² The legal text issued in 364 ce restricted new construction in the city of Rome. Codex Theodosianus 15.1.11 (in Meyer, P. and Mommsen, T. (eds), Theodosiani libri XVI (Berlin, 1905)Google Scholar, vol. 1, part 2, p. 803): ‘Intra urbem Romam aeternam nullus iudicum novum opus informet, quotiens serenitatis nostrae abitria cessabunt. Ea tamen instaurandi quae iam deformibus ruinis intercidisse dicuntur, universalis licentiam damus’.

³ For the Roman tradition of repairs connecting restorers to the original founders of architectural projects, see Thomas, E. and Witschel, C., ‘Constructing reconstruction: claim and reality of Roman rebuilding inscriptions from the Latin west’, Papers of the British School at Rome 60 (1992), 135–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Yasin, A.M., Saints and Church Spaces in the Late Antique Mediterranean (Cambridge, 2009), 101–29Google Scholar. For the Christian reuse of ancient buildings, see Vaes, J., ‘Christliche Wiederverwendung antiker Bauten: ein Forschungsbericht’, Ancient Society 17 (1984–6), 305–443.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁶ The inscription attesting to the foundation by Junius Bassus, CIL VI 1737, remained on view in the church of Sant'Andrea Catabarbara.

⁷ CIL VI 1737: IUNIUS BASSUS V(ir) C(larissimus) CONSUL ORDINARIUS PROPRIA IMPENSA A SOLO FECIT ET DEDICAVIT FELICITER.

⁸ For the identity of Junius Bassus, see Hülsen, C., ‘Die Basilica des Iunius Bassus und die Kirche Sant'Andrea cata Barbara auf dem Esquilin’, in Weixlgärter, A. and Planiscig, L. (eds), Festschrift Julius von Schlosser (Zürich, 1927), 53–67Google Scholar. For the praetorian prefecture of the elder Junius Bassus, see Porena, P., Le origini della prefettura del pretorio tardoantica (Rome, 2003), 456–66Google Scholar, 482–7, 546–9; Borena, P., ‘Trasformazioni istituzionali e assetti sociali: i prefetti dal pretorio tra III e IV secolo’, in Testa, R. Lizzi (ed.), Le trasformazioni delle élites in età tardoantica (Rome, 2006), 325–56Google Scholar; Potter, D., Constantine the Emperor (Oxford, 2012), 244, 251–2.Google Scholar

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¹³ The basilica of Junius Bassus was constructed on private property but welcomed uninvited visitors, as is implied by the honourific nature of the founder's inscription; for the public accessibility of large Roman houses, see Wallace-Hadrill, A., Houses and Society in Pompeii and Herculaneum (Princeton, 1994), 17–37.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Ruggini, L. Cracco, ‘Le domus tardoantiche di Roma come ‘sensori' delle trasformazioni culturali e sociali’, in Harris, W.V. (ed.), The Transformations of Urbs Roma in Late Antiquity (Journal of Roman Archaeology Supplementary Series 33) (Portsmouth (RI), 1999), 53–68.Google Scholar

¹⁵ A drawing by Antonio da Sangallo the Younger, preserved in a Vatican Library manuscript, provides an approximation of the interior: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Barb. Lat. 4424, fol. 31v. Rossi, G.B. de, ‘Della basilica di Giunio Basso consule sull'Esquilino’, Bollettino di Archeologia Cristiana 2 (1871), 5–29Google Scholar, reported on the scanty remains in the late nineteenth century.

¹⁶ Ciampini, G., Vetera Monimenta (Rome, 1609)Google Scholar, vol. I, table I, figs 4 and 5; Guidobaldi, F., ‘L'edilizia abitativa unifamiliare nella Roma tardoantica’, in Giardina, A. (ed.), Società romana e impero tardoantico II. Roma. Politica economica, paesaggio urbano (Rome/Bari, 1986), 184–237Google Scholar. The building measured 21 × 12.5 m including the apse.

¹⁷ F. Guidobaldi, ‘Distribuzione topografica, architettura e arredo delle domus tardoantiche’, in Ensoli and La Rocca, Aurea Roma (above, n. 5), 133–6; Ellis, S.P., ‘Power, architecture, and decor: how the late Roman aristocrat appeared to his guests’, in Gazda, E.K. (ed.), Roman Art in the Private Sphere: New Perspectives on the Architecture and Decor of the Domus, Villa, and Insula (Ann Arbor, 1991), 122–34Google Scholar; Guidobaldi, F., ‘Domus: Iunius Bassus’, in Steinby, E.M. (ed.), Lexicon Topographicum Urbis Romae II (D–G) (Rome, 1995), 69–70.Google Scholar

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²¹ Osborne, J. and Claridge, A., Early Christian and Medieval Antiquities. The Paper Museum of Cassiano dal Pozzo (Mosaic and Wall Paintings in Roman Churches) (London, 1996)Google Scholar, series A, vol. II, part 1, 73–6.

²² The drawing of the full scene of the charioteer prior to the loss of the panel's lower portion appears in the Royal Collection, Windsor Castle, inventory number 9605.

²³ Two panels depicting a tiger attacking a calf are displayed in the Palazzo dei Conservatori in the Capitoline Museums, Rome; the panels displaying the scene of the rape of Hylas and the charioteer are in the collection of the Museo Nazionale Romano, displayed at the Palazzo Massimo alle Terme. These opus sectile works are dated to the time of Junius Bassus's consulship in 331 according to Becatti, Scavi di Ostia VI (above, n. 18), 196–202. For a discussion of a recent campaign to restore the panels in the Capitoline Museums, see M. Cima, ‘Giunius Basso: la ‘basilica’ scomparsa. Il restauro delle tarsie dei Musei Capitolini', Bollettino dei Musei Comunali di Roma n.s. 14 (2000), 69–86Google Scholar, and Paoletti, M.P., ‘L'intervento di restauro’, Bollettino dei Musei Comunali di Roma n.s. 14 (2000), 86–90Google Scholar. Many additional features of the original inlaid marble decoration scheme are indicated by seventeenth-century drawings produced at the behest of Cassiano dal Pozzo and Cardinal Francesco Barberini; see Osborne and Claridge, Early Christian and Medieval Antiquities (above, n. 21), series A, vol. II, part 1, 73–6. Some of the inlaid marble decorations were recorded in Ciampini, Vetera Monimenta (above, n. 16), vol. I, tav. XXII, illustrating a winged centaur holding a feather and a leopard attacking a fawn; both of which are now lost.

²⁴ An argument that the basilica of Junius Bassus expresses Neoplatonic attitudes toward death is presented by Vout, C., ‘Embracing Egypt’, in Edwards, C. and Woolf, G. (eds), Rome the Cosmopolis (Cambridge, 2003), 177–202Google Scholar. Vout has argued that the basilica was funerary; yet she did not take account of the archaeological evidence that the Esquiline basilica, located inside the city walls, was one of many secular basilicas serving as private meeting halls on Roman aristocratic estates; see Guidobaldi, ‘L'edilizia abitativa’ (above, n. 16), 184–237.

²⁵ For the use of inherited domestic properties as a mechanism for signalling a family's status in the city of Rome, even by individuals who acquired properties through marriage, see Hillner, J., ‘Domus, family, and inheritance: the senatorial family house in late antique Rome’, Journal of Roman Studies 93 (2003), 129–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar. I thank Michael Kulikowski for suggesting that Valila might have married a member of the Bassus family.

²⁶ Castritius, H., ‘Zur Sozialgeschichte der Heermeister des Westrecihs nach der Mitte des 5. Jahrhundert: Flavius Valila qui et Theodovius’, Ancient Society 3 (1972), 234–43Google Scholar. In sponsoring Sant'Andrea Catabarbara, Valila might have wished to emulate the half-Gothic Ricimer's own church sponsorship at Sant'Agata dei Goti; ICUR 2.127: FLA RICIMER VI MAG UTRIUSQ MILITIAE EXCONS ORD PRO VOTO SVO ADORNAVIT. See also Zeiller, J., ‘Les églises ariennes de Rome à l'époque de la domination gothique’, Mélanges d'Archéologie et d'Histoire de l'École Française de Rome 25 (1905), 128–30.Google Scholar

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³¹ The document, the Charta Cornutiana, exists in a medieval copy of the fifth-century foundation charter for the now destroyed church near Tivoli of Santa Maria in Cornuta; it is published in Duchesne (ed.), Liber Pontificalis (above, n. 11), I, cxlvi–cxlvii: ‘Fl(avius) Valila qui et Theodovius v(ir) c(larissimus) et inl(ustris) et com(es) et magister utriusque militae’. See also PLRE II.1147. Late antique donors wishing to leave funds for a church in perpetuity had to transfer the land to the bishop's individual control. Valila funded lighting, personnel and the building maintenance of the ecclesia Cornutanensis, but claimed the right to reappropriate the land for himself or his survivors if the funds were diverted to any use not specified in the charter; see Hillner, J., ‘Families, patronage, and the titular churches of Rome, c. 300–c. 600’, in Cooper, K. and Hillner, J. (eds), Religion, Dynasty, and Patronage in Early Christian Rome, 300–900 (Cambridge, 2007), 225–61.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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³³ Charta Cornutiana (in Duchesne (ed.), Liber Pontificalis (above, n. 11), I, cxlvi): ‘retento mihi usufructu vitae meae eidem ecclesiae catholicae proprietatem huius epistolae largitione transscribens, ea lege et condicione ut cum etiam fructus post obitum meum capere ceperit ac sibimet vindicare’.

³⁴ Charta Cornutiana (in Duchesne (ed.), Liber Pontificalis (above, n. 11), I, cxlvii): ‘Illud ante omnia mea cautione prospiciens ne mecum, quod absit, observatio cultusque ecclesiae Cornutianensis videatur occidere, ut legem et condicionem ponerem donationi meae, ne umquam cuilibet antistitum presbiterorum: sibimet et succedentium vel clericorum quicquam ex his praediis vel hortis vel speciebus argeneis seu vestibus codicibus(q)ue a me supra designatis alienare in aliam quolibet titulo umquam liceat, aut certe sub occasione cultus divini ad alterius ecclesiae ornatum qualicumque ex occasione transferre’.

³⁵ Charta Cornutiana (in Duchesne (ed.), Liber Pontificalis (above, n. 11), I, cxlvii): ‘Quod etiam in his observari eadem condicione volo quae futuro tempore fuerint provacatione nostrae devotionis adiecta, quoniam largitatis nostrae praesentis perpetuam praefatae ecclesiae cupio pertinere substantiam. Quod si quicquam de alienatione a me prohibita fuerit forte temptatum, tunc ego vel heres heredes(q)ue vel successor successorosque mei vel qui illis deinceps successerint, universa quae huius donationis sunt tenore conprehensa ad suum ius proprietatemque reducant’.

³⁶ Hillner, ‘Families, patronage, and the titular churches of Rome’ (above, n. 31), 257–60.

³⁷ Pope Simplicius acted as the one who dedicated the church, in other words as the recipient of the donation. See Duchesne (ed.), Liber Pontificalis (above, n. 11), I, 249: ‘Hic dedicavit … basilicam beati apostoli Andreae, iuxta basilicam Sanctae Mariae’. Here, the official biographer credits Pope Simplicius with the dedication of Sant'Andrea Catabarbara.

³⁸ ILCV, 1785: HAEC TIBI MENS VALILAE DEVOVIT PRAEDIA CHRISTE/ CUI TESTATOR OPES DETULIT IPSE SUAS./ SIMPLICIUS QU(a)E PAPA SACRIS CAELESTIBUS APTANS/ EFFECIT VERE MUNERIS ESSE TUI./ ET QUOD APOSTOLICI DEESSENT LIMINA NOBIS/ MARTIRIS ANDREAE NOMINE COMPOSUIT./ UTITUR HAEC HERES TITULIS ECCLESIA IUSTIS/ SUCCEDENSQ(ue) DOMO MYSTICA IURA LOCAT./ PLEBS DEVOTA VENI, PERQ(ue) HAEC COMMERCIA DISCE/ TERRENO CENSU REGNA SUPERNA PETI. The now-lost inscription was recorded by Philipp de Winghe in a manuscript in the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Cod. Vat. Lat. 10545, fol. 227v. The author thanks Maura Lafferty for generous assistance with the translation.

³⁹ The list of 29 titular churches is amended to Acta Syn. a 499 in Mommsen, T. (ed.), MGH, Auctores Antiquissimi, vol. 12 (Berlin, 1894), 410–15Google Scholar. See also Hillner, J., ‘Clerics, property, and patronage: the case of the Roman titular churches’, Antiquité Tardive 14 (2006), 59–68.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁴⁴ Sessa, The Formation of Papal Authority (above, n. 43), 233–4.

⁴⁵ Thomas and Witschel, ‘Constructing reconstruction’ (above, n. 3).

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⁵⁷ Prudentius, Contra Orationem Symmachi (above, n. 56), 1.501–4: ‘Marmora tabenti respergine tincta lavate, / O procures! Liceat statuas consistere puras, / Artificum magnorum opera; haec pulcherrima nostrae / Ornamenta fiant patriae’.

⁵⁸ Prudentius, Contra Orationem Symmachi (above, n. 56), I.558: ‘non Bassorum dubitavit / prompta fides dare se Christo stirpemque superbam / gentis particiae venturo attollere saeclo’.

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⁶² Codex Theodosianus 1.15.1 (Theodosiani libri XVI, above, n. 2).

⁶³ Hillner, ‘Families, patronage, and the titular churches of Rome’ (above, n. 31), 235–7.

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