Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-t7fkt Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-20T06:59:00.985Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

AUGUSTINE'S CANAANITES1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 October 2014

Get access

Abstract

There is a widespread idea that the people we call ‘Phoenician’ called themselves ‘Canaanite’. This article argues that the only positive evidence for this hypothesis, a single line in the standard editions of Augustine's unfinished commentary on Paul's letter to the Romans, where he claims that ‘if you ask our local peasants what they are, they answer ‘Canaanite’', is prima facie highly unreliable as historical evidence, and on closer inspection in fact is almost certainly an editorial error: our examination of all the manuscripts — the first to have been carried out — established that what the peasants were really asked in the archetype was not quid sint — ‘what they are’ — but quid sit — ‘what is it’, a phrase that would most obviously refer to their language. While this new reconstruction of the archetype does not necessarily mean that quid sit was what Augustine originally wrote, this passage cannot be used as positive evidence for Canaanite identity in late antique North Africa, or anywhere else.

C'è un'idea diffusa che il popolo che noi chiamiamo ‘Fenici’ chiamasse se stesso con il nome di ‘Canaaniti’. Il presente articolo sostiene che la sola testimonianza che va nella direzione di quest'ipotesi è prima facie estremamente inaffidabile come fonte storica. Si tratta di un'unica riga nell'edizione standard del commentario incompiuto di Agostino alla lettera di Paolo ai Romani, in cui si dice che ‘se tu chiedi ai nostri contadini locali che cosa siano, essi rispondono ‘Canaaniti’' e che a una verifica più dettagliata corrisponde quasi certamente a un errore redazionale. Il nostro riesame di tutto il manoscritto — il primo a essere stato effettuato — ha stabilito che ciò che nell'archetipo viene chiesto effettivamente ai contadini non è quid sint — ovverosia ‘che cosa sono’ — ma quid sit — e quindi ‘che cos’è', una frase che si riferisce con probabilità al loro linguaggio. Mentre questa nuova ricostruzione dell'archetipo non implica necessariamente che quid sit fosse ciò che Agostino originariamente scrisse, questo passaggio non può essere usato come una prova dell'identità dei Canaaniti nella tarda antichità in Nord Africa o in qualsiasi altra localizzazione.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © British School at Rome 2014 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

1

The origins of this paper lie in a series of conversations between Jo Quinn, Stephen Heyworth and Jonathan Prag, and we are extremely thankful to the two latter for their ongoing advice and enthusiasm. We also gratefully acknowledge the help given to us by Maria Giulia Amadasi Guzzo, François Bron, Gillian Clark, Mark Edwards, Peta Fowler, Lionel Galand, Brien Garnand, Bruce Hitchner, Reinhard Lehmann, Paul Mosca, Tobias Reinhardt, Philip Schmitz, John van Seters, José Ángel Zamora López, Maxine Anastasi, and the Papers of the British School at Rome's readers, Editor and Publications Manager. A list of abbreviations can be found before the References.

References

REFERENCES

Aubet, M.E. (2001) The Phoenicians and the West: Politics, Colonies and Trade (second edition) (translated by Turton, M.). Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Barlow, C.W. (1950) (ed.) Martini Bracensis opera omnia. New Haven, Yale University Press.Google Scholar
Belmonte, J.A. (2003) Cuatro estudios sobre los dominios territoriales de las ciudades-estado fenicias. Barcelona, Edicions Bellaterra.Google Scholar
Benz, F.L. (1972) Personal Names in the Phoenician and Punic Inscriptions. Rome, Biblical Institute Press.Google Scholar
Bischoff, B. (2004) Katalog der Festländischen Handschriften des Neunten Jahrhunderts II. Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz.Google Scholar
Brown, V. (1978) A second new list of Beneventan manuscripts (1). Medieval Studies 40: 239–89.Google Scholar
Campus, A. (2012) Punico-postpunico. Per una archeologia dopo Cartagine (Themata 11). Tivoli, Tored.Google Scholar
Davis, C.T. (1963) The early collection of books of S. Croce in Florence. Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 107: 399414.Google Scholar
De Vaux, R. (1968) Le pays de Canaan. Journal of the American Oriental Society 88: 2330.Google Scholar
De la Mare, A. (1985) New research on humanistic scribes in Florence. In Garzelli, A. (ed.), Miniatura fiorentina del Rinascimento 1440–1525 I: 393600. Florence, Scandicci.Google Scholar
Divjak, J. (1971) Expositio quarundam propositionum ex epistola ad Romanos; Epistolae ad Galatas expositionis liber unus; Epistolae ad Romanos inchoata expositio (Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum 84 sect 4 part 1). Vienna, Hoelder-Pichler-Tempsky.Google Scholar
Fernández Ardanaz, S. (1991) Pervivencia del mundo punico en el mediterraneo occidental de los siglos IV–V d.c. estudio filologico y critico-historico. Antigüedad y Cristianismo 8: 137–68.Google Scholar
Ferrari, M. (1973) Note su Claudio di Torino ‘Episcopus ab Ecclesia damnatus’. Italia Medioevale e Umanistica 16: 291308.Google Scholar
Fingernagel, A. (1991) Die Illuminierten Lateinischen Handschriften Deutscher Provenienz der Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz Berlin. Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz.Google Scholar
Foppens, J.F. (1739) Bibliotheca Belgica I. Brussels, Per Petrum Foppens.Google Scholar
Gallori, F. (2001) In Coppini, D. and Regoliosi, M. (eds), Gli umanisti e Agostino: codici in mostra: 213–14. Florence, Pagliai Polistampa.Google Scholar
Grube, K.L. (1886) Des Augustinerpropstes Johannes Busch Chronicon Windeshemense und Liber de reformatione monasteriorum. Halle, Otto Hendel.Google Scholar
Heil, J. (1998) Kompilation oder Konstruktion: die Juden in den Pauluskommentaren des 9. Jahrhunderts. Hannover, Hahnsche.Google Scholar
Hoffmann, H. (1980) Die Chronik von Montecassino (Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores 34). Hannover, Hahn.Google Scholar
Houghton, A., Lorber, C. and Hoover, O. (2008) Seleucid Coins: a Comprehensive Catalogue, part 2. New York, American Numismatic Society.Google Scholar
Hoyos, D. (2010) The Carthaginians. London, Routledge.Google Scholar
Jakobi-Mirwald, C. and Köllner, H. (1993) Die Illuminierten Handschriften der Hessischen Landesbibliothek Fulda: Teil 1: Handschriften des 6. bis 13. Jahrhunderts: Textband. Stuttgart, Hiersmann.Google Scholar
Jongeling, K. (2008) Handbook of Neo-Punic Inscriptions. Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck.Google Scholar
Kerr, R.M. (2010) Latino-Punic Epigraphy: a Descriptive Study of the Inscriptions. Tübingen, Mohr Siebeck.Google Scholar
Kerr, R.M. (2013) Phoenician-Punic: the view backward — phonology versus paleography. In Holmstedt, R.D. and Schade, A. (eds), Linguistic Studies in Phoenician: 929. Winona Lake (Indiana), Eisenbrauns.Google Scholar
Krahmalkov, C.R. (2001) A Phoenician-Punic Grammar. Leiden, Brill.Google Scholar
Lemche, N.P. (1991) The Canaanites and their Land: the Tradition of the Canaanites. Sheffield, JSOT Press.Google Scholar
Levi d'Ancona (1962) Miniature e miniatori a Firenze dal XIV al XVI secolo. Florence, L.S. Olschki.Google Scholar
Lowe, E.A. (1962) A new list of Beneventan manuscripts. In Collectanea Vaticana in honorem Anselmi M. Card. Albareda a Bibliotheca Apostolica edita: 211–44. Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana.Google Scholar
Lowe, E.A. and Brown, V. (1980) The Beneventan Script (second edition), II. Rome, Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura.Google Scholar
Manfredi, A. (1994) La biblioteca personale di un giovane prelato negli anni del Concilio fiorentino: Tommaso Parentucelli da Sarzana. In Viti, P. (ed.), Firenze e il concilio del 1439: 649712. Florence, Olschki.Google Scholar
Manfredi, A. (2003) S. Agostino, Niccoli e Parentucelli tra San Marco e la Vaticana. Italia Medioevale e Umanistica 44: 2764.Google Scholar
Meersseman, G.G. (1973) Seneca maestro di spiritualità. Italia Medioevale e Umanistica 16: 43133.Google Scholar
Mercati, G. (1938) Codici latini Pico Grimani Pio e di altra biblioteca ignota del secolo xvi esistenti nell'Ottoboniana e i codici greci Pio de Modena. Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana.Google Scholar
Millar, F. (1968) Local cultures in the Roman Empire: Libyan, Punic and Latin in North Africa. Journal of Roman Studies 58: 126–34.Google Scholar
Moscati, S. (1984) Unde interrogati rustici nostri … In Traini, R. (ed.), Studi in onore di Francesco Gabrieli nel suo ottantesimo compleanno: 529–34. Rome, Università di Roma ‘La Sapienza’, Dipartimento di Studi Orientali.Google Scholar
Moscati, S. (1988) Fenicio o punico o cartaginese. Rivista di Studi Fenici 16: 313.Google Scholar
Niemeyer, H.G. (2000) The early Phoenician city-states in the Mediterranean: archaeological elements for their description. In Hansen, M.H. (ed.), A Comparative Study of Thirty City-state Cultures: 89115. Copenhagen, The Royal Danish Academy of Sciences and Letters.Google Scholar
Prag, J.R.W. (2006) Poenus plane est — but who were the ‘Punickes’? Papers of the British School at Rome 74: 137.Google Scholar
Prag, J.R.W. (forthcoming) Phoenix and Poenus: usage in antiquity. In Quinn, J.C. and Vella, N.C. (eds), The Punic Mediterranean. Identities and Identification from Phoenician Settlement to Roman Rule (British School at Rome Studies). Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Schmitz, P.C. (2007) Procopius' Phoenician inscriptions: never lost, not found. Palestine Exploration Quarterly 139: 99104.Google Scholar
Seelman, E. (1885) Die Aussprache des Latein nach Physiologisch-historischen Grundsätzen. Heilbronn, Verlag von Gebr. Henniger.Google Scholar
Sommer, M. (2008) Die Phönizier. Geschichte und Kultur. Munich, Beck.Google Scholar
Sommer, M. (2010) Shaping Mediterranean economy and trade: Phoenician cultural identities in the Iron Age. In Hales, S. and Hodos, T. (eds), Material Culture and Social Identities in the Ancient World: 114–37. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Tanganelli, M.L. and Manfredi, A. (2001) In Coppini, D. and Regoliosi, M. (eds), Gli umanisti e Agostino: codici in mostra: 159–61. Florence, Pagliai Polistampa.Google Scholar
Ullman, B.L. and Stadter, P.A. (1972) The Public Library of Renaissance Florence. Padua, Antenore.Google Scholar
van Dongen, E. (2010) ‘Phoenicia’: naming and defining a region in Syria-Palestine. In Rollinger, R., Gufler, B., Lang, M. and Madreiter, I. (eds), Interkulturalität in der Alten Welt. Vorderasien, Hellas, Ägypten, und die Vielfältigen Ebenen des Kontakts: 471–88. Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz.Google Scholar
Vattioni, F. (1968) Sant'Agostino e la civiltà punica. Augustinianum 8: 434–67.Google Scholar
Vercauteren, F. (1967) Un clerc liégeois du XIIème siècle: maître Benoît de St. Jean. Le Moyen Âge 73: 3564.Google Scholar
Vernet, A. and Genest, J.-F. (1979) La bibliothèque de l'abbaye de Clairvaux du XIIème au XVIIIème siècle, I: catalogues et répertoires, Paris, Éditions du CNRS.Google Scholar
von Borries-Schulten, S. (1987) Die Romanischen Handschriften der Württembergischen Landesbibliothek Stuttgart, Teil 1: Provenienz Zwiefalten. Stuttgart, Hiersemann.Google Scholar
Wildberger, H. (1997) Isaiah 13–27 (Continental Commentary Series 2) (translated by Trapp, T.H.). Minneapolis, Fortress Press.Google Scholar
Wilson, A.I. (2012) Punic and Latin inscriptions in Roman Tripolitania: function and display. In Mullen, A. and James, P. (eds), Multilingualism in the Graeco-Roman Worlds: 265316. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Xella, P. (1995) Ugarit et les Phéniciens: identité culturelle et rapports historiques. In Dietrich, M. and Loretz, O. (eds), Ugarit: ein Ostmediterranes Kulturzentrum im Alten Orient: Ergebnisse und Perspektiven der Forschung 1: Ugarit und seine Altorientalische Umwelt: 239–66. Münster, Ugarit-Verlag.Google Scholar