2. Numbers in text and notes refer to CIL, vol. vi unless another volume is specified. The following abbreviations are also used:-

Bianchini Bianchini, Francesco (1727). Camera ed iscrizioni sepulchrali de' liberti, servi ed ufficiali della casa di Augusto scoperte nella via Appia, ed illustrate con le annotazioni di Monsignor Francesco Bianchini Veronese, RomeGoogle Scholar.

Boulvert Boulvert, Gérard (1970). Esclaves et affranchis impériaux sous le haut empire romain: rôle politique et administratif, NaplesGoogle Scholar.

Brizio Brizio, Edoardo (1876). Pitture e sepolcri scoperti sull' Esquilino dalla compagnia fondiaria italiana nell' anno 1875, RomeGoogle Scholar.

Chantraine Chantraine, Heinrich (1967). Freigelassene und Sklaven im Dienst der römischen Kaiser: Studien zu ihrer Nomenklatur, WiesbadenGoogle Scholar.

Davis Davis, G. R. C.. The administrative staff of the Roman emperors at Rome from Augustus to Alexander Severus, (Oxford D. Phil, thesis, 1950, unpublished).Google Scholar

Duff Duff, A. M. (1928). Freedmen in the Early Roman Empire, OxfordGoogle Scholar.

Dufferin and Ava Harriot, , Marchioness of Dufferin and Ava (1889). Our Viceregal Life in India. Selections from my Journal 1884–1888, LondonGoogle Scholar.

ESAR Frank, Tenney ed., (1933–1940). An Economic survey of Ancient Rome, BaltimoreGoogle Scholar.

Fairon Fairon, E. (1900). ‘L'organisation du palais imperial à Rome’, Musée Beige 4, 5–25Google Scholar.

Friedländer Friedländer, Ludwig, Roman Life and Manners under the Early Empire (tr. Freese, J. H., Gough, A. B. and Magnus, L. A., London 1908–1913Google Scholar).

Gorio Gorio, Antonio Francisco (1727). Monumentum sive columbarium libertorum Liviae Augustae et Caesarum, FlorenceGoogle Scholar.

Hickey The memoirs of W. Hickey 1749–1809 ed. Spencer, Alfred (1913) LondonGoogle Scholar.

Hirschfeld, KV Hirschfeld, Otto (1963). Die kaiserlichen Verwaltungsbeamten bis auf Diocletian, 3rd ed. BerlinGoogle Scholar.

Loane Loane, Helen Jefferson (1938). Industry and commerce of the city of Rome 50 B.C. – 200A.D., BaltimoreGoogle Scholar.

Marquardt Marquardt, J. and Mau, A. (1886). Das Privatleben der Römer, 2nd ed., LeipzigGoogle Scholar.

RFLR Treggiari, Susan (1969). Roman Freedmen during the Late Republic, OxfordGoogle Scholar.

SB Bailey, D. R. Shackleton (1965–1970). Cicero's Letters to Atticus, CambridgeGoogle Scholar.

Waltzing Waltzing, J-P. (1895–1900). Etude historique sur les corporations professionnelles chez les romaines depuis les origines jusqu'à la chute de l'empire de l'Occident, LouvainGoogle Scholar.

Weaver, FC Weaver, P. R. C. (1972). Familia Caesaris: a Social Study of the Emperor's Freedmen and Slaves, CambridgeCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

A list of Livia's staff in alphabetical order of job will be found in the appendix.

3. Among these, I refer particularly to the following (abbreviations in brackets):-

Monumentum Liviae (ML) 3926–4326 (Domini represented include Livia; Augustus; Tiberius; Antonia Drusi; Iulia Germanici f. (one of the three daughters); Agrippina; Drusus and Gaius (Germanici ff.); Iulia Drusi f.; Claudius; Nero).

Monumentum familiae liberorum Neronis Drusi (MID) 4327–4413 (of Tiberian date; domini include Livia, Tiberius, Antonia Drusi, Germanicus and his family, Claudius and Livilla).

Monumentum Marcellae (MM) 4418–4880 (Domini: Augustus, Octavia, both Marcellae, both Antoniae, Livia Tiberius, Germanicus, Claudius and nobles).

Monumenta inter Appiam et Latinam (MiAL) 4881–5886 (Tiberian to Claudian; imperial domini represented are Tiberius, Claudius and Nero).

Monumentum Statiliorum (MS) 6213–6640 (Augustan to Claudian, Neronian in adjoining chambers, 6595–6640).

Monumentum Volusiorum (MV) 7281–7394 (from L. Volusius Saturninus, cos. AD. 3, to end of first century AD.)

4. Both because many of her staff are grouped in the ML and because they can often be identified by nomenclature when buried elsewhere. There is less ambiguity than arises with freedmen of Augustus or Gaius Caligula (both C. Iulius Aug. 1.) or Claudius or Nero (both Ti. Claudius Aug. 1.) except in a few cases of incomplete nomenclature (e.g. where ‘Aug.’ could stand for Aug(usti) or Aug(ustae), or where ‘Augustae’ could stand for ‘Antoniae Augustae’, or when an inscription not dated by provenance could refer to Iulia Augusta, daughter of Titus (e.g. 33736).

5. Since Bianchini, the ML has often been called the tomb of the freedmen of Augustus. (Cf. the similar difficulty about the name of the Palatine house, n. 13.) Under the latter name, some remains are still to be seen at no. 87 soon after the church of Domine Quo Vadis. One chamber is occupied by a washing-trough and various other accretions such as henhouses (some ollae remain) and the other, less well preserved, by the Trattoria dei Liberti.

6. E.g. 3945, 3946, 3992, 8944.

7. Many of the inscriptions can be seen in the gallery of the Capitoline Museum.

8. Waltzing iii, 222–225, iv, 165.

9. Cf. 6213 on this practice. Of the decurions of the ML collegium, roughly 23 are connected with Livia, 19 with various members of her family, 16 do not belong to either group.

10. Gardthausen, V. (1891–1904) Augustus und seine Zeit, Leipzig, i. 2, 1023–4Google Scholar, ii. 2, 332 no. 34; RE xiii, 919.

11. I use ‘before 14’ and ‘after 14’ as shorthand for before and after the actual adoption date, which followed Augustus' death on August 19. Before the adoption, Livia's freedmen take her nomen and her father's praenomen; afterwards they take her new nomen, but retain the M. which distinguishes them from C. Iulii freed by Augustus. There is one anomalous case, 20237. See Weaver, FC, 28–9, 62–3.

12. Cf. Weaver, FC, 30. Before: especially when the donor of an olla to friend or relation intends his own ashes to rest in the same place (e.g. 4171). After: perhaps the elaborate family inscription which includes Livia divae Aug. l. Culicina, her parents, husbands, brother-in-law, son and daughter-in-law (1815 = ILS 1926 = EJ 151). Other Livii divae Augustae liberti are 4159, 8955.

13. The so-called Casa di Livia. Cf. Lugli, G. (1970) Itinerario di Roman antica, Milan, 167–74Google Scholar.

14. Philotimus: RFLR, 144, 263–4 (Cicero avoids the technical word dispensator); Tiro: RFLR, 262; it was a freedman who rented a house on behalf of Piso (Cic. Pis. 61).

15. atnensis: Plaut. As. 459, Cas. 462, Poen. 1283; RE ii 2145–6; procurator castrensis: Boulvert, 169–72. Fairon, E. (1898) ‘Ratio castrensis’ (Musk Beige 2, 241–66)Google Scholar is still useful.

16. In farmhouses it was the vilica who directed cleaners (Col. 12. 3. 9).

17. Lack of status indication usually means slave status. Cf. Weaver, FC, 52. The insertion of s(ervus) after the genitive Liviae is avoided: the only examples in the ML are 4006, 4119, 4214, 4273.

18. RE ii 429–31, DE i 632–6, Boulvert, 172, 429; cf. on arcarii in the familia Caesaris Weaver, , JRS 58 (1968) 121–2Google Scholar, FC, 250–1. Cf. 8720, iii 4797 and 4798, viii 3289.

19. Slave status clear in 9347, 9360. In most of the inscriptions, 9319–9372 and 6266–6279 (MS), there is no status indication. Juristic evidence is cited by Boulvert, 129. The freedmen are 9348: … Hermes conlibert. qui disp(ensavit) (edd.); 9353: Q. Mari Nicomachi qui fuit dispens …; 9327: … M. Licinius Eutychus qui dispensavit, with Mommsen's note calling attention to the tense (not conclusive for retirement since a dead man's job calls for a past tense).

20. 3937, 3938, 8722, ii 4186?, xi 3780.

21. Valuable: Dig. 47. 10. 15. 44; wealthy: 9320, 9321; wives: 9326, 9327, 9346, 9364; manumission: ages at death when given all below 30, the minimum in normal circumstances: 9339 (age 26), 9354 (23), 9355 (26), 9362 (20), 9365 (28) and even ? 9338 (16) – all from familiae of privati.

22. Dig. 50. 13. 1. 6: … calculatoribus sive tabulariis. Cicero had called his accountant a ratiocinator (Att. 1. 12.2).

23. On these, Boulvert, 420–425, Weaver, FC, 241–249.

24. RE iv A 1983.

25. No servants ad hereditates are attested for Livia: the only private one known is T. Statilius Iucundus (6291); cf. DE iii 734–736.

26. 33736. I follow Hülsen (ad loc.) against Hirschfeld (KV ii, 27 n. 1) and Boulvert, 78 n. 437.

27. Cf. six slaves for the Statilii (6215, 6217, 6296–6299), one in the MV (7291), one freedman probably for Antonia Drusi (4347, M. Antonius Felix, MlD) and one slave for Tiberius (8856). Also a praepos(itus) insulariorum (8855, Augusti lib.).

28. E.g. for private clerks: 8879 (Agrippina); 6314, 6315 (MS); 7293 (MV); 9525, 37802 (librariae).

29. Cf. 8885: … qui proxime manum Caesaris est…

30. But Faustus had a free son, C. Iulius Eutyches, who died at five. Probably ingenuus, because the praenomen does not derive from Livia's father: I conjecture a mother Iulia? C. l. Or Faustus omitted his own free status.

31. For vicarii cf. Weaver, FC. 200–11. Would Lochias (even if retired from mending after her marriage to Diadumenus the mensor) need a secretary? Attalus also had a freedman working as ab argento, possibly again for Livia.

32. The fragment Livia- accept– (acceptator ?) may refer to an acceptor a subscriptionibus like Ti. Iulius xDonatus (5181) who, since subscriptiones were the answers written on the bottom of petitions seems to have been the fore-runner of the imperial a libellis (Davis App. 5 no. 1 and p. 264). It is conceivable that Livia kept a special secretary for petitions.

33. Marquardt i, 142; DE i 762–3; RE ii 2145–6; Boulvert, 25.

34. Cf., on the same lack of distinction in the imperial service, Weaver, FC, 262–4.

35. DE i 762.

36. Sen. Const. 14. 1–2, Fronto Epp. gr. 5. 1; cf. Tac. Ann. 6. 8. on the advantages of being known to ianitores.

37. Marquardt i, 142; RE v 308–9; Boulvert, 26; according to DE ii 2 1728 there is one non-imperial example (no reference given).

38. Boulvert, 180.

39. Sen., Epp. 95. 24Google Scholar; Tac., Ann. 4. 10, 59Google Scholar (ministri).

40. E.g. Sen., Brev. vit. 12. 5Google Scholar, Petr., Cena 31. 3, 68. 3Google Scholar; Mohler, S., TAPA 17 (1940) 268–9Google Scholar. Grooming: Tiberius had an ornator glabrorum (8956); Seneca regularly attacks their luxurious dress (Vita beata 17.2, Brev. vit. 12. 5).

41. 9005 = EJ 157; Boulvert, 181.

42. 8817; cf. 3963: [Cae]saris [a c]yatho (ML).

43. Sen., Vita beata 17. 2Google Scholar. Cf. Elizabethan insistence on expertise in this task: the servant was trained to ‘unlace a coney, to raise a capon, trompe a crane …’.

44. Rogo may have the sense of ‘invite’ as well as ‘ask, inquire’. 33794 (Antonia) and 4026 (ML, Tiberius: –us rogator D– [ab of] ficis et admiss–ssus Caesaris maternus) are clearly private servants and not voting officers. The second appears to be connected with reception.

45. 33762. Later emperors had a whole group of straff ab admissions (DE i 92–93, Boulvert, 58–9, 181).

46. E.g. 4887 (Claudius/Nero); 4455, 6071, 8602, 9700 (privati of early principate).

47. E.g. Suet., Galba 5. 2Google Scholar, Otho 1; Tac., Ann. 2. 34Google Scholar, 4. 21, 5. 2; CIL xii 5842. Cf. Agrippina Minor (Tac., Ann. 13. 19Google Scholar).

48. 7290 cf. 9474. Later imperial freedmen a cura amicorum, the earliest a Neronian freedman inA.D. 108 (630, cf. DE i 92, Boulvert p. 182). For guest-houses, Vitruv. 6. 7. 4, Petr., Sat.. 77. 5Google Scholar; Maiuri, A., Mem. Acc. Linc. s. 8, 5 (1954) 449–67Google Scholar.

49. Marquardt i, 144; DE ii 2 1290–2; RE iv 1734–7; Boulvert, 30–31, 245–7; Michiels, J. (1902) ‘Les cubicularii des empereurs romains d'Auguste à Diocletien’ (Musée Belge 6, 364–87)Google Scholar.

50. Att. 6. 2. 5; Suet. DJ 4. 1; 5197 = EJ 158.

51. Cf. the vicereine's bedroom staff cited below. I have listed in the appendix a fragment about a eunuch, but it is uncertain whether he worked for Livia. Eunuchus can be equivalent to cubicularius (DE ii 2171) but here it looks as if it does not represent a job title, which will have been given in the previous word (? [thu]rarius). Eunuchs are found in Nero's day (8847, a freedman of Acte; 8954, a Flavian freedman ab ornamentis who had belonged to Poppaea; cf. Trimalchio's spadones, Petr., . Sat. 27. 3Google Scholar).

52. RE xviii 1122–3.

53. Gorio, 129.

54. Two are freed before 14, two after.

55. Ovid Am. 1. 11; 12. 1–6; for English literature see, e.g., the maid in Sheridan, The Rivals.

56. There are few contemporary ornatrices to compare: those of the women of the Volusii are slaves (7296 probably, 7297 almost certainly); Antonia Drusi had a trustworthy freed ornatrix (Suet., Claud. 40. 2Google Scholar).

57. The ornatrix Aucta could be the former owner of the footman Eros, but he may equally have belonged to the lanipendus Auctus or to another bearer of this common servile name.

58. 9731 (aged 9); 9726 (12); 9728 (13); ornatrices dying in their late teens are fairly common: e.g. 5539 (of Octavia Claudi f.), 9690, 9728. They would be trained by a magister(Dig. 32. 65. 3).

59. Not, I think, wool-workers. Further information in F. W. Nicolson, ‘Greek and Roman barbers“ (HSCP2 (1891) 41–56). There could also be a special slave to hold the mirror, ad speculum (7297, MV).

60. Cf. Boulvert, 29–30, Fairon, 19–20.

61. Cf. the three wardrobe servants of the Statilii (6372, 6373, 6374).

62. Boulvert (30, n. 82) thinks he worked for Tiberius, but Livia too was a priestess. The ornatus of wives and mothers of principes was handed down in the family (Tac., Ann. 13. 13Google Scholar).

63. Marquardt i, 145; RE iii 1553–4; Brizio, 74–5.

64. Though Atia did (Suet., DA 94. 4Google Scholar).

65. Juv. 6. 422–3 and Mart. 7. 35 and 11. 75 are evidence only for unchaste women bathing with male slaves in attendance.

66. E.g. Cic., Fam. 7. 24. 2Google Scholar, abusing Tigellius as ‘sat bonum unctorem’ (if the mss. are right); Juv. 3. 76.

67. Apart from Livia's, two later ab unguentis from the imperial house are known: 9098 (Flavian, freed); 9099 (slave).

68. But not necessarily educated (Nep., Att. 13.3Google Scholar).

69. Boulvert, 179; Weaver, FC, 119–21; 227–8. Ages: 6335 (16), 9770 (20), 9772 (26), 9779 (27), 9780 (25), but also 8995 (40, still slave).

70. 33788: Diogneto Ti. Aug. ser. Alypiano qui praefuit pedisequis Thyrsus vicar(ius). Cf. Chantraine, 299, no. 27.

71. Att. 8. 5. 1 with SB's note on 157. 1 (iv p. 336). Cf. Marquardt i, 148.

72. Marquardt i, 152–3; RE iv 2437; DE ii 2 1594–1603, and the forthcoming paper by W.J. Slater.

73. ‘ … artifices quos cultus domesticus desiderat’ (Nep., Att. 13. 3Google Scholar). Opifices of the emperor eventually formed a sufficiently distinct group to have a praepositus (8648).

74. Cf. Marquardt i, 146. Opsonatores are attested only for Livia, L. Caesar (5353), Poppaea (8946) and Statilia Messallina (6619). Cellarii are much more common: 6216 (MS), 7281 (MV), 9243–9253 (all slaves except 9251 and 9252, but 9250 with a free wife). There would eventually be praepositi cellariorum in the imperial household (Marquardt i, 155). Dig. 33. 7. 12. 9 mentions account-keeping as the function of the villa cellararius (sic). Cf. Col. 12. 3. 9.

75. For the hierarchy in the palace of the second century see 8750–2; Fairon 10–11. On cooks in general, Harcum, Cornelia G., Roman Cooks (John Hopkins diss., Baltimore, J. H. Furst, 1914)Google Scholar.

76. Sen., Epp. 95. 24Google Scholar.

77. There are a vims in the palace at least from Hadrian's time (9091, cf. 9092, 8527).

78. For lanipendi cf. 37755 (freed, Claudius/Nero), 6300 (Statilia Messalina). Women may have predominated in private houses (DE iv 370). On the domina's responsibility for wool-work, literary sources are conveniently assembled by Marquardt (i, 58).

79. Quasillariae are, however, well respresented in the MS (6339–46). They were needed in large numbers because they clothed the staff. Larger groups might more conveniently be located on wool-producing estates rather than in the familia urbana. Cf. Dig. 33. 7. 12. 5 (Trebatius): ‘ … lanificas quae familiam rusticam vestiunt …’; 33. 7. 16. 2; Paul., Sent. 3. 6. 37Google Scholar; ESAR v, 199–204; DE iv 369.

80. There are two textores and a textrix in the MS (6360, unless tetor should be read lector; 6361, 6362). But this stage of the work, like spinning, was often done on farms (Varro, RR 1. 2. 21). (See Loane, 70–1. ESAR v, 199–204).

81. Cf. 7467 (Scribonia); 5206 (Agrippina Minor); 8554, 9744, 9979, 9980; Dig. 30. 1. 36 pr.; Marquardt i, 156.

82. Cf. sarcinatrices of Marcella (9039), Antonia (4434), Statilii (6349–51); a sarcinator (6348). Freed: 4028, 9038. If Lochias (3988) is the same as the patroness of M. Livius Pyrsus, she was also freed.

83. Not apparently excluded on snobbish grounds, since C. Iulius Pothinus Caesaris fullo was admitted to the ML (3970). Cf. 4336 (MID), 4445 (MM) and 6287–90 (MS).

84. The only calciator according to DE ii 1 25. There is a sutor (cobbler) in the MS (6355) and one from Augustus (9050).

85. The structor of 8911 may tentatively be reckoned a builder, if he has any connection with the surveyor in the adjacent olla. Only rarely do structores enlighten us by adding parietanus (6354, 9910).

86. Aquarius covers water-carriers, hawkers of water and aqueduct workers as well as those concerned with domestic piped water, as I assume Livia's were. Others scattered through C1L vi are 131 ( A.D. 218), 551, 7973, 8491, 8653, 9131, 9145, none of them dated to Livia's time.

87. Pictores who are certainly in private service are uncommon: there is an imperial slave from Sorrento (x 702) and two others (7614, Mon. Iuniorum Silanorum; 9102 b 18). Cf. Marquardt i, 157.

88. 6283–5, 6363–6365a, 6318, 6353, 6354.

89. Amphitheatre: Dio 51. 23; staff: 6226–8. Horrea: Rickman, G., Roman granaries and store-buildings (Cambridge, 1971) 172Google Scholar; staff: 6292–5.

90. Cf. Weaver, FC, 7–8. Others have no doubt that craftsmen in columbaria of wealthy slave-owners may have been shop-keepers (ESAR v, 211 n. 66 and literature there cited, Loane, 147).

91. There is also a female silverworker belonging to an Augusta (5184).

92. Not, I think, (ad) marg(antas), in charge of pearls, as in 7884 and 9543.

93. E.g. 9545–9. Cf. Loane, 134–5.

94. στιλβωτής and Ινικοπλάστης (TLL). They are also explained as housepainters (Oxford Latin Dictionary); dyers (DE ii 464), or makers of cosmetics (Gorio, 128). There are two in the MS (6217 cf. 6250, freed; 6251).

95. Verres, a special case, had had his own silversmiths (Cic. Verr. 2. 4. 54). None of the silversmiths given in CIL vi is known to be working for non-imperial owners. Most are in trade: 9158, 9161, 9169, 9171, 9172, 9174?, 9175?, 9176. (5820, 5982, 7600 could be in private service.) Tiberius forbade private citizens to use gold plate (Tac. Ann. 2. 33) which would reduce the need for goldsmiths. We might compare imperial patronage with that of the Pope for Cellini.

96. RE ii 710–11.

97. But no ab auro. We do not find officers in charge of gold plate until the Flavians and later, when they were further categorised into ab auro potorio (drinking vessels, 8969, Flavian), ab auro escario (plates etc., 8732, Hadrianic), ab auro gemmato (jewelled vessels, 8736, Flavian). Further references in Boulvert (p. 237).

98. RE iv A 924; others of this period: 4471 (Marcella), 4357 (Gaius).

99. Not records, since that would mean duplication with tabularii.

100. 3972, cf. Boulvert, 26. Augustus similarly had an a statuis (4032, ML).

101. Bianchini (52–3) suggests the official chair which Livia used when she sat among the Vestals in the theatre (Tac. Ann. 4. 16). Boulvert regards both titles as domestic, both covering the job of ‘préposé aux sièges’ (despite Mommsen's view that 2341 referred to a public slave in charge of a curule chair).

102. There are two jobs to be considered here: a specularibus, of which 9044: C. Iulius Aug. l. Narcissus a speculans…. (Aug./Gaius) is the only certain example, and specularii, who occur in domestic service and elsewhere. There are various views on the latter: Waltzing (iv, 44) thinks they made mirrors. But a third or fourth century inscription on ars speclaria has a diagram representing window-panes (33911). Loane (p. 96) defines the non-domestic slaves as ‘craftsmen who worked in mica and isinglass’ but thinks that privately employed slaves ‘probably had something to do with glassware, if only to repair or clean imported crystal’ (97). Boulvert (83) conjectures that the slaves of the palace were in charge of mirrors. I prefer to think that their main concern was with windows (though I would not rule out mirrors and other glass-ware) because of 33911 and because Claudian or Neronian inscriptions (8659, 8660) show a large group of speclarii domus Palatinarum (which suggests work on the structure), under a praepositus. Augustus had two freed speclariarii taken over from Agrippa (5202, 5203, MiAL); cf. 7299 (MV). If they follow the normal pattern, then the a specularibus worked on what the specularius produced.

103. This could be the sacristy of Augustus on the site of his birthplace ‘regione Palati ad Capita Bubula ubi nunc sacrarium habet, aliquanto post quam excessit constitutum’ (Suet. DA 5). Slaves were given specific jobs in domestic cults in which the familia participated, e.g. two sacerdotes of the Penates (7283, 7283a, MV). Numerous imperial slaves and freedmen are found as aeditui, e.g. 4222: Dis Manibus – Aug(ustae?) lib. Bathyllus aeditus templi divi Aug. et divae Augustae quode st in Palatium (sic)…(ML). On a sacrario cf. Boulvert, 40.

104. Cf. RFLR, 129–132; C. Mouldy, ‘Etude sur la condition sociale des medecins dans l'empire romain’ (Caesarodunum 3 [1969] 177–80).

105. Inscriptions also give doctors of Augustus (8656, with freedmen of Livia, so unlikely to be Gaius'), Marcella (4452), Livia Drusi (8899), Livilla (8711).

106. Slaves: 5745 ) Veneria Iuliaes Aug. verna … and Dorcas the verna from Capri (8958) are the only ones who claim to be home-born. Among those without status indication, family ties often suggest slave-breeding, e.g. 3981, 4003, 4242, 4251. Births might take place as far as possible on country properties (Petr., Cena 53. 1Google Scholar). For breeding as chief function of ancillae see legal sources collected by Jonkers, E. J., Economische en sociale Toestanden in het romeinsche Rijk, blijkende vit het corpus iuris (Utrecht diss., Wageningen, Veenman 1933) 113–4Google Scholar. Freedwomen: 3945, 4107, probably 4448.

107. Messalla also had an infirmary (4475, MM). On infirmaries in general RE viii A 262–4 cites extensive literary evidence. Sen. Const. 13. 3. remarks on the unpleasantness of the orderlies' job: ‘Scit (sc. sapiens) statum eius non magis habere quicquam invidendum quam eius cui in magna familia cura optigit aegros insanosque compescere.’

108. The closeness of the tie was recognised by the Lex Aelia Sentia (Dig. 40. 2. 13, Gaius 1. 19. 39, Just. Inst. 1. 6. 5). Cf. Pliny, Epp. 5. 16. 3, 6. 3Google Scholar; Quint. 1. 4–5; Tac., Dial. 28. 4Google Scholar; Germ. 20. 1; MrsBeeton, Isabella, The Book of household management (London 1861) 1022–4Google Scholar.

109. ? Drusus son of Germanicus (CIL vi, 878).

110. Paedagogus: 8989: Q. Lollio Philargyro paedagogo suo Evenus Ti. Caesaris Augusti et luliae Augustae servos, Evenus ollam et locum dedit. For the magister cf. 6240: Felici atriesi (sic) Hilarus mag. suo (MS); 6376: Antiocho magistro unctores (MS). See further Boulogne, Reinier, De Plaats van de Paedagogus in de romeinse cultuur (Groningen, 1951)Google Scholar.

111. Tiberius had a paedagogium (8967). Cf. Mohler, S., TAPA 71 (1940) 270–1Google Scholar.

112. For 100,000 sesterces p.a. He took his previous pupils to the-Palatine, but was not allowed to accept any more (Suet. gr. 17). Cf. another freedman, L. Crassicius Pasicles/Pansa, who had Iullus Antonius among his pupils (ibid. 18).

113. Elegans Aug. l. mensor is commemorated with a structor Iuliae Aug. (8911–2). Principes employed numerous surveyors (cf. the Claudian/Neronian archivist of surveyors, 8933) as did building families (6321, MS). Architects were often ingenui, but cf. 8724 (Augustus, probably libertine); AE 1953 57 (C. Octavius Eutychus, architect of Augustus, probably libertine).

114. Suet., DA 74, 83Google Scholar; Plut. Ant 59 with Juv. 5. 3. and scholia; cf. Suet., Tib. 44. 1Google Scholar.

115. Cantrices: of Antonia (33794, freed), Volusius Elainus (7285, MV); citharoedi: of L. Volusius (7286); symphomaci: of a Statilius (6356), cf. Petr. Sat. 28. 5; comoedi: of Statilii (6252–3); pumiliones: of Statilia Messallina (9842). There are many other categories, cf. Petr. Sat. 53. 11–13, 78. 5–6; Marquardt i, 151–2.

116. Republican anagnostae/lectores cited in RFLR, 148. Livia Drusi had a slave lectrix (8786).

117. Cic. QF 3. 1. 5; Antonia Drusi (probably, 4361), Marcella (4423), Statilii (6369, 6370), L. Volusius Saturninus (7300); others in MiAL (5353) and MID (4360).

118. Muliones: ‘inter urbana ministeria continentur’ (Paul., Sent. 3. 6. 72Google Scholar); cf. 7409 (Man. C. Asinii Pollionis). A iumentis: none of the inscriptions is certainly prior to Nero (8864), but Claudius claimed that his paedagogus had previously been superiumentarius (Suet. Claud. 2. 2). The Statilii had a specialist in Asturian ambling horses, Asturconarius (6238). Perhaps Rome was outshone by the Victorians: ‘There are fifty-five horses in the stable and each horse has a man to himself, who lives with him and sleeps at the foot of his stall.’ (Dufferin and Ava, i, 25).

119. Attested for Statilii (6352), Asinia Agrippina the granddaughter of Gallus and Vipsania (9901) and in the MiAL (a Ti. Claudius, 4888).

120. Both Julia Drusi Caesaris (5198, ? = Livilla) and the Statilii (6301, freed) have a supra lecticarios. There are a dozen plain litter-bearers (all slaves?) from the MS (6218, 6302–13). Imperial ladies: an Octavia (8876), Livia Drusi Gaesaris (4349), Princeps: a corpus lecticariorum by the time of Claudius or Nero (8872). Cf. Marquardt i, 149, Boulvert, 31–2, 180.

121. Tiberius: 8655; Augustus?: 5359; Statilii: 6342, 6357. Cf. Marquardt i 150; on republic, RFLR 145.

122. Mediastinus, which describes a general cleaner or labourer (Dig. 47. 10. 15. 44) is a word rarely used in inscriptions. 8894: Epinicus Caesaris ser(vus) Amyntian(us) mediast(inus) … (of Augustus:) is an isolated example. Cf. White, K. D., Roman Farming (London 1970) 368Google Scholar on farm mediastini. Focarii and culinarii (iv 373, ?xii 4470) are also rare.

123. See Weaver, FC passim. Since inscriptions usually name the last post held, evidence for transfer or promotion is rare. I can cite none for Livia's servants; for other domestics see Social History/Histoue Sociale 6 (1973) 248–9Google Scholar.

124. Jobs held by men and women (e.g. pedisequi/pedisequae) count as one; supervisory posts are counted separately (e.g. cubiculanus and supra cubiculanos count as two). Only those of Livia's staff listed in column 1 of the appendix are counted. The twelve ascribed to Marcella are those explicitly said to have worked for her: they are argentarii; an ad argentum cubicularius and supra cubicularios; dispensatores; medicus; obstetrix; sarcinator; sumptuarii; ad suppellectilem; topianus; ad vestem (all of whom appear between 4422 and 4471). The imperial men and women cover the Caesars and their close kin down to Nero. They and the Statilii are not strictly comparable with Livia and Marcella, since they are groups of owners, but the information from the MS is useful because it provides the most comprehensive list of staff, apart from that of emperors. I have counted all servants from the MS who are not proved not to have worked for members of the family, as well as those who name their owner, but have omitted a calator (priest's attendant) as not domestic. Amphitheatre staff are included. For detail on individual jobs in these groups see Social History/Histoire Sociale 6 (1973) 251–5Google Scholar. A mensor for Antonia should be added there, increasing the total of jobs under imperial women by one.

125. Cf. ‘Jobs for Women’ (forthcoming in American Journal of Ancient History 1).

126. Weaver (FC, 70. 102–4, 130–1, 185–6) finds that women were often freed at a lower age than their husbands.

127. The question of family life in the household is too complex to be investigated here. The work of Weaver and Rawson, Beryl (CPh 61 1966 71–83Google Scholar) is fundamental.

128. Cf. Weaver, FC, 97–104.

129. Cf. Duff, 44–6, Watson, A., The law of Persons in the Later Roman Republic (Oxford 1967) 229–31Google Scholar.

130. Boulvert, 237–9.

131. Firm evidence on decuriae is very sparse. Westermann (88) rightly comments that Trimalchio's organisation of his staff into at least 40 decuriae (Petr., Sat. 47. 12Google Scholar) is not good evidence for normal practice. Squads were used in certain agricultural tasks (Col. 1. 9. 7: ‘Classes enim non maiores quam denum hominum faciundae, quas decurias appellaverunt antiqui et maxime probaverunt, quod is numeri modus in opere commodissime custodiretur nec praeeuntis monitoris diligentiam multitudo confunderet.’) and in building (Vitruv. 7. 3. 10), but evidence for decuriae and decurions in urban familiae is otherwise confined to the staff of the princeps, where we find a decurio cubiculanorum (AE 1946 99; Suet. Dom. 17; 8873); ostianorum (8962); unctorum (9093, 8512); minstratorum (8914), apart from a decurio lecticariorum Britannici (8873). In more modest and earlier households the supervisory staff mentioned in the text (supra cubicularios etc.) would probably suffice. Decuriones plain and simple are officers of the burial colleges. Discipline: cf. Marquardt i 154–5. The MS attests a silentiarius, who called for silence (6217, cf. 9041–2) and two magistri quaest. (6214, 6313) who have been explained as domestic police (Brizio, 71). But they are more likely to be officials of a collegium (note on 37461).

132. Parvenus: see criticisms of Chrysogonus (Cic. Rosc. Am. 133–4); Demetrius (Sen., Tranq. 8. 6Google Scholar: wealthier than Pompey; ‘… numerus illi cotidie servorum velut imperatori exercitus referebatur, cui iam dudum divitiae esse debuerat duo vicarii et cella laxior.’); Licinus (references in RFLR, 239, n. 6) or Pallas (see Oost, S. I., AJP 79, 1958, 128–9Google Scholar).

133. The following agnomina occur among Livia's slaves and freedmen: Amyntianus, Antonianus, Auctianus, Cascelliana, Cas(?cellianus/sianus/torianus), Cornelianus, Demosthenianus, Drusianus, Frontonianus, Gugetianus, Lentlianus, Licinanus, Licinianus, Lysenianus, Maecenatianus/a, Maecilianus, Maronianus/a, Natalianus, Pollianus, Potitianus, ?Ptol(emeanus), Scaplianus, Sponsianus. Their exact provenance is discussed in detail by Chantraine (295–350 passim, where they will easily be found in alphabetical order).

134. Cf. e.g. Cic., Cat. 2. 20Google Scholar; Sen., Tranq. 8. 6, 8. 8Google Scholar, Ira 3. 35; Tac., Ann. 3. 53Google Scholar, 14. 42–3.

135. Tac., Ann. 2. 33Google Scholar (speech of Pollio), 3. 55.

136. Ael. Arist. Rom. Or. 71 b (with Oliver's note ad loc.). Cf. Xen. Cyrop. 8. 2. 5–6; Cic. Pis. 67: … idem coquus, idem atriensis …

137. Dig. 32. 65. 2: Si unus servus plura artificia sciat, et alii coqui legati fuerunt, alii textores, alii lecticarii, ei cedere servum dicendum est, cui legati sunt, in quo artificio plerumque versabantur. Cf. Nepos Att. 13.3–4; Mart. 3. 58; 4305, 7368, 7370, 9102 b 18.

138. op. cit. (n. 108).

139. I am indebted to Mr C. E. Stevens, who suggested this line of thought and recommended Dennis Kincaid (1938) British Social Life in India 1608–1937, London. Spear, T. G. P. (1963) The Nabobs: a Study of the Social Life of the English in 18th century India, London, 2nd ed.Google Scholar was also helpful. On servants in England, see Hecht, J. Jean (1956) Domestic servants in eighteenth-century England, LondonGoogle Scholar, especially ‘The servant hierarchy’ (35–70). Friedländer (ii, 219) adduces the huge staff of the Czar and Russian nobles as a parallel to the Romans, but the match is not precise because of the relative lack of sophistication of 19th-century feudal Russia. The great retinues of the Middle Ages can be compared more usefully with clients than with slave staff. When feudalism was dying out, the increased luxury of the Tudor period with its elaborate ceremonial, ‘almost unbelievable number of serving-men“ and self-sufficient country houses, came close to the Roman pattern. The quotation is from Byrne, M. St. Clare (1961) Elizabethan Life in Town and Country, LondonGoogle Scholar, revised ed. 151. In 1526 Henry VIII's sister Mary, ex-Queen of France, had 44 servants assessed for tax, and his daughter Mary had 65, but Wolsey had 429 and at least as many more not assessed (Pollard, A. F. (1953), Wolsey, London, rev. ed., 1953) 326–7)Google Scholar.

140. Servants were almost all natives. Hickey took an Italian hairdresser, Freskini, and there were some English maids (waited on in their turn by ayahs). See Spear (op. cit. n. 139) 51–55. There were some slaves up to 1845 (ibid. 53), e.g. Hickey's boy Nabob, who ceased to be a slave when converted to Christianity. Some were in a rather ambiguous position because compensation was paid to their parents, e.g. Hickey paid Munnoo's mother when he took the boy to England in 1808 (Memoirs iv, 376). It appears from a fictional source that concubines’ mothers might also be paid a ‘dowry’ (R. Kipling, ‘Without benefit of clergy’, collected in Life's Handicap, 1891).

141. Dufferin and Ava i, 16.

142. ibid, 302.

143. Hickey, , Memoirs iv, 397Google Scholar. Hickey had previously had a much loved concubine, Jemdanee, who had a large ‘establishment’ (ibid, iv, 6, 26–8). She and her son were now dead (ibid, 140–1).

144. Hickey, , Memoirs iv, 370–6Google Scholar.

145. Hickey, , Memoirs iv, 31Google Scholar (the crew cost 65 rupees per month); 264–5.

146. Hickey, , Memoirs iii, 210Google Scholar.

147. Hickey, , Memoirs iv, 6, 365–6Google Scholar.

148. E.g. 7303; the formula is usually ‘permissu Luci nostri’: 7370, 7375, 7380, 7389 (MV).

149. Cf. Spear (op. cit. n. 139) 51; and the set of newspaper articles entitled ‘The Smith Administration’, written by Kipling in 1887–8, (collected in From Sea to Sea ii [1900]).

150. Cf. Weaver, FC, 164–9, and Pliny's remark, ‘nam servis respublica quaedam et quasi civitas domus est.’ (Epp. 8. 16.2).

151. Xen. Oec. 7–9; keys: Plut., Rom. 22. 3–4Google Scholar; cf. Balsdon, J. P. V. D. (1962) Roman women, their history and habits, London, 270–2Google Scholar.

152. Col. 12 pr., 1–4; Plut., Cato maj. 20. 3Google Scholar.

153. Cf. n. 14.

154. Fam. 14.20.