¹ Keppie, L. J. F., Colonisation and Veteran Settlement in Italy, 47–14 B.C., London, 1983Google Scholar.

² Dio LIV 25. 5.

³ RG 16.2.

⁴ Dio LV 23. 1; see now Corbier, M., L'aerarium Saturni et l'aerarium militare, Roma, 1974Google Scholar.

⁵ Tac., Ann. I 16 ff.Google Scholar, I. 38.

⁶ Wilkes, J. J., CQ 57 (1963), 268–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Keppie, L. J. F., PBSR 41 (1973), 8–17Google Scholar; Wells, C. M., in Birley, E., Dobson, B. and Jarrett, M. (eds.), Roman Frontier Studies 1969, Cardiff, 1974, 185–90Google Scholar.

⁷ Wilkes, op. cit. (n. 6).

⁸ AE 1950, 44 with Wilkes, J. J., Dalmatia, London 1969, 112Google Scholar.

⁹ Tac., Ann. I 20Google Scholar.

¹⁰ E.g. at Iulia Scarbantia (Pliny, NH III 146Google Scholar); Hoffmann, H., JOAI 12 (1909), 224–42Google Scholar. Veterans from legion XV Apollinaris and apparently legion I (of the Rhine garrison) were settled at Scarbantia, together with time-served auxiliary veterans from a number of alae, in what must be a Tiberian or Claudian context; Gabler, D., ‘Scarbantia es kornyekenek romai koplasztikai emlekei’, Arrabona 11 (1969), 5–57Google Scholar.

¹¹ Degrassi, A., Athenaeum 24 (1946), 44–9Google Scholar.

¹² Keppie, op. cit. (n. 1), 202.

¹³ At Aequum, Aprum, Camulodunum, Cologne, Lixus, Oppidum Novum, Ptolemais and Savaria. The colonies of Narbo and Lugdunum (the emperor's birthplace) received the title Claudia; perhaps they were reinforced, as was Dalmatian Salonae.

¹⁴ Nissen, H., Italische Landeskunde, Berlin, 1902, II, 237Google Scholar; Philipp, H., RE 10 (1917), 105Google Scholar.

¹⁵ CIL V 1842 = ILS 6684.

¹⁶ Moro, P. M., Iulium Carnicum, Roma, 1956, 52 ffGoogle Scholar; Beschi, L., EAA 1 (1966) 1290–1Google Scholar, s.v. Zuglio.

¹⁷ The tombstone of a Praetorian veteran, of undefined date, is known from the town (CIL V 1840).

¹⁸ CIL X, p. 317; Starr, C. G., The Roman Imperial Navy, New York, 1941, 13 ff.Google Scholar; Schmiedt, G. et al. , Atlante aereofotografico delle sedi umane in Italia, parte seconda, le sedi antiche scomparse, Firenze, 1970Google Scholar, tav. exxxvi; Castagnoli, F., ‘Topografia dei campi flegrei’, in I campi flegrei nell'archeologia e nella storia, Roma, 1977, 41–79Google Scholar; Borriello, M.—d'Ambrosio, A., Baiae-Misenum (in series Forma Italiae), Firenze, 1979Google Scholar.

¹⁹ For Opitergium, Kornemann, E., RE 4 (1901), 537Google Scholar; for Aquileia, Degrassi, A., Riv. Fil. 66 (1938), 129–43Google Scholar.

²⁰ LC 232. 12, 238. 20.

²¹ Notice, however, a dedication there to Medullina, once betrothed to Claudius (CIL X 6561 = ILS 199).

²² Panciera, S., Epigraphica 24 (1962), 78–105Google Scholar adducing CIL X 6555 = ILS 3697. This slab (a dedication to the Fortunae Antiates) was first seen built into a house at Velitrae, so that the provenance is perhaps not beyond dispute. It could be better to assign the slab to Antium, a known Neronian colony (see below, p. 82).

²³ Recorded at Rome is a Praetorian veteran from Dertona (CIL VI 2466) who was officially settled at a town registered in the tribe Scaptia (to which Velitrae probably belonged) sometime in the first century A.D. The colony at Teanum in northern Campania, claimed as Claudian by Mommsen (CIL X, 471) belongs in the Late Republic; Keppie, op. cit. (n. 1), p. 139.

²⁴ Scramuzza, V., The Emperor Claudius, Cambridge (Mass.), 1940, 173Google Scholar; M. Pomilio et al., 1977, Il Fucino, storia di un lago senz'acqua, Milano, 1977.

²⁵ Ann. XIII 31.

²⁶ Ann. XIII 35.

²⁷ CIL X 3892, 3895. Notice also X 3900, the fragmentary epitaph of a much decorated Praetorian centurion; it is not clear whether he was still serving at death.

²⁸ Two veterans of a legion X (one entitled Fretensis—a legion which also formed part of the garrison of Syria) at Capua (CIL X 3887, 3890) are more likely to belong to a settlement programme of the Late Republic; Keppie, op. cit. p. 146.

²⁹ Ann. XIV 17.

³⁰ Maiuri, A., Rend. Acc. Nap. 33, (1958), 35–40Google Scholar.

³¹ CAMPANI VICTORIA VNA CVM NVCERINIS PERISTIS (CIL IV 1293 = ILS 6443a). Cf. CIL IV 1329, 2183 = ILS 6443b, c; Moeller, W., Historia 19 (1970), 84–95Google Scholar. The Campani have been seen as inhabitants of a Pompeian vicus or members of a collegium, but it could be more economical to suppose that the word bears its normal meaning, ‘citizens of Capua’.

³² Ann. XIV 27.

³³ Giordano, C., Rend Acc. Nap. 45 (1970), 211–31Google Scholar; Keppie, op. cit., 147.

³⁴ See the comments by Frederiksen, M. W., RE 23 (1959), 2041Google Scholar, who summarises the views of earlier scholars.

³⁵ ILS 6326; CIL X 5369.

³⁶ Published independently by Guadagno, G., Rend. Acc. Linc. ser. 8, 30 (1975), 361–79Google Scholar; and by D'Arms, J. H., in Levick, B. M. (ed.), The Ancient Historian and his Materials, Farnborough, 1975, 155–65Google Scholar.

³⁷ Wuilleumier, P., Tarente des Origines à la conquête romaine, Paris, 1939Google Scholar.

³⁸ Kahrstedt, E., Historia 8 (1959), 174–206Google Scholar; Frederiksen, M. W., JRS 55 (1965), 183–98Google Scholar; Laffi, U., Adtributio e contributio, Pisa, 1966Google Scholar.

³⁹ Gasperini, L., ‘Su alcune epigrafi di Taranto romana’, Seconda miscellanea greca e romana, Roma 1968, 379–97Google Scholar; idem, ‘Il municipio tarentino’, Terza miscellanea greca e romana, Roma, 1971, 143–209; idem, ‘Note di epigrafia tarentina’, in Acta of the Fifth Epigraphic Congress 1967, Oxford, 1971, 135–40.

⁴⁰ Seconda miscellanea (n. 38), 379 ff. See Catalogue at p. 109 below.

⁴¹ Of post-Augustan date in Regio III (Apulia), I have noted only CIL IX 275 (Caelia), 335 (Canusium), 996 (Compsa), and Catalogue no. 6 (Luceria).

⁴² Gasperini, noting in line 3 the short bar across the V but not the lengthened I, argued for a restoration legionis VI V[ictricis], but his argument here can carry no weight.

⁴³ The word sequence, with the latters EQ (abbreviated from eques) placed after LEG VIII AVG, prompted the editors of AE 1946 (at no. 212) to see here a reference to a legion VIII Augusta Equitata, but this can be discounted. The last three lines are added in an inferior hand, perhaps by, or under the direction of, the heir.

⁴⁴ There is no reason to suppose, with Gasperini, that the letters MER form the beginning of a Greek surname.

⁴⁵ The double gentilicium of Iuventius is a little dubious, and Maesius may rather be a tribal or local designation; note the tribe of the Maezaei in Pannonia.

⁴⁶ On the rediscovery of this lost stone, Pagliara, C., Athenaeum 48 (1970), 92–104Google Scholar, no. 2. Mommsen, in CIL IXGoogle Scholar printed an expanded version handed down by Muratori, which can now be seen as erroneous. Pagliara adds the letters D(is) M(anibus) at the head of the inscriptions, without sufficient reason.

⁴⁷ Cichorius, C., Römische Studien, Leipzig-Berlin, 1922, 417 ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gasperini, Seconda miscellanea, 390; PIR ² I 779; Devijver, H., Prosopographia Militiarum Equestrium, Leuven, 1976, I, 499Google Scholar, no. 147.

⁴⁸ De Agr. II 10. 18; XI 2. 56.

⁴⁹ De Agr. III 3. 3; III 9. 2.

⁵⁰ As suggested by Ritterling, , RE 12 (1925), 1595Google Scholar.

⁵¹ PIR ¹ T 234; Birley, A. R., The Fasti of Roman Britain, Oxford, 1981, 59–62Google Scholar.

⁵² Forni, G., Il reclutamento delle legioni da Augusto a Diodeziano, Milano-Roma, 1953, 54, 165Google Scholar.

⁵³ Schulze, W., Zur Geschichte lateinischer Eigennamen, Berlin, 1933, 216Google Scholar; CIL III 542.

⁵⁴ Forni, G., ‘“Doppia tribu” di cittadini e cambiamenti di tribu romane’, in Tetraonyma, miscellanea gaeco-romana, Genova, 1966, 139–56Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ Gasperini, Terza miscellanea, 152–5, on the basis of CIL IX 250, 252. Taylor, L. R., The Voting Districts of the Roman Republic, Rome, 1960, 321Google Scholar. Taylor suggested that Claudia was introduced at Tarentum with Nero's colony.

⁵⁶ Pollia is not found south of Rome, but records of affiliation are poor in Apulia. Pollia was the tribe normally given to peregrine recruits on enlistment in a legion, which could account for its presence here, but both veterans at Tarentum look like citizens by birth.

⁵⁷ Schulze, op. cit (n. 53), 519.

⁵⁸ Keppie, L. J. F., PBSR 41 (1973), 8–17Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ Catalogue nos. 8–11, 14 are in the local carparo stone; 12–13 and 15 are in ‘marble’; 7 is lost.

⁶⁰ Terza miscellanea, 192–3.

⁶¹ Lugli, G., ‘La via Appia attraverso l'Apulia e un singolare gruppo di strade “orientate”’, Arch. Stor. Pug. 8 (1955), 12–16Google Scholar.

⁶² AE 1930, 52.

⁶³ Terza miscellanea, 144 ff.; AE 1972, 94.

⁶⁴ The antiquities of Anzio, especially the imperial villa and the harbour, attracted considerable attention during the nineteenth century. Earlier discussions were replaced by Lugli, G., Riv. Ist. Arch. 7 (1940), 153–88Google Scholar; Regina, A. La. EAA 6 (1965), 396–8Google Scholar, s.v. Porto d'Anzio; G. Schmiedt et al., op. cit. (n. 18), tav. cxxxiii.

⁶⁵ Suet. Nero 9; Bradley, K. F., Suetonius' Life of Nero, An historical Commentary, Bruxelles, 1978, 70Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ Durry, M., Les cohortes prétoriennes, Paris, 1938, 21 fGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁷ Dobson, B., Die Primipilares, Köln-Bonn, 1978, 115Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ Restored by Mommsen (CIL X, p. 669) to show a serving Praetorian who died at the age of 21. However, the apparent mention of a child who died young, and of another son or (better) freedman possibly surnamed Emeritus, suggests a veteran released after 21 years service. CIL X 960^*, recording a centurion of the Praetorian guard, is known only from the MS of Ligorius, and seems justly damned by Mommsen, ad loc.

⁶⁹ Kraft, K., Zur Rekrutierung der Alen und Kohorten an Rhein und Donau, Bern, 1951, 95 ff.Google Scholar; Holder, P. A., Studies in the Auxilia of the Roman Army from Augustus to Trajan, Oxford, 1980, 67Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ The cohorts were raised initially from fleet personnel at Forum Julii. From the Flavian period cohors I classica was based at Köln-Alteburg, chief station of the classis Germanica; see Alfoldy, G., Die Hilfstruppen der römischen Provinz Germania Inferior, (=Epigr. Stud. 6), 1968, 55Google Scholar.

⁷¹ op. cit. (n. 55), 319.

⁷² Records of legions from the Julio-Claudian period given honesta missio between their 20th and 25th year of service are collected by Forni, op. cit. (n. 52), 142; see also Forni, in ANRW II. i, Berlin-New York, 1974, 339–91Google Scholar.

⁷³ CIL X 6737 (Sex. Nonius Rhetoricus, who could be a freedman of the veteran), X 8294 (C. Nonius Bassus, evocatus Augusti).

⁷⁴ Passerini, A., Le coorti pretorie, Roma, 1939, 148 ffGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁵ Mommsen, on CIL X 6674, seems strangely mystified by the change. For Veratii at Forum Julii, CIL XII 272, 298; at Antium X 6713.

⁷⁶ See Reynolds, J. M., PBSR 34 (1966), 56–67Google Scholar, no. 1 for a recently found epitaph of a Praetorian who may have served in the century of this same Mamillius.

⁷⁷ Starr, op. cit. (n. 18), 180.

⁷⁸ Lugli, G., Saggi di esplorazione archeologica a mezzo della fotografia aerea, Roma, 1939, tav. i–iiiGoogle Scholar; G. Schmiedt et al., op. cit. (n. 18), tav. cxxxiii.

⁷⁹ Lugli, loc. cit. (n. 64).

⁸⁰ Mau, A., Röm. Mitt. 13 (1898), 49Google Scholar, no. 2 = CIL IV 3525 = ILS 6444. The graffito was scribbled on an outer wall of the Casa dei Vettii already standing before the earthquake of A.D. 62.

⁸¹ Sogliano, A., Rend. Acc. Linc. ser. 5, 6 (1897), 389–94Google Scholar.

⁸² CIL IV, Sup. i, cxxxviii, cxli–viii.

⁸³ CIL IV 7665, 7667, 7219, 7755, 7989.

⁸⁴ Tac., Ann. XV 22Google Scholar; Seneca, , Nat. Quaest. VI 1. 1Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ Andreau, J., Annales ESC 28 (1973), 369–95Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Van Buren, A. in Studies presented to D. M. Robinson, St. Louis, 1953, II, 970–4Google Scholar; Castrén, P., Ordo Populusque Pompeianus, Roma, 1975, 209Google Scholar, no. 320.

⁸⁷ In his discussion of the earthquake, Seneca refers to Pompeii as an urbs, but to nearby Nuceria as colonia (Nat. Quaest. VI. 1. 1).

⁸⁸ Bracco, V., Civitates Vallium Silari et Tanagri, Roma, 1974Google Scholar (=Inscriptiones Italiae III. i), 136.

⁸⁹ Sogliano, loc. cit. (n. 81).

⁹⁰ The revelation that Luceria was an Augustan colony prompted Degrassi (loc. cit., n. 19) to claim Valerius as a settler of that time. But the inscription clearly belongs in the mid first century A.D.

⁹¹ LC 260. 10, 230. 4, 233. 5, 237. 4; Keppie, op. cit., 9.

⁹² vii. 7. Seneca was born in the colony of Corduba, and his wife of later years in Caesarian Arelate. Yet in the sphere of provincial colonisation the reign of Nero, unlike that of his predecessor, is conspicuously blank. The Augustan colony of Patrae acquired the title Neronensis in this reign, presumably to commemorate disembarcation of Nero at the beginning of his Greek tour; RE 18. 4 (1949), 2213Google Scholar. For Seneca as an agriculturalist, Griffin, M., Seneca, A Philosopher in Politics, Oxford, 1976, 290–1Google Scholar.

⁹³ So Caesar included Varro and Tremellius Scrofa in his land commission of 59 B.C.; Brunt, P. A., CR 86 (1972), 304–8Google Scholar.

⁹⁴ Griffin, M., JRS 62 (1972), 1–18Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ De Agr. V 1. 2.

⁹⁶ A. R. Birley, loc. cit. (n. 51).

⁹⁷ AE 1930, 52: RE 9A (1961), 595Google Scholar, no. 4.

⁹⁸ Tac., Hist. II 67, 82Google Scholar; IV 46.

⁹⁹ Tac., Hist. IV 46Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ Fabia, P., Rev. Phil. 38 (1914), 32–75Google Scholar; ILS 2034–5. A soldier of IIII Macedonica died at Rome after three years service with the Guard (ILS 2036). See Roxan, M. M., Roman Military Diplomas 1954–1977, London, 1978Google Scholar, no. 1 for a diploma found at Augusta Raurica, issued to a Praetorian released in A.D. 73. The findspot could suggest a former member of the Rhine garrison. For possible Flavians in the Guard, CIL XVI 21 (a man from Aquae Statiellae in northern Italy who settled at Tomi in Lower Moesia); V 522, ILS 9475.

¹⁰¹ CIL III 14387 ff., fff, k = ILS 9919; von Domaszewski, A., Philologus 66 (1907), 161–73Google Scholar.

¹⁰² For a discussion, see Pflaum, H.-G., Les carrières procuratoriennes équestres sous le haut-empire romain, Paris, 1960, I, no. 36, III, p. 963Google Scholar.

¹⁰³ Tac. Hist. I 20, a valuable reference which facilitates close dating of the career; Birley, E. B., Chiron 7 (1977), 279–81Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁴ On ILS 9199.

¹⁰⁵ Suet. Vesp. 24. 1. CIL IX 4688 records a Praetorian from Turin who died at Reate at about this time.

¹⁰⁶ Radke, G., RE 8A (1955), 625–7Google Scholar, s.v. Velinus; Cressedi, G., EAA 6 (1965), 687Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ Tilly, B., Varro the Farmer, London, 1973, 2–3Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁸ The jibe against Vespasian that he had once been forced to earn a living as a muleteer (Suet. Vesp. 4. 3) should presuppose family interests in mule-breeding.

¹⁰⁹ Only four stones now survive (Catalogue nos. 26–7, 29–30), in the Museo Civico at Rieti. For some discussion of no. 27, see McDermott, W. C., G&R ser. 2, 17 (1970), 184–96Google Scholar.

¹¹⁰ The correct reading of line 4 of this inscription is TITIA EXPECTATA not EXPECTAA as in CIL IX, p. 445.

¹¹¹ For a IIIIvir of Trajanic date, CIL IX 4753. For municipes there, IX 4686 (A.D. 184); Suet., Vesp. 1. 2Google Scholar.

¹¹² Chilver, G. E. F., JRS 47 (1957) 29–35Google Scholar.

¹¹³ LC 236. 3; Ritterling, , RE 12 (1925), 1286–7Google Scholar.

¹¹⁴ Not seen by Mommsen, who reported that it had been built up into the walls of the local Seminario (CIL X, p. 146). Sought in vain by the present writer (1972).

¹¹⁵ Ritterling, loc. cit. (n. 113); Freis, H., Die Cohortes Urbanae, Bonn, 1967, 14Google Scholar (=Epigraphische Studien 2).

¹¹⁶ CIL X 1244, with the titles Felix Augusta, belongs under Diocletian.

¹¹⁷ CIL X 1266; cf. 1241 ?; Rosi, G., Boll. d'Arte 34 (1949), 10–20Google Scholar.

¹¹⁸ Degrassi, A., Riv. Fil. 53 (1925), 527–41Google Scholar.

¹¹⁹ Maiuri, A., Studi e ricerche sull'anfiteatro flavio puteolano, Napoli, 1955Google Scholar.

¹²⁰ Castagnoli, F. in I campi flegrei nell'archeologia e nella storia, Roma, 1977, 41–79Google Scholar; Picard, Ch., Latomus 18 (1959), 23–51Google Scholar; Painter, K. S., J. Glass Studies 17 (1975), 54–67Google Scholar.

¹²¹ So (most recently) Frederiksen, M. W., RE 23 (1959), 2053Google Scholar; Laffi, U., Adtributio e contributio, Pisa, 1966, 105Google Scholar.

¹²² Panciera, S. in I campi flegrei nell'archeologia e nella storia, Roma, 1977, 191–211Google Scholar; Keppie, op. cit., 148.

¹²³ Ducrey, P., BCH 93 (1969), 841–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar, no. 3 with fig.; Rigsby, K. J., TAPA 106 (1976), 313–30Google Scholar.

¹²⁴ AE 1969/1970, p. 186 at no. 635.

¹²⁵ For the titles used by Capua, CIL X 3832 = ILS 6309 (under Antoninus); X 3867 = ILS 6310 (under Diocletian or later).

¹²⁶ Tac., Hist. III 57Google Scholar, IV 3.

¹²⁷ CIL X 3828 = ILS 251; ILS 3240; de Franciscis, A., Rend. Acc. Nap. 41 (1966), 241–6Google Scholar.

¹²⁸ Pliny, NH XIV 62Google Scholar.

¹²⁹ Nissen, H., Italische Landeskunde, Berlin, 1893–1902, II, 691, 706Google Scholar, Laffi, op. cit. (n. 121), 99 ff.

¹³⁰ Hinrichs, F. T., Die Geschichte der gromatischen Institutionen, Wiesbaden, 1974, 128Google Scholar. Hyginus Gromaticus notes that subseciva were sometimes utilised to accommodate veteran settlers under the Empire (202. 5–7).

¹³¹ Hyg. 131. 17 ff.

¹³² CIL IX, p. 239.

¹³³ CIL IX 2564.

¹³⁴ Keppie, op. cit., 161.

¹³⁵ Hyginus names no particular town, though the passage suggests a substantial number of settlers.

¹³⁶ CIL VI 2381a, col. 2. 2.

¹³⁷ Starr, op. cit. (n. 18), 95.

¹³⁸ Tac, . Hist. III 6, 12Google Scholar.

¹³⁹ Tac., Hist. III 57Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁰ Tac., Hist. III 57, 59Google Scholar.

¹⁴¹ CIL XVI 11, on which the newly acquired titles are written out in full.

¹⁴² Kienast, D., Untersuchungen zu den Kriegsflotten der römischen Kaiserzeit, Bonn, 1966, 71Google Scholar. The title does not appear on any of the fleet diplomas issued in A.D. 71.

¹⁴³ One diploma of the latter scheme is known (CIL XVI 14), from Dalmatian Salonae, perhaps the homeland of the veteran. Colonies at Siscia and Sirmium were perhaps founded now; see Mócsy, A., Pannonia and Upper Moesia, London-Boston, 1974, 112 fGoogle Scholar. For a veteran of the Ravenna fleet at Siscia, , CIL III 3971Google Scholar. A diploma at Sirmium, datable to A.D. 73, may record a veteran of an Urban Cohort; see Degrassi, loc. cit. (n. 118).

¹⁴⁴ Mello, M. and Voza, G., Le iscrizioni latine di Paestum, Napoli, 1968Google Scholar. Hereafter abbreviated to ILP.

¹⁴⁵ ILP 86.

¹⁴⁶ ILP 87, p. 133. The photographs of the two stones on ILP, tav. xiv are at different scales. Mello and Voza argue (a) that since Babullius already has a satisfactory cognomen (Sallustianus on their restoration), he does not require another; (b) that the backs of the two stones are differently worked; (c) that letters common to the two stones are different in width. Personal inspection failed to confirm (b) and suggested that (c) results from spacing by the stonecutter to suit the available line length.

¹⁴⁷ The letters SALLV are restored by Mello and Voza as a cognomen Sallustianus, but this appears too long for likely formulae in lines 2 and 3. Sallustius is preferable, or the shorter Salluvius. Notice a P. Salluvius Rufus at Aequum Tuticum (CIL IX 1446).

¹⁴⁸ See Reynolds, J. M., JRS 61 (1971), 136–52Google Scholar, at 146. The post of accensus is anomalous, and a correction to ad census advisable. Other errors by the stonecutter are a misspelling of the legionary epithet Deiotariana, and the use of the ablative with deducere in. Miss Reynolds was kind enough to discuss the inscription with me in detail during the preparation of Fig. 2. Babullius finds a place in Devijver, H., Prosopographia Militiarum Equestrium, Leuven, 1976, 173Google Scholar, no. Bl, but no interpretative comments are offered.

¹⁴⁹ Mello, M., Paestum romana, Roma, 1974, 135 ffGoogle Scholar.

¹⁵⁰ M. H. Crawford in La monetazione di bronzo di Poseidonia-Paestum, a supplementary volume to AIIN 18–19 (1972–73); idem, AIIN 23–4 (1976–77), 151–9. The problem of the date of reacquisition of colonial status is discussed also by Keppie, op. cit., 153.

¹⁵¹ ILP, p. 131, 325 f.

¹⁵² Pliny, NH V 69Google Scholar (Caesarea … ab Herode rege condita, nunc colonia Prima Flavia a Vespasiano deducta; Galsterer-Kröll, B., Epigr. Stud. 9 (1972), 44–145Google Scholar, no. 527; ibid. no. 499 (Comama).

¹⁵³ For a discussion of this man and his native background, Kubitschek, W., JOAI 17 (1914), 148–93Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁴ The veteran was by birth a Dacus, but H. Nesselhauf (on CIL XVI 13) places his homeland south of the Danube.

¹⁵⁵ Despite an apparent two-fold indication of origin (Sarniensis Gallinaria), his home has not been identified. Gallinaria was a small island off Liguria; Sarnia (better Sarmia) was an island between Gaul and Britain, perhaps Guernsey or Sark. The names of father and son sound Semitic. Prof. A. L. F. Rivet suggests to me, among other possibilities, that Sarniensis could be a corruption of Sardiniensis.

¹⁵⁶ A veteran of the Misene fleet, released under Claudius, and two veterans of legion I Adiutrix discharged under Galba, settled at Stabiae (CIL XVI 1, 7–8).

¹⁵⁷ D. Kienast, op. cit. (n. 142), 34, 70; PIR ² L 379.

¹⁵⁸ Starr, op. cit. (n. 18), 203 n. 64. Nothing is known of the movements of Lucilius Bassus in the early part of A.D. 71.

¹⁵⁹ From Monte nel Cilento at the southern edge of the ager Paestanus. The other stones came from the town-site. An Arrius Isidorus erected a memorial to his wife at Misenum, while serving with the fleet (X 3608).

¹⁶⁰ Notice CIL X 3348, T. Flavius Antoninus at Misenum, promoted from navarchus primus of the Misene fleet to primus pilus of I Adiutrix, perhaps at its formation in A.D. 68, and given citizenship slightly later.

¹⁶¹ ILP 88–9. There may, however, be two sons involved.

¹⁶² CIL XVI 7–17.

¹⁶³ Starr, op. cit. (n. 18), 66 ff.; Kienast, op. cit. (n. 142), 26–9; Grosso, F., Riv. di cult. class. e med. 7 (1965), 543–60Google Scholar. Settlers at Antium under Nero may have included a fleet veteran M. Antonius Surus (above, p. 88).

¹⁶⁴ CIL XVI 12–13, 16; Nesselhauf, H. at CIL XVI, p. 153Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁵ Dr. M. M. Roxan kindly informs me of her view that the lists would be distinct, and that the columns could well have been longer, so increasing the numbers of veterans sent to Paestum.

¹⁶⁶ The total strength of the Misene fleet was estimated by Starr, op. cit. (n. 18), 16–17 at about 10,000 men.

¹⁶⁷ LC 236. 7, 234. 22, 230. 18, 234. 1, 211. 8. Panormus was reinforced by veterans and members of the imperial familia (LC 211. 13).

¹⁶⁸ Provincial veteran colonies which may be assigned to this reign are at Ammaedara, Aventicum, Caesarea in Palestine, Deultum, Scupi ?, Siscia and Sirmium.

¹⁶⁹ Tac., Hist. II 21Google Scholar (Placentia), II 66 (Augusta Taurinorum), III 77 (Tarracina).

¹⁷⁰ Tac., Hist. II 23Google Scholar, III 34. Aventicum, which had lain in the path of Caecina's advance, became a veteran colony, as Pia Flavia Constans Emerita Helvetiorum Foederata.

¹⁷¹ LC 235. 15–19 with Lachmann's text: Neapolim muro ducta … ager eius Sirenae Parthenopae a Greets est in iugeribus adsignatus, et limites intercisivi sunt constituti, inter quos postea et miles imp. Titi lege modum iugerationis ob meritum accepit.

¹⁷² At LC 235. 16 the MSS (A, E and P) read ager eius Syriae Palestinae e Grecis. In Mommsen's view (CIL X, p. 171) part of the entry described work at Flavia Neapolis in Palestine, founded in A.D. 72, probably as a refuge for the homeless of the Jewish War.

¹⁷³ Note CIL X 4735 (Sinuessa).

¹⁷⁴ Dio LXVIII 2.

¹⁷⁵ The total sum would provide 1200 allotments of 50 iugera, or 2400 of 25 iugera, if land in Bruttium was then assessed on the Columellan figure of 1000 sesterces per iugerum (De Re Rustica III 3. 8). Even if (say) 500 sesterces per iugerum is a more likely figure, less than 5000 allotments of 25 iugera could have been purchased. One clause in Nerva's lex agraria prescribed capital punishment for slaves who moved boundary markers, another provided against attempts to obscure boundaries by a change in land use (Digest XLVII 21. 3. 1).

¹⁷⁶ Pliny, Ep. VII 31. 4Google Scholar; ILS 1019.

¹⁷⁷ CIL X 103 = ILS 5750. For public buildings which have recently come to light at Scolacium, G. Foti, ACeDSIR ii (1969–70), 1; and for a fragment of a second inscription recording the titulature of the town, P. Baldacci, ibid., 123 no. 7.

¹⁷⁸ LC 239. 11–13; cf. CIL X, p. 565.

¹⁷⁹ Webster, G., The Roman Imperial Army, London, 1969, 108Google Scholar.

¹⁸⁰ Gilliam, J. F., ‘The Plague under Marcus Aurelius’, AJP 82 (1961), 225–51Google Scholar.

¹⁸¹ Durry, M., Les cohortes prétoriennes, Paris (1938), 84Google Scholar; C. G. Starr, op. cit. (n. 18). 16–17.

¹⁸² All four legions of the garrison of Syria are shown by numismatic evidence to have participated in the colony at Ptolemais in A.D. 52; Head, B.V., Historia Numorum, ed. 2, Oxford, 1911, 793Google Scholar.

¹⁸³ If a Claudian colony at Velitrae, or a Neronian at Tegianum are accepted, or if the earliest military colony at Paestum is Vespasianic, this assertion will carry less weight. In A.D. 69 Otho sought popularity by reinforcing colonies at Hispalis and Emerita (Tac., Hist. I 78Google Scholar).

¹⁸⁴ Grant, M., Roman Anniversary Issues, Cambridge, 1950, 79–94Google Scholar with the excellent review by Mattingly, H. B., NC ser. 6, 10 (1950), 164–71Google Scholar. Seneca takes special note of the fact that a disastrous conflagration at Lugdunum occurred in the hundredth year (i.e. A.D. 58) after its foundation by Munatius Plancus in 43 B.C. (EP. xci. 14). However, Tacitus places the fire seven years later (Ann. XVI 13).

¹⁸⁵ Plut., Tib. Gracch. viii. 7Google Scholar.

¹⁸⁶ Heitland, W., Agricola, Cambridge, 1921, 271Google Scholar; Rostovtzeff, M., The Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire, Oxford, 1957, 198Google Scholar; Duncan-Jones, R. P., The Economy of the Roman Empire: Quantitative Studies, Cambridge, 1974, 288Google Scholar. The Liber Coloniarum notes several times the settlement in Italy of members of the familia Caesaris, freedmen pensioned off with land grants: 211. 14 (Panormus, under Vespasian), 230. 18 (Abella), 233. 8 (Cereatae, perhaps under Augustus), 233. 12 (Divinos—location unidentified—under Augustus), 236. 6 (Nola, possibly under Vespasian).

¹⁸⁷ G. Forni, op. cit. (n. 52): 41.

¹⁸⁸ 223. 3 (Portus), 229. 2 (Superaequum), 231. 1 (Ardea), 234. 21 (Lavinium), 235.7 (Lanuvium), 236. 7 (Ostia).

¹⁸⁹ L. J. F. Keppie, ‘From legionary fortress to military colony: veterans on the Roman frontiers’, in D. J. Breeze (ed.) The Frontiers of the Roman Empire, forthcoming.