¹ Cited here as Perg.; calendared, with notable inaccuracies, in Ardizzone, C., I Diplomi esistenti nella Biblioteca Comunale ai Benedettini: Regesto (Catania, 1927), 255, 261, 270Google Scholar.

² Cited here as Ms. Some of these Mss., but unfortunately not Ms. 159, were used in La Ferlita, D., ‘I Possedimenti dei Benedettini di Catania a Malta’, Archivio Storico di Malta, vii (1935/1936)Google Scholar; this work, which did not use the parchments from the Biblioteca Comunale, contains a number of errors.

³ Cf. Leone, S., ‘Una ricerca in corso: il patrimonio rurale dei Benedettini di S. Nicolò l'Arena di Catania dalla metà del secolo XVII alla liquidazione dei beni ecclesiastici: Consistenza ed amministrazione’, Archivio Storico per la Sicilia Orientale, lxvii (1970), 41Google Scholar n. 14, 50–1 et passim.

⁴ Infra, 159.

⁵ Valletta, National Library of Malta, Biblioteca Ms. 25, f. 31.

⁶ Valletta, Ms. 140, f. 38–9.

⁷ Text, with minor variations and description of the nota, in Abela, G.-F., Della Descrittione di Malta (Malta, 1647), 390Google Scholar.

⁸ Ibid., 305–6, 389–91.

⁹ Ibid., 387–90; cf. Luttrell, A., ‘Malta nel Periodo Normanno’, Atti del Congresso Internazionale di Studi sulla Sicilia Normanna (Palermo, 1973), 474–5Google Scholar, and idem, ‘Approaches to Medieval Malta’, in Medieval Malta: Malta before the Knights, ed. A. Luttrell (London, 1975), 1–3, 33–4; cf. Luttrell, A., ‘Girolamo Manduca and Gian Francesco Abela: Tradition and Invention in Maltese Historiography’, Melita Historica, vii no. 2 (1977)Google Scholar. On place-names in dejr, which did not necessarily mean ‘convent’, see Wettinger, G., ‘Some Maltese Medieval Place-Names of Archaeological Interest’, in Atti del Colloquio Internazionale di Archeologia Medievale, ii (Palermo, 1976), 344–6Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Mss. 154 and 155 passim. This voluminous documentation cannot be detailed here. The affair is partly summarised in La Ferlita, 272–6. Cardillo, G. P., ‘Melevitana Praetensa Devolutio’ (unpublished thesis: Faculty of Jurisprudence, University of Catania, 1967/1968)Google Scholar, is a purely juridical study based only on Mss. 154 and 155, and largely on the seriously corrupted printed materials therein. Cardillo ignored even La Ferlita's work, and the medieval details he gives are partly misleading. This thesis induced Vella, A., ‘I Normanni a Malta’, Atti del Congresso … (1973), 505–6Google Scholar, and idem, Storja ta’ Malta, i (Malta, 1974), 164–5, to speak of Ysolda as a Maltese ‘sinjura’, to give an anachronistic reference to the ‘feudo di Lancillotto’, to suppose that the Benedictines were already established on Malta and that in 1363 six monks were already in residence there, and to describe the attacks of Muslim pirates who sacked the convent and slaughtered the monks causing Ysolda to flee to Sicily; none of this results from the contemporary documents, nor does the phrase commencing monachi quoque … Furthermore Vella states that Ysolda left in Malta and Gozo ‘le terre di Garmieli e del Habit di Seffuda, quelle di Casal Chidieri, Iddaura tal-Himieri ed il ricchissimo feudo di Lancillotto’, quoting this phrase as if it were part of her will, yet these places are not mentioned either in the will or in the text of 1365 (Docs. I, III infra); some of them seem to have been part of the legacy of Paulus de Peregrino made in his will of 1436 in Ms. 153, f. 69–76v (copy of 1439), while the confused reference to Benarratu comes from Doc. IV infra. Vella, , in Atti, 505–6Google Scholar, also connected Ysolda's church with Abela's supposed Benedictine foundation of 1130, but that supposition must now be rejected, as Vella, (Storja, i. 73–95Google Scholar) implicitly recognises.

¹¹ Ms. 154, f. 92v–93, 98–98v, 108; 155, f. 95–99v, 123–5.

¹² Cf. Luttrell, A., ‘The Earliest Documents Transcribed in the Cathedral Archives, Mdina: 1316–1372’, in Azzopardi, J., Archives of the Cathedral of Malta Misc. 32 A: 1313–1519 (Malta, 1977), 42–3Google Scholar. The Maltese archives of the Fabbrica di San Pietro are now in the Cathedral Museum at Mdina, where their reorganisation is being completed.

¹³ Text in Bresc, H., ‘Malta dopo il Vespro Siciliano’, Melita Historica, vi n. 3 (1974), 317–20Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Note that Ardizzone, 299, wrongly refers to a Conradus Episcopus Melitensis in 1402. He was actually Bishop of Militen or Mileto: Perg. 650.

¹⁵ Leone and La Ferlita provide preliminary details, but unfortunately the latter's lists do not give either dates or exact word-forms for the toponyms. Ms. 159, f. 33–33v, 43–6 et passim, provides lists of properties in 1591 and 1628; see also Valletta, Ms. 360, f. 910–50.

¹⁶ A list of clerical incomes of 1436 mentioned lo Animagio di Solda paying one uncia: earlymodern copy in Valletta, Ms. 255, f. 224–226v. This might suggest that this clause in Ysolda's will was satisfactorily executed.

¹⁷ Perg. 543 (Doc. I infra, where the date of 1363 is established).

¹⁸ Ysolda's will stated that she was consobrina of Renaldus and Safira de Landolina; La Ferlita, 262, mistakenly assumes Ysolda was their sister. In 1454 the Viceroy in Sicily accepted claims that the Landolina descended from Paolino de Malta to whom Frederick II granted the casale of Stafenda in 1235 and who was Frederick's proctor on Malta in 1239 and 1240: Luttrell, A., ‘Frederick II and Paolino de Malta: 1235’, Quellen und Forschungen aus den italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken, lv–lvi (1976)Google Scholar. This seems quite probable. In 1371 Renaldus sold the Sicilian pheudum of Gisira which bounded that of Stafenda: Giuffrida, A., Il Cartulario della Famiglia Alagona di Sicilia; 1337–1386 (Palermo, 1978), 79Google Scholar. Conceivably Paolino acquired properties on Malta which later passed to the Landolina family and thus to Ysolda. Ysolda also bequeathed to various persons in Malta certain incomes from bona which had once belonged to Lorenzo de Abello, but her will did not state that those bona were in Malta and it seems that they were not, since they were not mentioned as being exempted from her legacy to the monks. Laurentius de Apello was at Scicli on 21 January 1335: copy in Siracusa, Biblioteca Comunale, Liber Privilegiorum, ii. f. 47–49v. Abela, 306, 390, inaccurately described Ysolda as Maltese and una donna Maltese; according to the act of 11 October 1364 (Doc. II infra), she was habitatrix terre Nothj.

¹⁹ On 31 July 1358 the king consulted Artale de Alagona, governor of Noto, concerning a request from the sons of the late Johannes de Landolina for the goods in Noto, Malta and Gozo which had once been held feudally and in burgensatica by the traitors Muchio, Paolo and Pietro da Barba of Noto and which had already been assigned to their late father: Palermo, Archivio di Stato, Protonotaro 2, f. 349 [olim 337]. On 28 July 1358 property in Noto of Muchio de Bono of Noto, an assassin of Johannes de Landolina, Captain of Noto, had been assigned to Thumeus and Vassallus, sons of Johannes: Protonotaro 2, f. 347–347v [olim 333–335v]. The Landolina did secure the Maltese pheudum of Tabrija which had been granted to Actardus de Barba in 1316: Luttrell (1977), 36–7.

²⁰ The question of the private church in medieval Malta is discussed in Luttrell, A., ‘Historical and Architectural Postscript’, in Excavations at Ħal Millieri, Malta, ed. Blagg, T., Bonanno, A., Luttrell, A. (Malta, forthcoming)Google Scholar.

²¹ Some of those who eventually received legacies, for example Nicolaus de Stabili and Sibilia wife of Renaldus de Landolina (infra, 153 and n. 34), were not named in the original will, while the text of 8 July 1370 explicitly mentioned codicils (In eisdem testamento et codicillis): copy in Ms. 159, f. 127v–128.

²² The Benedictines appointed proctors to advance claims to her estate on 30 July 1364: Doc. II infra. If by 11 October 1364 the Bishop was arguing, as he may have been (Doc. II infra), that a year had passed during which the executors had failed to execute Ysolda's will, then she was dead by 11 October 1363.

²³ Texts in Cosentino, G., Codice Diplomatico di Federico III di Aragona Re di Sicilia: 1355–1377, i (Palermo, 1885/1907), 322–3, 338–40Google Scholar.

²⁴ Palermo, Protonotaro 1, f. 207.

²⁵ The royal document commenced pro parte Reverendi In Christo patris, fratris Ylarij Melivetanj episcopi, cappellani, consiliaris, familiarj et devoti nostrj …: text in Cosentino, i. 525–6Google Scholar.

²⁶ Archivio Vaticano, Reg. Aven. 132, f. 60–60v, 67v–68; he was not a Benedictine as supposed by Abela, 306, 390, and it is not clear why Eubel, C., Hierarchia Catholica Medii Aevi, i (2nd ed: Munster, 1913), 135Google Scholar, gives his name as Conradus and describes him as a Dominican.

²⁷ Corpus luris Canonici, pars 2, ed. Richter, E. (2nd ed: Leipzig, 1851), 539, 540, 612–13, 1055–6Google Scholar = Decret. III 26 iii, vi, 38 viii, xi, and Sect. III 19 i. Cf. de Sassoferrato, Bartolus, Omnia, quae exstant, Opera …, 10 vols. (Venice, 1590–1602), iii, f. 136Google Scholar; iv, f. 66v; x, f. 65 (references kindly provided by Professor Julius Kirshner of the University of Chicago). These matters were much debated by the legal commentators.

²⁸ The Benedictines of Catania probably had such a regulation in their constitutions, but no text can be found. They did have a Sicilian translation of the Rule: Palma, G., ‘Le Costituzioni Benedettine: Testo Siciliano del Sec. XIV, Archivio Storico Siciliano, xxxvii (1912)Google Scholar. La Mantia, F. and La Mantia, G., Consuetudini di S. Maria di Licodia (Palermo, 1898)Google Scholar, contains statutes for the monks’ agricultural dependents.

²⁹ …nec quod sit Ibj locus aptus monachis ad agendum penitentiam Iuxta santiones sanctorum patrum nec quod sint Ibi aliqua officina monachalia …

³⁰ On the language problem and non-Maltese clergy in the fifteenth century, see Wettinger, G.— Fsadni, M., Peter Caxaro's Cantilena: A Poem in Medieval Maltese (Malta, 1968), 25–6Google Scholar.

^3l Text of 11 October 1364 (Doc. II infra) in a notarial transcript of 17 March 1365; witnesses to the latter included Notary Nicolaus de Carubeni and Notary Gullielmus de Landolina: Perg. 557.

³² Perg. 557. Avanella was certainly dead by 5 January 1366: Ms. 159, f. 123v–125v.

³³ Copy in Ms. 159, f. 121v–123v (Doc. III infra).

³⁴ Copy in Ms. 159, f. 123v–125v (damaged and supplemented from another copy in Ms. 153, f. 20–21v); on the mysterious moneta Malte, see Luttrell, , in Medieval Malta, 10Google Scholar n. 66.

³⁵ 3 February 1369: copy in Ms. 159, f. 125v–127.

³⁶ 8 July 1370: copy in Ms. 159, f. 127v–128; another copy in Ms. 153, f. 26–26v, shows that the document came Ex actis meis Tomasij de Benintende Melitensis. This legacy was not mentioned in the original will and must have been instituted by a codicil.

³⁷ 19 July 1370: original inserted in Ms. 159 at f. 114, ex actis Raynaldj lu Murellu In Malta.

³⁸ 19 August 1370: copy in Ms. 159, f. 128–128v (giving de beolione); another copy in Ms. 153, f. 31, states Ex actis meis Not. Rogolini de Andrea Melitensis.

³⁹ 15 December 1370: copy in Ms. 159, f. 128v; another copy in Ms. 153, f. 30, mentions the same Notary Rogolinus.

⁴⁰ Original in Ms. 159, f. 114. This account was not complete; it showed Renaldus de Landolina receiving 40 uncie whereas ultimately he received 50.

⁴¹ Original in Ms. 159, f. 114.

⁴² Ilarius was alive at Levinium (Lentini?) on 2 June 1370: text in Sella, P., Rationes Decimarum Italiae nei secoli XIII e XIV: Sicilia (Vatican, 1944), 146Google Scholar. Following Ilarius' death, Bishop Antonius was translated from the see of Thessalonika on 19 August 1370: Archivio Vaticano, Reg. Aven. 171, f. 96–96v, partially published in Eubel, C., Bullarum Francescanum, vi (Rome, 1902), 446–7Google Scholar. On 22 August 1370 the pope was sending Antonius with 25 Franciscan missionaries to Georgia: text ibid., vi. 447. Antonius seems, however, to have been litigating in person (Episcopus asserebat) at Catania on 1 July 1371: Perg. 581.

⁴³ La Ferlita, 265 n. 8, wrongly states that the new chapel was in Malta.

⁴⁴ Perg. 581; cf. Corpus Iuris Canonici, pars 2, 542 = Decret. III 26 xiv. For general discussions of relevant though not identical questions, see Trexler, R., ‘Death and Testament in the Episcopal Constitutions of Florence: 1327’, in Renaissance Studies in Honor of Hans Baron, ed. Molho, A.—Tedeschi, J. (Dekalb, Illinois, 1971)Google Scholar; idem, ‘The Bishop's Portion: Generic Pious Legacies in the Late Middle Ages in Italy’, Traditio, xxviii (1972).

⁴⁵ Ms. 159, f. 132–137v (sixteenth-century copy); this act was made by Notary Lanceas Gacti before witnesses Bachu de Bochi who was Iudex Malte and Jacobus de Peregrino miles … Lucas de Sillato … Bartucius de Mileto … Iohannes de Sancta Sophia … presbiter Simon de Cassano … Literius de Barba. On 27 April 1379 the Benedictines at Catania secured a new transumptum of this act: copy in Ms. 153, f. 44–51. Bishop Antonius died before 3 September 1371: Archivio Vaticano, Reg. Aven. 173, f. 173v–174.

⁴⁶ It is difficult in the fifteenth-century and later documents to sort out which incomes came from which endowment, and in any case by then circumstances had already changed. The 56 gold uncie received in 1365/1371 (Ms. 159, f. 114) might suggest an income of about 10 uncie a year, but may not give a reliable picture.

⁴⁷ Cf. Longhitano, A., La Parrocchia nella Diocesi di Catania prima e dopo il Concilio di Trento (Rome, 1977), 21–40Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Cf. Luttrell, A., ‘Le Origini della Parrocchia a Malta’, in Pievi e Parrocchie in Italia nel Basso Medioevo (Secoli XIII–XV) (Rome, forthcoming)Google Scholar; Luttrell, amend, in Medieval Malta, 63Google Scholar, where the passage given supra, 152 n. 29, is wrongly interpreted as a reference to pastoral work.

⁴⁹ Details in Bresc, H., ‘Documents on Frederick IV of Sicily's Intervention in Malta: 1372’, Papers of the British School at Rome, xli (1973)Google Scholar; the text of an appeal of 1393(?) from Gozitan captives in Tunis is in Casula, F., Carte Reali Diplomatiche di Giovanni I il Cacciatore, re d'Aragona, riguardanti l'Italia (Padua, 1977), 134–55Google Scholar. For an example of the insuperable difficulties encountered by a Benedictine community on a small Mediterranean island, see Scalfati, S., Les Relations entre la Gorgona et la Corse du XIIIe au XVe siècle = Cahiers Corsica, 84–85 (Bastia, 1980)Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Thus on 19 October 1375 the Benedictine Antonius, archidiaconus of Catania, was provided to the Bishopric of Malta: Archivio Vaticano, Reg. Aven. 198, f. 55v–56. This Benedictine, Antonio de Vulponno, continued for many years to reside at Catania: Fodale, S., Scisma Ecclesiastica e Potere Regio in Sicilia, i: Il Duca di Montblanc e l'Episcopate tra Roma e Avignone, 1392–1396 (Palermo, 1979), 63Google Scholar.

⁵¹ Luttrell, A., ‘The Augustinians at Malta: 1413’, Analecta Augustiniana, xxxviii (1975)Google Scholar; the text of 1441 (ibid., 391), when taken with the evidence in Abela, S., L'Ewwel Karmelitani f'Malta u l'Ewwel Knisja u Kunvent Taghom ‘Il-Lunzjata l'-Qadimi’: 1418–1659 (Malta, 1976), 6–8Google Scholar, confirms that the Carmelites had a Maltese convent by 1441. The will made by Margarita d'Aragona on 5 June 1418 suggested the difficulties involved in such foundations; it did not leave her Maltese church and properties to the Carmelites but instructed that her executors should, after her death, find an order which would accept them: modern copy in Mdina, Cathedral Archives, Ms. 28, f. 1–10v.

⁵² Ms. 159, f. 137v–139v: … quod bona prefati Thomei possidebantur per curiam magnifici et potentis domini domini Manfridi de Clara[monte] nomine regni Scicilie admerati et sua cum socijs vicarij generalis, et Comitis Insole Meliueti, … In the anarchy which followed the death of Federico IV of Sicily in 1377, Malta fell into the hands of the Chiaramonte: Luttrell, A., ‘The House of Aragon and Malta: 1282–1412’, Journal of the Faculty of Arts: Royal University of Malta, iv no. 2 (1970), 163Google Scholar.

⁵³ Perg. 674, drawn up in Malta by Notary Nicolaus de Insula before Michael de Bernardo who was Iudex Malte … notarius Laurentius de Miglorino (or Buxmeruta?) … Notarius Rogerius de Turrj … notarius Antonius de Azupparda … dompnus Michel de Fabro … Petrus Meylac … Pinus de Santoro.

⁵⁴ Preliminary details of legacies and leasings in La Ferlita, 266–8, 271. Note the will of de Burdino, Fridericuscivis Melite (10 August 1414) in Ms. 159, f. 140–3Google Scholar (sixteenth-century copy) and the original informationes secured by the monks when his son Bartolus died without issue in 1428 in Ms. 156, f. 101–3 (original); the will of de Firrario, Lemmushabitator ciuitatis Melite (25 December 1432) in Ms. 156, f. 105–105vGoogle Scholar (fifteenth-century copy from acts of Notary Luca de Sillato); and the will of de Peregrino, PaulusCiuis Ciuitatis Malte (5 September 1436) in Ms. 153, f. 69–76vGoogle Scholar (transumptum of 1439). The estate was not described in the fourteenth-century documents as the feudo or fegho of Lancilotto; nor was it ever a ‘fief’ in the normal ‘feudal’ sense.

⁵⁵ Nicoloso Count of Malta (floruit 1232–71), the son of Henry Count of Malta, is another possibility.

⁵⁶ Wettinger, G., ‘The Lost Villages and Hamlets of Malta’, in Medieval Malta (1975), 210Google Scholar; the six-figure reference system is there explained.

⁵⁷ For Ħaġar Qim, see Wettinger (1976), 332, 355. For Haiarkim, Abela, 390Google Scholar, incorrectly has ‘Har el Bin, (emendisi, Ghar el Bir)’; in his notebook Abela, had haraelbin (Valletta, Ms. 140, f. 38)Google Scholar. A text of 1597 mentioned un'altro pezzo di terreno detto il chasam dentro il quale ui sonno li pedamenti di una torregia disruppata nominata Chagiar Chim …: Ms. 153, f. 526.

⁵⁸ Wettinger (1975), 209.

⁵⁹ The Raħal of the ‘Big One’ (a nickname) is also possible.

⁶⁰ Doc. III infra.

⁶¹ Doc. IV infra.

⁶² Wettinger (1975), 186.

⁶³ Abela, 99.

⁶⁴ On fegho, qasam etc., in addition to Wettinger (1975), see Luttrell, , in Medieval Malta, 55–7Google Scholar; cf. Sipione, E., ‘La smobilitazione dal servizio militare della feudalità siciliana: 1342’, Archivio Storico Siracusano, ns. i (1971)Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Doc. I infra.

⁶⁶ On the late-medieval parish church of San Nicolò at Siġġiewi, see Buhagiar, M., ‘Medieval Churches in Malta’, in Medieval Malta, 172–3Google Scholar and Plate 12a.

⁶⁷ The date is proposed on stylistic grounds; the church was nuova in 1723: Valletta, Ms. 360, f. 943.

⁶⁸ Ferris, A., Descrizione storica delle chiese di Malta e Gozo (Malta, 1886), 409Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ Valletta, Archiepiscopal Curia, Visitation Dusina C, f. 52v, 56v, 57v, 61v, 151–2; the description of the San Nicolò d'Arena church, at f. 151–2, was partially reproduced in Abela, 369–70. Later visitation records show that the Bishop visited the church from time to time, e.g. in 1618 (f. 191v–192), 1708 (f. 92v–93), 1859 (f. 216v).

⁷⁰ Ms. 153, f. 69–76v (copy of 1439); Abela, 390, wrongly has Paolo di Ferregnino.

⁷¹ Abela, 99.

⁷² Valletta, Ms. 360, f. 933, 943.

⁷³ The church was near Merhila in 1597: Valletta, Ms. 360, f. 925.

⁷⁴ Original parchment in Catania, Biblioteche Riunite Civica e A. Ursino Recupero: Tabulario dei Monasteri di San Nicolo L'Arena di Catania et di Santa Maria di Licodia, Perg. 543, incorrectly dated to 17 January 1362 in Ardizzone, 255, and to 17 July 1362 in La Ferlita, 262. The document itself, all contemporary and later copies of it, and all published references to it have always dated the will to 1362, but the regnal and Indictional years give 1363, which is the more likely, as the machinations following Ysolda's death did not begin until mid-1364.

⁷⁵ Sic for Neopatrie.

⁷⁶ Gemeueluburiu: unidentified, possibly Ġnien el Wuriu.

⁷⁷ Giacomo de Pelligrino was the royal captain on Malta from 1361 to 1372, when he was exiled: Bresc (1973), 183–7.

⁷⁸ This Francia, apparently the owner with Bartholomeus de Milito of adjacent lands (in which case read possident), is apparently the Franzuna, widow of Symonis de Muta, granted two tareni later in this will, and not the eidem Francie who was to receive 10 uncie.

⁷⁹ Mtarfa just north of Mdina.

⁸⁰ Sic.

⁸¹ The reference is apparently to the institutio heredis of Roman Law.

⁸² greca: slave.

⁸³ Notarial signum.

⁸⁴ Notarial copy in a parchment of 17 March 1365: Catania, Biblioteche Riunite Civica e A. Ursino Recupero: Tabulario dei Monasteri di San Nicolò L'Arena di Catania et di Santa Maria di Licodia, Perg. 557 (copy in Ms. 159, f. 115–116v). Ardizzone, 261, wrongly dates the text of 17 March 1365 to 1364.

⁸⁵ An error for 1363: supra, 160 n. 74.

⁸⁶ Sic.

⁸⁷ Omitted in original.

⁸⁸ Sic.

⁸⁹ Sixteenth-century copy in Catania, Archivio di Stato, Fondo Benedettini, Ms. 159, f. 121v–123v; this text is partly destroyed and gaps or difficult readings are supplied from a copy of 1678 in Ms. 153, f. 16–17v, and (for the passage Videlicet In primis quoddam … Prini et alijs confinibus) from the quotation from the original in the parchment of 1 July 1371 (Perg. 581) which differs considerably from the copy and seems in some ways much more accurate, except that it omits the passage cum terris Bertini … dicti Pricii Murrua. Elements of doubt inevitably remain.

⁹⁰ Ms. 153: constitit, et constat.

⁹¹ Ms. 153: actendentes et considerantes.

⁹² Perg. 581: circumadiacentibus.

⁹³ Perg. 581: Bar'thi. or Bar'chi.

⁹⁴ Perg. 581: quarum.

⁹⁵ Ms. 153: a later hand deleted casalj and inserted Ibulet il gham.

⁹⁶ Perg. 581: Biranis, but Ms. 153 adds in a later hand seu Branes.

⁹⁷ Perg. 581: detenentes.

⁹⁸ Perg. 581: Inculte.

⁹⁹ Perg. 581: Biranis via.

¹⁰⁰ Perg. 581: deinde.

¹⁰¹ Perg. 581: … milite et in parte …

¹⁰² Sic.

¹⁰³ Perg. 581: Vetulo.

¹⁰⁴ Perg. 581: Xara.

¹⁰⁵ Sic.

¹⁰⁶ There is some confusion between ‘ly’ and ‘ki’ (e.g. ‘lym’ for ‘kjm’ in Doc. IV infra), while the same passage in Perg. 581 (written in 1371) has Rahalkibir. In other copies it often appears as Sijbiex (cf. also supra, 158).

¹⁰⁷ Ms. 153: added in later hand id est Isolda.

¹⁰⁸ sita omitted but Perg. 581 has slit.

¹⁰⁹ Perg. 581 (of 1371) has Rahalkibir.

¹¹⁰ or Haiarlym: Perg. 581 has Haiarkim.

¹¹¹ Perg. 581: confinatur ab oriente.

¹¹² Ms. 153 deletes and inserts in a later hand Viedbihim.

¹¹³ Perg. 581: Busalis.

¹¹⁴ Perg. 581: Prinj Murua.

¹¹⁵ Ms. 153: et Francisce Nixara.

¹¹⁶ Perg. 581 omits one line in the ms. from cum terris Bertini to Pricij Murrua.

¹¹⁷ Perg. 581: Prinj.

¹¹⁸ Ms. 153: Pontius de Mollica.

¹¹⁹ Notarial signum.

¹²⁰ A single undated sheet of paper now bound into Catania, Archivio di Stato, Fondo Benedettini, Ms. 153, f. 505–505v, published, with some inaccuracies, in La Ferlita, 262/3 n. 5, who dates it to the early fifteenth century. It is a close paraphrase of the relevant section in Doc. III supra, but is interesting for the vernacular Sicilian forms and for certain extra details. The same sheet, possibly torn out of a general estate book, also contains (at f. 505v) a list of properties at Siracusa, but the names it contains do not enable the sheet to be more precisely dated. de Pelligrino, Giacomo was exiled in 1372 (supra, 160Google Scholar n. 77) and the house he had held at Mdina (Doc. III) passed to Lodovicus de Plozasco, but the latter cannot be documented at Malta before 26 February 1398 when he was already married: Palermo, Archivio di Stato, Reg. 30, f. 62–62v: (this reference was kindly provided by Dr. Godfrey Wettinger). Lodovicus married Giacomo's daughter Francia, according to the will of 5 June 1418 by which Francia's mother, Margarita d'Aragona, bequeathed them parts of houses in Mdina which do not seem to have been in the piazza: modern copy in Mdina, Cathedral Archives, Ms. 28, f. 1–10v. Lodovicus was dead by 20 May 1429 when Francia remarried: modern summary in Valletta, Ms. Biblioteca 1365, f. 1, 255. Words such as alaplaza are here transcribed as ala plaza.

¹²¹ Presumably the main square at Mdina.

¹²² de Plozasco, Ludovicus held the pheudum of Maccalabim on Malta in 1408Google Scholar: text in Muscia, B., Sicilia Nobilis (Rome, 1692), 114–15Google Scholar.

¹²³ i.e. Raħal Kbir.

¹²⁴ i.e. Ħaġar Qim.

¹²⁵ The tenuta at lu portu di Benarratu (now Salina Bay) does not appear in the 1365 text (Doc. III supra).