); he was one of the barons of the county of Civitate, as appears clearly from the present document bearing the signature of Count Robert II (Robertus filius Roberti filii Riccardi) fl. 1147–1152, and of several feudatories of the county. Giroldus is, moreover, mentioned in two further documents: (1) In the Catalogus Baronum, f. 26 recto, of the MS. Reg. Ang. 1322 A, Grande Archivio di Stato di Napoli, we read among the feudatories and sub-feudatories of the county of Civitate, ‘Giroldus de Y fay (or perhaps Ysay) sicut inventum est, tenet dimidium feudi Militis in Sancto Angelo in Bico, et cum augmento obtulit Militem unum, et Servientes duos.’ (The printed editions of the Catalogue give the name wrongly as Giroldus de Gay; cf. del Re, p. 580, art. 339; (2) in the Registro d'Instrumenti di S. Maria del Galdo, R. Deputazione Napoletana di Storia patria, MS. XXI, A. 21, f. 96 v°, there is a reference to an earlier testimony given ‘a Riccardo de Fay, quondam. Giroldi de Fay filio,’ in regard to the possession of the place called S. Angelo in Vico, to which the monastery of S. Matteo di Scurgola, subordinated to S. Maria del Galdo, laid claim in the year 1210. According to the reported statement of Richard, S. Angelo belonged anciently to S. Matteo; later it was seized b y Hug h of Forcellato (fl. c. 1120) who drove out the monks. After some considerable time had elapsed, the testimony went on to say, Count Robert I of Civitate (Vetus Robertus filius Riccardi, fl. after 1120, the father of Count Robert II, who is mentioned in the present document of Gerald de Fay in 1148) dispossessed him, constituting S. Angelo as a dowry for one of his daughters. This story suggests that S. Angelo came to the de Fay family through a marriage, perhaps with this daughter, but of that there is nothing in the document of 1210. Nevertheless in this year S. Angelo was adjudged to S. Matteo, and consequently in the Swabian section of the Catalogue, f. 63, it is stated that S. Giovanni (alias S. Maria) del Galdo is in possession of it. In the Norman section of the Catalogue, on the other hand, the moiety of S. Angelo is a fief of Gerald's, who had rights, at any rate in 1148, over the church of S. Nicola ‘ante portam S. Angeli in Vico.’

The question of Gerald's surname, whether it was in fact ‘de Fay’ or ‘de Say,’ must remain unsettled: ‘de Fay’ is the reading of the present document, and of that in the register of S. Maria del Galdo, while the MS. of the Catalogue, undoubtedly of later date, gives ‘Ysay’ rather than ‘Yfay.’ Both names are found in the period and are of Norman origin.

¹⁶⁷ Gebiza (Gibicza, Gebizza, Cebiza, Gibtia, Gibtie, Jeuzi) is the medieval form of the modern Jelsi. In the printed editions of the Chronicon S. Sophiae, ed. Coleti, Ughelli, Italia Sacra, vol. x, col. 504Google Scholar, and of the Catalogus Baronum, ed. del Re, p. 615, art. 1391, ‘Tibicza’appears in error for ‘Gibicza’; and on the map of the Contado di Molise by Gio-Antonio Magini Teuzi is not found instead of Jeuzi. The castellum of Gebizza is not found in the Norman section of the Catalogue, because the description of the county of Civitate there given is defective; nevertheless it appears in the Swabian section, f. 62 v°, of the MS. ‘Dominus Riccardus films Moricii et Robertus de Fogia tenet Gibiczam quod est pheudum unius Militis’; and again in the Statute for the Repair of the Castles of 1239, ed. Sdiamer, Die Verwaltung, p. 100 (44), Cebiza is registered.

¹⁶⁸ The unusual name ‘Sagamorus’ is perhaps a version of ‘Sagramorus,’ a knight of the Romance of Lancelot; in 1215 there appears a Sagamorius inhabitant of Salpi, ‘in contrata Forleti’ (Codice diplomatico Barese, vol. viii, No. 210Google Scholar).

¹⁶⁹ Sancta Sophia de Gebiza, ecclesia et casale: the casale is mentioned as S. Sophia in the Statute for the Repair of the Castles, where, together with the barony of the brothers ‘de Stipite,’ with Gebizza, Gildone and its casali, Cercemaggiore and its casali, it is charged with the repair of Termoli (Sthamer, loc. cit.).

¹⁷⁰ Peter flourished as archbishop of Benevento from 1148 to 1153, when he was the recipient of the privilege of Anastasius IV (Ughelli-Coleti, , Italia Sacra, t. viii, col. 113Google Scholar).

¹⁷¹ Johannes, Bishop of Vulturara, appears in Ughelli's list in the year 1037 (Ughelli-Coleti, t. viii, col. 390); he should be transferred, according to Klewitz, to the twelfth century, because the Vita S. Adalberd, in which he is mentioned belongs to this century, since the saint died on 5 April, 1127 (Klewitz, H. W., ‘Zur Geschichte des Bistumsorganisation Campaniens und Apuliens,’ in Quellen und Forschungen aus Italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken; Bd. xxiv., 1933, p. 52Google Scholar, Vulturara, and p. 50, Monte Corvino). The date of the saint's death should be 1137 instead of 1127, because count William of Loritello, who is mentioned in this connection in the Vita, was count only in this year. Undoubtedly this bishop is to be identified with the Johannes of our document.

¹⁷² For S. Angelo in Vico, see ante, p. 76, n. 166.

¹⁷³ It is difficult to offer any satisfactory explanation of this double dedication of the church.

¹⁷⁴ S. Maria de Sambuculo has not been definitely identified: the church of S. Maria de Sambuco, near to Benevento appears in the Liber Censuum, and they may well be the same.

¹⁷⁵ A bishop of Civitate hitherto unknown; he does not appear in the list of Ughelli, ed. Coleti, t. viii, col. 270–271, nor in the additions of Klewitz, op. cit., p. 47, Civitate, although he mentions the predecessor of Raymond, a certain John in 1143.

¹⁷⁶ Ughelli, ed. Coleti, t. viii, col. 243. ‘Robertus cuius mentio in monumentis Ecclesia habetur an. 1147.’

¹⁷⁷ Perhaps to be identified with Brunamons, who holds Chiusano, Cat. Bar., p. 580, art. 326.

¹⁷⁸ The dictator of the present document, cf. above.

¹⁷⁹ Lord of Cercemaggiore, Viperano and Goffiano, Cat. Bar., p. 580, art. 330.

¹⁸⁰ This Luke holds Quatrano from Robert of Partenico, Cat. Bar., p. 580, art. 336.

¹⁸¹ The family of Fullotris is not found in the Catalogue, an omission due in all probability to the fact that part of the register of the county of Civitate has not survived. The family, however, appears several times in documents of the twelfth century: (1) Robert Fullotris is a witness to the Treuga Dei of 1120 (Carabellese, F., L'Apulia ed il suo Comune, Bari, 1905, p. 541Google Scholar, doc. n. xxxviii), and also in a privilege of Robert Count of Loritello in Arch. stor. prov. Benev. Perg. S. Filippo, vol. 10, No. 26); (2) Richard Fullotris is mentioned as a ‘judex electus’ in a document of Stephen of Sora, inhabitant of Lesina, in the presence of count William of Lesina in 1142 (Cart. S. Maria di Tremiti, f. 42 recto, Bibl. Naz. Napoli, xiv, A, 30).

¹⁸² He is a witness in 1147 for Hugh Markese, lord of Castelbottaccio and Lupara, in a judgement of Count Hugh II of Molise (E. Jamison, ‘The Administration of the county of Molise,’ App. n. 1, in the English Historical Review, October 1929, p. 554, and ‘I conti di Molise e di Marsia,’ App. n. 1, in Atti del Convegno storico abruzzese molisano, vol. i, Casalbordino, 1932, p. 153Google Scholar.

¹⁸³ Perhaps to be identified with Alferius de Gambatesa, Cat. Bar., p. 580, art. 335.

¹⁸⁴ Toro (km. 12·9 from Campobasso) was a castellum of the county of Molise granted in 1092 and again in 1124 to S. Sofia of Benevento by Robertus filius Trostayni (cf. E. Jamison, ‘Administration of the county of Molise,’ in English Historical Review, October 1929, p. 556, n. 5.

¹⁸⁵ In the Catalogus Baronum the following entry appears on p. 592, art. 777: ‘Manfridus Marchisius filius Hugoni s Marchisii et frater eius tenent de eodem Hugone (i.e. filio Acti) Lupariam et Calcabuczam …’; and in the following article: ‘Guillelmus frater eius tenet …Campum de Petra’; this William may apparently be identified with the W. de Luparia of the present document; cf. ante, pp. 39, 40.

¹⁸⁶ Ferrazzano, Frazione of the Comune of Campobasso.

¹⁸⁷ S. Giovanni in Galdo (km. 149 from Campobasso) was a castellum granted to S. Sofia of Benevento by the counts of Molise, for the first time perhaps by Count Ralph II, and repeatedly confirmed by his successors (cf. E. Jamison, op. cit. p. 556, n. 5).

¹⁸⁸ I am able to publish this and the following documents from the Angevin Registers and Fascicoli and from the ‘Notamenta’ of Carlo de Lellis owing to the researches and transcripts made for me with great patience and efficiency by Signorina Dott. Bianca Mazzoleni.

¹⁸⁹ Colle S. Nicola, to the south of the road from Campobasso to Larino.

¹⁹⁰ There is to-day in the neighbourhood a ‘Piano Molino.’

^{page 84 note a} The MS. reads maiori.

¹⁹¹ The reference to the death of Gemma establishes a date subsequent to 1280; further, from the words proparte Regni heredum, ad statum libertatis, etc., it is clear that the letter belongs to the period after the death of Charles I, during the captivity of Charles II and the minority of his son; the indiction XIV, therefore, corresponds to the year 1286.

^{page 91 note a} Gasdìa, 1911 and 1925, Similiter Petrus …

^{page 91 note b} id. 1911 Nicolaus, 1925 Marchysius.

^{page 91 note c} id. 1911 and 1925, dominus.

^{page 91 note d} id. 1911 and 1925, suggests ‘pro terra Matritii,’ certainly correctly.

^{page 94 note a} domino, Reg. Ang. 1309 A, n. 184, f. 7.

^{page 94 note b} militi

^{page 94 note c} deducendis

^{page 94 note d} factas

^{page 94 note e} gravari

^{page 94 note f} XV

¹⁹² See ante p. 48, n. 92.