¹ This contribution to Roman topography is a small but direct acknowledgement of my debt to the British School at Rome and my gratitude for the inspiration and help provided by the staff and residents, including those on the ‘City of Rome’ course, and especially to their leader, Robert Coates-Stephens, without whom the paper hardly could have been begun. Thanks are also due to the Editor and three referees for helping me find a proper shape for the paper while avoiding a number of errors I would otherwise have made; and to Dirk Booms for drawing the maps.

² LTUR = Steinby, E.M. (ed.), Lexicon Topographicum Urbis Romae, 5 vols (Rome, 1991–9)Google Scholar; LTURS = Regina, A. La (ed.), Lexicon Topographicum Urbis Romae: Suburbium, 5 vols (Rome, 2001–9)Google Scholar; MAR = Haselberger, L., Romano, D.G. and Dumser, E.A. (eds), Mapping Augustan Rome (Journal of Roman Archaeology supplement 50) (Portsmouth (RI), 2002)Google Scholar.

³ There were, of course, ‘covered roads’ in antiquity, such as where the Via Tiburtina passed under the Temple of Hercules Victor just outside Tibur; but I have not found any instances of the phrase uia tecta. Also perhaps relevant is the ‘uia fornicata, quae ad Campum erat’ (Livy 22.36.8); this can hardly have been fully covered, given that men on it were struck by lightning; erat seems to imply that it no longer existed in Livy's day.

⁴ Knox, P.E., ‘Texts and topography’, Classical Quarterly 59 (2009), 658–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵ L. Spera, ‘Tecta via’, LTURS, acknowledges the variants and the lack of evidence for ‘covering’ on the Appian Way, but suggests that the reference may be to a street running from the main highway.

⁶ The temple can hardly have been seen by someone standing at the gate, given how the land drops away to the south (the so-called cliuus Martis); perhaps prospicit is notional, or perhaps the gate could be climbed for the view.

⁷ Palmer, R.E.A., ‘Studies of the northern Campus Martius in ancient Rome’, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 80 (1990), 1–64, at pp. 58–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸ Coarelli, F., Il Campo Marzio (Rome, 1997), 119, n. 11Google Scholar.

⁹ For example: Livy 22.11.5; Martial 10.6.6; Tac. Ann. 13.47; Martial 11.13.1–2.

¹⁰ As also for Coarelli's placing of the ‘uia Tecta’.

¹¹ So Palmer, ‘Studies of the northern Campus Martius’ (above, n. 7), 58–9.

¹² extremo Mart[io]: Festus 440 L.

¹³ Pace J.R. Patterson, ‘Via Tecta’, LTUR.

¹⁴ Lanciani, R., Forma Urbis Romae (Milan, 1893–8)Google Scholar, pl. 14. The name continues to be used for convenience by Coarelli, for example on the map, Il Campo Marzio (above, n. 8), 9.

¹⁵ Peter Knox wonders whether recta uia is too much of a cliché (‘directly’) to have been used as a street name; but on that logic there would be no High Streets in England.

¹⁶ Coarelli, Il Campo Marzio (above, n. 8), 247, followed by Pietilä-Castrén, L., Magnificentia Publica: the Victory Monuments of the Roman Generals in the Era of the Punic Wars (Commentationes Humanarum Litterarum 84) (Helsinki, 1987), 47Google Scholar; Mancioli, D. and Valenzani, R. Santangeli, L'area sacra di Largo Argentina (Rome, 1997), 23Google Scholar; Romano, G., L'area sacra di Largo Argentina (Roma, 2007), 17–18Google Scholar. Taking an example from Coarelli is rather unfair, as in general he treats Ovid as a source with appropriate seriousness and care (see, for example, ‘Iuppiter Invictus, Aedes (in Palatio)’, LTUR).

¹⁷ I stress ‘here’: Ovid can hardly have described the aqueduct as encircling the Campus Martius in the manner of the cloak's border at Met. 5.51–2: ‘chlamydem Tyriam, quam limbus obibat / aureus’.

¹⁸ Green, S.J., Ovid, Fasti 1: a Commentary (Mnemosyne supplement 251) (Leiden, 2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁹ Temple ‘A’ for Coarelli, Il Campo Marzio (above, n. 8), 243–50; Temple ‘C’ for Ziolkowski, A., The Temples of Mid-Republican Rome (Rome, 1992), 94–7Google Scholar.

²⁰ Robert Coates-Stephen draws my attention to Lanciani, R., Storia degli scavi di Roma 3 (Rome, 1907), 124–5Google Scholar, where he mentions Ligorio's unexplained attribution of the temple and spring of Juturna to the grounds of the monastery of Santa Maria in Via (thus just east of the Via Flaminia: see Fig. 1), and then discusses where the Aqua Virgo ended.

²¹ On two unfortunate interventions of this kind, see Reeve, M.D., ‘Conclusion’, in Pecere, O. and Reeve, M.D. (eds), Formative Stages of Classical Traditions: Latin Texts from Antiquity to the Renaissance (Spoleto, 1995), 507–8Google Scholar.

²² Inscriptiones Italiae XIII.2.23: FERIAE ANNAE PERENNAE VIA FLAM AD LAPIDEM PRIM. The calendar is dated between ad 15 and 37.

²³ Piranomonte, M. (ed.), Il santuario della musica e il bosco sacro di Anna Perenna (Milan, 2002)Google Scholar, and in ‘Annae Perennae nemus’, LTURS; see also Fig. 1. There is a dedication ‘nymphis sacratis Annae Perennae’, and another, partly in iambic verses, ‘sacratis nymphis’, marking gratitude for victory, apparently in a dramatic contest.

²⁴ Wiseman, T.P., ‘Documentation, visualization, imagination: the case of Anna Perenna's cult site’, in Haselberger, L. and Humphrey, J. (eds), Imaging Ancient Rome (Journal of Roman Archaeology supplement 61) (Portsmouth (RI), 2006), 51–61Google Scholar.

²⁵ La Regina touched on this in his premessa toPiranomonte, (ed.), Il santuario della musica e il bosco sacro di Anna Perenna (above, n. 23), 6Google Scholar; see also Pavolini, C., ‘Il contesto topografico della villa: uso produttivo del territorio e culti’, in Carandini, A. (ed.), La fattoria e la villa dell'Auditorium (Bullettino della Commissione Archeologica Comunale in Roma supplement 14) (Rome, 2006), 41–64, at pp. 49–50, and the map on p. 67Google Scholar.

²⁶ Tac. Ann. 12.23, Dio 55.6.6; nothing in the Res Gestae, however, or in Gellius's discussion of the pomerium (13.4): so Wiseman, ‘Documentation, visualization, imagination’ (above, n. 24), 54.

²⁷ Evidence that shows continued usage of the traditional mileposts has been assembled by M.C. Capanna, ‘Il culto di Anna Perenna al I miglio’, in Carandini (ed.), La fattoria e la villa dell'Auditorium (above, n. 25), 65–70.

²⁸ See M. Piranomonte, ‘I materiali nella cisterna: religione e magia’ and J. Olakova and I.A. Rapinesi, ‘I materiali magici’, both in Piranomonte (ed.), Il santuario della musica e il bosco sacro di Anna Perenna (above, n. 23), 21–5 and 38–52 respectively: among the objects found are large numbers of lead defixiones, lead containers with figurines inside, coins and unused lamps. Some are displayed in the Epigraphic Section of the Museo Nazionale at the Terme di Diocleziano.

²⁹ On the proximity of the Mausoleum: Wiseman, ‘Documentation, visualization, imagination’ (above, n. 24), 55. Cf. Festus 142L. on the altar of the phallic deity Mutinus Titinus: Wiseman, ‘Documentation, visualization, imagination’ (above, n. 24), 61.

³⁰ The Fasti Praenestini for 7 March likewise record ‘vediovis inter dvo lucos’.

³¹ So H.J. Edwards; descendentibus MSS. For discussion of this difficult passage, see for example T.P. Wiseman, ‘Asylum’, LTUR; Wellesley, K., ‘Livy 1.8.5’, Latomus 33 (1974), 912–15Google Scholar. As given here it means ‘he opened up as an asylum the place which is now walled for those ascending between the two groves’.

³² Another unorthodox interpretation was given by Sommella, A.M., ‘Inter duos lucos: problematiche relative alla localizzazione dell’Asylum', in Etrusca et Italica: scritti in ricordo di Massimo Pallottino (Pisa, 1997), II, 425–42Google Scholar, who thought the phrase implies a space covered by the ‘Tabularium’.

³³ Nisbet, R.G., M. Tulli Ciceronis, De Domo Sua ad Pontifices Oratio (Oxford, 1939)Google Scholar, ad loc. reports on earlier stages of this sadly continuing debate.

³⁴ See Wiseman, T.P., ‘Topography and rhetoric: the trial of Manlius’, Historia 28 (1979), 32–50Google Scholar.

³⁵ See the descriptions in, for example, Pichon, R., ‘La promenade d’Évandre et d'Énée au VIIIme livre de l'Éneide', Revue des Études Anciennes 16 (1914), 410–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Grimal, P., ‘La colline de Janus’, Revue Archéologique s. VI, 23 (1945), 56–87Google Scholar (esp. p. 61, n. 2) (in part reprised in ‘La promenade d’Évandre et Énée à la lumière des fouilles récentes', Revue des Études Anciennes 50 (1948), 348–51); and Gransden, K.W., Virgil, Aeneid Book VIII (Cambridge, 1976), 32–6Google Scholar; inevitably each differs from my account in some details, such as accepting the traditional placing of the Tarpeian Rock on the Capitol rather than the Arx. Most of the places mentioned in the following discussion can be found in Fig. 2.

³⁶ They will end up in Evander's palace on the Palatine (359–62). Some (for example, Warde-Fowler, W., Aeneas at the Site of Rome (Oxford, 1918), 74–5Google Scholar; Gransden, Virgil, Aeneid Book VIII (above, n. 35), 30) have thought this was intended to be read as where the house of Augustus stood. However, this, along with the Temple of Apollo, was to the southwest of the plateau on top of the Palatine, and the lack of a sense of extended journey after mention of the Forum and the Carinae in 361 suggests that Vergil has in mind rather the sites of the houses of the early kings (note regia, 363; mugire in 361 perhaps hints at the Porta Mugionis as well as the etymology of Pallanteum itself): see Michels, A.K., ‘The topography and interpretation of the Lupercalia’, Transactions of the American Philological Association 84 (1953), 35–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at p. 42, n. 13. Rees, R., ‘Revisiting Evander at Aeneid 8.363’, Classical Quarterly 46 (1996), 583–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar, followed Servius Auctus in arguing that Evander's palace is the regia later inhabited by the pontifex maximus.

³⁷ T.P. Wiseman, ‘Saxum Tarpeium’, LTUR gave the evidence and references for more detailed discussions.

³⁸ Harrison, S.J., ‘The epic and monuments: interactions between Virgil's Aeneid and the Augustan building programme’, in Clarke, M.J., Currie, B.G.F. and Lyne, R.O.A.M. (eds), Epic Interactions (Oxford, 2006), 159–83, at pp. 174–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁹ See, for example, G. Tagliamonte, ‘Capitolium’, LTUR.

⁴⁰ Janus is associated with the Arx also in the story he tells at Fast. 1.259–76 of how he used boiling water to keep the ascending Sabines outside the gate (note arcis, 262).

⁴¹ Grimal, ‘La colline de Janus’ (above, n. 35), 57.

⁴² Pichon, ‘La promenade d’Évandre et d'Énée' (above, n. 35); Grimal, ‘La colline de Janus’ (above, n. 35).

⁴³ I note that in his 2009 Teubner edition, G.B. Conte brackets as interpolations 6.901, 9.151, as well as a number of part lines, and verses omitted in some of the ancient manuscripts.

⁴⁴ The word arx is applied to the Ianiculum at Livy 1.33.6, 2.51.4, Ov. Fast. 1.245–6: see below.

⁴⁵ Ov. Fast. 6.31; Plin. HN 3.68; Festus p. 322 Lindsay all apply the name to Rome more generally. It may be relevant also that the Pliny passage claims that the Janiculum was previously a settlement called Antipolis.

⁴⁶ This couplet answers one of Ovid's questions (1.229–30).

⁴⁷ Note placidus in Aen. 8.88, 96; Ovid's harenosi alludes to the description of the Tiber at Aen. 7.31, ‘multa flauus harena’.

⁴⁸ Aen. 8.201–31 reprise the etymological nexus suggested at 7.657–62. Ovid replaces Hercules's aduentus with Saturn's.

⁴⁹ ‘hic, ubi’ is a frequent collocation in the Fasti; it functions as a vivid form of ubi and there are examples (2.391, 5.93) where the hic certainly does not mean ‘here, in the place where I am currently’. There is thus no reason to see the phrase as setting up a contrast with 241–2.

⁵⁰ For Ovid's interest in exploiting the god's form, see Green, Ovid, Fasti 1 (above, n. 18) on Fast. 1.66; Hardie, P.R., ‘The Janus episode in Ovid's Fasti’, Materiali e Discussioni per l'Analisi dei Testi Classici 26 (1991), 47–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at pp. 60–4; Edwards, C., Writing Rome: Textual Approaches to the City (Cambridge, 1996), 57–9Google Scholar.

⁵¹ A Papers of the British School at Rome referee points to the tantalizing passage at Ant. Rom. 1.73.3, where Dionysius lists towns founded by ‘Romus’ (his Remus), brother of Ascanius and Romulus: Capua, Anchisa, Aeneia (afterwards called Janiculum) and Rome, subsequently deserted for fifteen generations. But without any indication of place, this is hardly ground we can build on.

⁵² Wiseman, T.P., Remus: a Roman Myth (Cambridge, 1995), 113–17Google Scholar.

⁵³ prospicies UGMω: prospiciens Aϛ.

⁵⁴ nam Riese: nunc AUGMω.

⁵⁵ restituere UGMω: constituere Aϛ.

⁵⁶ ipse ϛ: ille Aω: ante UGMϛ.

⁵⁷ My list exploits those of Momigliano, A., ‘Camillus and Concord’, Classical Quarterly 36 (1942), 111–20Google Scholar (on p. 115), and Gasparri, C., Aedes Concordiae Augustae (Rome, 1979), 11–15Google Scholar; I give only the references that are significant for topography or date. Omitted here is the Temple to Concordia Nova that Dio (44.4.5) mentions as offered to Caesar by the Senate in 44 bc; his assassination presumably put an end to the proposal, of which we hear nothing further.

⁵⁸ Is it possible that this is a doublet of the aerea later in the sentence?

⁵⁹ ‘Flavius vowed that he would set up a temple of Concord if he succeeded in reconciling the ruling orders and the people, and when public money was not voted for this purpose, using the fines paid by those convicted of usury he built a small bronze shrine in the Graecostasis, which was then above the comitium, and engraved on a bronze tablet that it was built 204 years after the dedication of the temple [of Jupiter] on the Capitoline.’ Momigliano, ‘Camillus and Concord’ (above, n. 57), 117, argued that the placing in Graecostasi (where foreign embassies assembled before being received by the Senate) respects the presumed Greek origin of the personified deity Homonoia, and noted that the inscribed tablet would read oddly if a temple to Concordia had already been founded in the vicinity by Camillus.

⁶⁰ ‘He dedicated a temple to Concord in the area Vulcani to the great irritation of the nobles.’ Coarelli, F., Il Foro Romano I: periodo arcaico (Rome, 1983), 161–80Google Scholar, has a masterly discussion of the relevant sources on the area Vulcani and related places.

⁶¹ Nisbet, Cf. R.G., M. Tulli Ciceronis De Domo Sua (Oxford, 1939), 207Google Scholar. On the problem of the precise placing and scale of the basilica, see Hafner, G., ‘Aedis Concordiae et Basilica Opimia’, Archäologischer Anzeiger (1984), 591–6Google Scholar, and Purcell, N., ‘Rediscovering the Roman Forum’, Journal of Roman Archaeology 2 (1989), 157–66, at p. 161CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶² Verses 637–8 read ‘te quoque magnifica, Concordia, dedicat aede / Liuia’. Some have read aede as equivalent to ara here: thus Coarelli, F., Roma (Guide archeologiche Laterza 9) (Rome/Bari, rev. ed. 2008), 240–1Google Scholar, who describes the central altar apparently depicted on the Marble Plan as like the Ara Pacis in design: the shrine was at any rate a small part of the whole complex. I include this here partly for completeness, and partly because it ties up with 1.637–50 in presenting Ovid's view of imperial Concordia, dominated by Livia.

⁶³ ‘A statue of Victory that was on the pediment of the Temple of Concord was struck by lightning and fell from its position, but it stuck to the figures of Victory among the antefixes and fell no further.’ This temple sounds like a larger structure than (ii) is implied to be; as Livy shows no awareness of the Camillus construction, he at least must be thinking of the Manlian temple; and, as Momigliano observed (‘Camillus and Concord’ (above, n. 57), 116), he does not specify which Temple of Concordia, as if there were only one that might be in question.

⁶⁴ However, we might be surprised about the change of name if Concordia is so small a feature in this locale; given what will emerge, it is perhaps possible that the Manlian temple is behind the phrase.

⁶⁵ Cf. I Macc. 15.16–21.

⁶⁶ Dio at 55.8.6 explicitly mentions Tiberius's acquisition of the statue of Hestia for the temple. There are fascinating speculations about the artistic programme in Kellum, B.A., ‘The city adorned: programmatic display at the Aedes Concordiae Augustae’, in Raaflaub, K.A. and Toher, M. (eds), Between Republic and Empire: Interpretations of Augustus and his Principate (Berkeley, 2000), 276–96Google Scholar; but we need to remember that items are likely to be missing from our record.

⁶⁷ Several further letters follow, of which only the bottom is visible, perhaps beginning with A or M; I know of no plausible reconstruction.

⁶⁸ Levick, B., ‘Concordia at Rome’, in Carson, R.A.C. and Kraay, C.M. (eds), Scripta Nummaria Romana: Essays Presented to Humphrey Sutherland (London, 1978), 217–33Google Scholar, at pp. 218–20, built on this to present it as an invention of the Opimian period. The rhetoric associated with the dedication stories has been explored further by Morstein-Marx, R., Mass Oratory and Political Power in the Late Roman Republic (Cambridge, 2004), 54–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 101–3.

⁶⁹ So, for example, Levick, ‘Concordia at Rome’ (above, n. 68), 220–1. But a referee rightly points out that Pliny may be relying on evidence preserved in Varro, Atticus or Cornelius Nepos, whom he cites in book 1 as sources for book 33.

⁷⁰ So, for example, G. Giannelli, ‘Concordia in Arce, Aedes’, LTUR; A.G. Thein, ‘Concordia, Aedes (Arx)’, MAR.

⁷¹ So Momigliano, with due caution (‘Camillus and Concord’ (above, n. 57), 115); and, for example, A.M. Ferroni, ‘Concordia Aedes’, LTUR; Noreña, ‘Concordia, Augusta, Aedes’, MAR.

⁷² On the other hand, if the story about Camillus does emerge in a later period, whether as a justification for marking the end of a period of social conflict with such a dedication, or as a contrast between past magnanimity and current bloodshed (or vice versa), it would have been an easier story to tell if there existed an old shrine of Concordia, perhaps dilapidated, that could be presented as the temple in question: this is the move Ovid makes in having Tiberius restore what he says Camillus once established, but it may derive from an earlier generation, as Levick argued (‘Concordia at Rome’ (above, n. 68), 219–20).

⁷³ Other structures that we need to look for on the Arx are the Auguraculum, placed somewhere with good lines of sight, and the original mint, close by Juno Moneta, from whom it takes its name; cf. Livy 6.20.13, talking of Manlius's house, ‘ubi nunc aedes atque officina Monetae est’. The officina surely must have been of some size and significance, designed for security.

⁷⁴ Again, there is no need to take seriously the claims about the temple of Juno Moneta standing precisely where Manlius's house once was: see p. 52 and Wiseman, ‘Topography and rhetoric, (above, n. 34), who showed how the story develops to make rhetorical points for authors. Failure to understand this unfortunately vitiates Giannelli, G., ‘Il tempio di Giunone Moneta e la casa di Marco Manlio Capitolino’, Bullettino della Commissione Archeologica Comunale in Roma 87 (1980–1), 7–36Google Scholar.

⁷⁵ Not, however, Tucci, P.L., ‘‘Where high Moneta leads her steps sublime’: the ‘Tabularium’ and the temple of Juno Moneta', Journal of Roman Archaeology 18 (2005), 6–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar, who (p. 15) has put the Auguraculum at the highest point (for him northeast of Santa Maria in Ara Coeli); similarly Ziolkowski, A., ‘Between geese and the Auguraculum: the origin of the cult of Juno on the Arx’, Classical Philology 88 (1983), 206–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁶ Giannelli, G., ‘La leggenda dei ‘Mirabilia’ e l'antica topografia dell'Arce Capitolina', Studi Romani 26 (1978), 60–71Google Scholar, presented the evidence, and argued for Juno Moneta as the temple whose podium is in the garden (see also ‘il tempio di Giunone Moneta e la casa di Marco Manlio Capitolino’ (above, n. 74), and his LTUR article). Though he has been followed by Coarelli (for example in his archaeological guide (Roma (see above, n. 62)), 41), Ammerman, A. and Terrenato, N., ‘Nuove osservazioni sul Colle Capitolino’, Bullettino della Commissione Archeologica Comunale in Roma 97 (1996), 35–46Google Scholar, at p. 43 claimed that the summit was rather in the area under the church (cf. Maffei, P., ‘Nuovi dati per la topografia dell'Arce in Campidoglio’, Bullettino della Commissione Archeologica Comunale in Roma 99 (1998), 7–50Google Scholar, at p. 21). This persuaded the MAR team to place Juno Moneta there on the map, with the Aedes Concordiae in the garden. However, in ‘Where high Moneta leads her steps sublime’ (above, n. 75), 11–21, Tucci disputes their evidence, and argues in support of Giannelli's identification (though with the complication that he thinks it burnt down in 83 bc, and was rebuilt on top of the ‘Tabularium’: see below).

⁷⁷ Both possibilities are marked on Fig. 2.

⁷⁸ Tucci, ‘Where high Moneta leads her steps sublime' (above, n. 75), 19, n. 49.

⁷⁹ Richardson, L. Jr, ‘Concordia and Concordia Augusta: Rome and Pompeii’, La Parola del Passato 33 (1978), 260–72Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ Richardson, L. Jr, A New Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome (Baltimore, 1992)Google Scholar.

⁸¹ For example Cic. Cat. 3.21, Sest. 26, repeatedly in the Philippics; and later in the Historia Augusta.

⁸² Cf. for example, Coarelli, Il Foro Romano I (above, n. 60), 25–6; Carandini, A., Palatino, Velia e Sacra via. Paesaggi urbani attraverso il tempo (Rome, 2004), 29Google Scholar; Purcell, ‘Rediscovering the Roman Forum’ (above, n. 61), 158: ‘the slopes rising southeast of the temple of Vesta must be considered part of the Palatine’ (p. 163 is interesting too on the sense of boundary in the area of Concordia Augusta); Ziolkowski, A., ‘The Sacra Via and the temple of Iuppiter Stator’, Opuscula Romana 17 (1989), 225–39Google Scholar, at p. 237: ‘The second row of buildings parallel to the Sacra via, as e.g. the domus Scauri, was located already in Palatio’. (I suspect that for most purposes, this is too precise in its formulation, concerned as Ziolkowski was with regionary boundaries.)

⁸³ Papi, E., ‘Domus: Tullius Cicero’, LTUR; S.M. Cerutti, ‘The location of the houses of Cicero and Clodius and the Porticus Catuli on the Palatine Hill in Rome’, American Journal of Philology 118 (1997), 417–26Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ The position is consistent with related statements about the gate, the Temple of Jupiter Stator, the Via Nova and regal palaces: Dion. Hal. 2.50, ‘Ῥωμυλὸς μὲν ἵδρυσατο ἱερὸν Ὀρθωσίωι Διὶ παρὰ ταῖς καλουμέναις Μυκωνίσι πύλαις, αἳ φέρουσιν εἰς τὸ Παλάτιον ἐκ τῆς ἱερᾶς ὁδοῦ’; Livy 1.41.4, ‘ex superiore parte aedium per fenestras in Nouam uiam uersas (habitabat enim rex ad Iouis Statoris) populum Tanaquil adloquitur’; Ov. Tr. 3.1.17–18 (the book is led up the Via Sacra past the Regia) ‘inde petens dextram ‘porta est’ ait ‘ista Palati, / hic Stator, hoc primum condita Roma loco est’'; Fast. 6.793–4 ‘tempus idem Stator aedis habet, quam Romulus olim / ante Palatini condidit ora iugi’; Plin. HN 34.29 ‘contra Iovis Statoris aedem in uestibulo Superbi domus’; Solinus 1.24 (on the house of the kings), ‘Tarquinius Priscus ad Mugoniam portam supra summam Nouam Viam’. Excavations by Carandini have uncovered what he believes to be traces of the gate (Palatino, Velia e Sacra via (above, n. 82), 32–50, figs 1–10; LTUR ‘‘Murus Romuli’: Porta Mugonia' [Coarelli]). This has been questioned by Ziolkowski, A., The Sacra Via Twenty Years After (Journal of Juristic Papyrology supplement 2004), 74–84Google Scholar, who argues for the traditional placing near the Arch of Titus. Though I suspect Ziolkowski is right here, as in his earlier discussion in ‘The Sacra Via and the temple of Iuppiter Stator’, Opuscula Romana 17 (1989), 225–39Google Scholar, the precise position does not matter for the point at issue. More significantly, he seems to me to go astray (Opuscula Romana 17 (1989), 237Google Scholar) in arguing as a general truth that ‘buildings standing on the Sacra via were … located in Sacra via and not in Palatio or in Velia’: as my discussion here shows, buildings are frequently assigned to alternative locations.

⁸⁵ This may go back to the physical make-up of primitive Rome, where everything is either hill, or marshland, always potentially flooded.

⁸⁶ Another possible case concerns the Temple of Minerva Capta. This is described by Ovid at Fast. 3.837–8 as ‘where the Caelian hill descends from on high into the plain, at that point where the road is not flat but almost flat’ (‘Caelius ex alto qua mons descendit in aequum, / hic, ubi non plana est, sed prope plana via’), whereas at Ling. 5.47 Varro cites a regionary record ‘Caeroliensis: quarticeps circa Minervium qua in Caelio monte itur’ (‘Caeriolensis: fourth shrine by the temple of Minerva where the road goes on the Caelian hill’); but Augustinus conjectured ‘in Caelium montem’.

⁸⁷ Similar is the adjacent Temple of Saturnus, sometimes treated as in foro Romano (for example, Livy 41.21.12), sometimes associated with the Capitol (for example ‘sub cliuo Capitolino’ (Serv. Aen. 8.319) and ‘ante cliuum Capitolinum iuxta Concordiae templum’ (Hyg. Fab. 261)): see Coarelli, ‘Saturnus, Aedes’, LTUR for further references.

⁸⁸ So too the tabularium publicum (CIL XVI 35: ‘in Capitolio in latere sinistro tabulari publici’; similarly XVI 159), adjacent to the aedis Concordiae if Coarelli is right to place it on the Forum side of the substructio we now call the ‘Tabularium’: Coarelli, F., ‘Substructio et tabularium’, Papers of the British School at Rome 78 (2010), 107–23, at pp. 118–23CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸⁹ Tucci, ‘Where high Moneta leads her steps sublime’ (above, n. 75), 19, n. 49.

⁹⁰ Ferroni, ‘Concordia, Aedes’, in LTUR referred to a work in preparation (A.M. Ferroni, E. Segala and I. Sciortino, Tempio della Concordia al Foro Romano), although I have not found any sign of this as a published work; in the meantime she tantalizes, with these words on p. 317: ‘gli scavi stratigrafici in corso stanno portando alla luce strutture di IV a.C. in livelli sottostanti il tempio’. The findings are dramatically at odds with the denials of such evidence in Gasparri, Aedes Concordiae Augustae (above, n. 57), 61; and one obvious question is how precisely the discovery can be dated to the fourth century, rather than more generally to the period prior to 121.

⁹¹ Rebert, H.F. and Marceau, H., ‘The temple of Concord in the Roman Forum’, Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 5 (1925), 53–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar (and plates 44–55).

⁹² These unsafe assumptions were given some importance in the accounts of Fidenae and Grotta Oscura tufa by Blake, M.E., Ancient Roman Construction in Italy from the Prehistoric Period to Augustus (Washington DC, 1947), 26–9Google Scholar; but Grotta Oscura tufa was certainly being used in the 190s for Vediovis on the Capitol (Colini, A.M., ‘Aedes Veiouis inter Arcem et Capitolium’, Bullettino della Commissione Archeologica del Governatorato di Roma 70 (1942), 5–55Google Scholar, at p. 48), and for Forum buildings in the second century (Blake, Ancient Roman Construction (above), 28), and Fidenae tufa in less obtrusive places. For a more recent account of these materials, identified more precisely as ‘Tufo Giallo della Via Tibertina’ (Grotta Oscura) and ‘Tufo Rosso a Scorie Nere’ (Fidenae), see Jackson, M.D. and Marra, F., ‘Roman stone masonry: volcanic foundations of the ancient city’, American Journal of Archaeology 110 (2006), 403–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar: they mention use of the latter in buildings of the fourth, third and first centuries bc, and the former in buildings of the fourth, second and first.

⁹³ Tucci, ‘Where high Moneta leads her steps sublime’ (above, n. 75), 20–33.

⁹⁴ Remembering the Roman People. Essays on Late-Republican Politics and Literature (Oxford, 2009), 69Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ See Tucci's figure 13; the internal stairs in figure 16 are quite irrelevant.

⁹⁶ We might wonder also about the gap between 83 bc and the laying of concrete foundations: Tucci makes no attempt to date these more precisely than calling them ‘Imperial’, and yet in Wiseman (Remembering the Roman People (above, n. 94), 68) we are told their presence indicates ‘that by the imperial period the temple had been destroyed or demolished and replaced by something quite different’ [my italics]. Coarelli, ‘Substructio et tabularium’ (above, n. 88), has now made the attractive proposal that the ‘Tabularium’ served as a substructio rather for three Sullan temples, Genius Publicus, Fausta Felicitas and Venus Victrix. He points to the improbability of such a move for Juno Moneta, who is so strongly associated with the summit of the Arx.

⁹⁷ We might wonder too whether the Temple of Ops on the Capitol is in fact the same as the Temple of Ops in the Forum, associated with that of Saturn; but there is no clarity about the position of either shrine: see J. Aronen, ‘Ops ad Forum’, ‘Ops Opifera, Aedes’, LTUR; Clark, A.J., Divine Qualities: Cult and Community in Republican Rome (Oxford, 2007), 300–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹⁸ This is taken as true by Morstein-Marx, R., Mass Oratory and Political Power in the Late Roman Republic (Cambridge, 2004), 102–3CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹⁹ Cic. Dom. 11 mentions Metellus, for example; cf. also Phil. 2.112, 3.30, 5.18, 5.20, 7.21.

¹⁰⁰ See n. 69. Livy's information about the Manlius temple may well have come through a rather earlier history, a family source, or even a calendrical route.

¹⁰¹ Clark, , Divine Qualities (above, n. 97), 123; pp. 133–4Google Scholar and 170–6 are also relevant to my discussion.

¹⁰² (a) and (b) reprise the current consensus, as given above.

¹⁰³ So implicitly Packer, J.E., ‘Pompey's Theater and Tiberius' Temple of Concord’, Yale Classical Studies 35 (2010), 135–67Google Scholar, at p. 167.

¹⁰⁴ A point that is missed by Tucci, ‘Where high Moneta leads her steps sublime’ (above, n. 75), 19, n. 49, in claiming that ‘Concordia in Arce’ could not have been on the same site as ‘Concordia Augusta’.

¹⁰⁵ Ovid directs the reader around Rome with words that denote buildings and places, such as aedes, domus, porta, forum, circus, collis (and the names of the hills), uia, Tiberis, insula, with prepositions and other expressions of proximity and separation, but not least through verbs such as uidere (for example 2.682, 3.422, 3.837, 5.563, 6.423), spectare (for example 3.159, 5.669), aspicere, prospicere and related compounds (for example 1.502, 1.639, 2.860, 3.184, 6.59, 6.191, 6.205, 6.802). There are insightful pages on the poem's representation of the city in Edwards, , Writing Rome: Textual Approaches to the City (above, n. 50), 57–63Google Scholar. Also helpful is the volume by Boyle, A.J., Ovid and the Monuments: a Poet's Rome (Bendigo, 2003)Google Scholar, though that tends to treat the temples and their deities as poetic or political symbols (quite rightly), but not as physical constituents of a city mapped by the text.