¹ Purcell, E. S., Life of Cardinal Manning, Archbishop of Westminster, vol. II, New York. 1896, 755 n. 1.Google Scholar See also Acton, John E. E. Dalberg, first baron Acton, The History of Freedom and Other Essays, London, 1909, p. 470Google Scholar: “The human element in ecclesiastical administration endeavors to keep itself out of sight, and to deny its own existence, in order that it may obtain the unquestioning submission which authority naturally desires, and may preserve that halo of infallibility which the twilight of opinion enables it to assume.”

² De oratore, lib. II, cap. 9: Ciceronis, M. TulliiOpera rhetorica recognovit Gulielmus Friedrich, vol. II,Lipsiae 1902, p. 75.,Google Scholar

³ See Bernheim, Ernst,Lehrbuch der historischen Methode and der Geschichtsphilosophie,5. Aufl., Leipzig 1908, p. 29.Google Scholar

⁴ “ Every king was tested by the norm of exclusive loyalty to Jahveh and of worshipping only at the sole legitimate sanctuary at Jerusalem. The history of three centuries was viewed in the light of one great religious principle. ” Yet “ it was the beginning of that development which subordinated history to religion and led to the historical constructions in which facts were made to substantiate dogma.” Thus in Judges, 3:7–12 “ Dogma rules again. The political and economic forces are entirely subordinated. Secondary causes are neglected. Religion is the sole cause of all: God is jealously watching over the fidelity of His people and punishes or delivers in accordance with Israel 's behavior. ”(Bewer, Julius A., The Literature of the Old Testament in Its Historical Development, New York, 1922, pp. 215 and 230).Google Scholar The case, however, seems clearest in the Deuteronomist's redaction of the Book of Joshua: “He underscored and exaggerated the complete extermination, since it was in harmony with the law of Deuteronomy which commanded the absolute extirpation of the inhabitants of Canaan. As a hearty believer in this theory he told the story of the conquest as he thought it must have happened. Here the facts were made to conform to a preconceived theory. Dogma mastered history.“ (Ibid., p. 228. —See also Moore, George F., in Encyclopaedia Biblica, ed. Cheyne, T. K. and Black, J. S., vol. II, New York, 1901, 2079–2080.)Google Scholar

⁵ The Will to Believe, and Other Essays in Popular Philosophy, New York, 1897.Google Scholar

⁶ Hartshorne, H. and May, M. A., Studies in Deceit, Book I, New York, Macmillan, 1928, 4O3f.Google Scholar

⁷ Ibid., 411.

⁸ Lasswell, Harold D., Propaganda Technique in the World War, New York and London, 1927.Google Scholar

⁹ The Principles of Ethics, vol. I, New York, 1893, 464.Google ScholarIn The Study of Sociology, New York, 1921 [c. 1873 ] Spencer discusses at length five varieties of bias, which he calls educational, patriotic, class, political and theological.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Martin, Everett Dean, The Behavior of Crowds: a Psychological Study, New York (c. 1920), p. 126.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹¹ The Catholic Encyclopedia and Its Makers, New York (1917), p. 154;Google Scholarand especiallyJosef, Donat,Die Freiheit der Wissenschaft. Ein Gang durch das mode rne Geistesleben, 3. Aufl., Innsbruck, 1925, pp. 146 ff This book, originally published in 1909, contains a careful defense of the Roman Catholic standpoint.Google Scholar

¹² Montague, William Pepperell, The Ways of Knowing, London and New York, 1925, p. 45.Google Scholar

¹³ See the numerous books of Catholic defenders of the faith: e.g. Koch, F. G., A Manual of Apologetics, New York (c. 1915), pp. 187–200.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Charles, Hodge, Systematic Theology, vol. i, New York, 1876, p. 569.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Enchiridion Biblicum. Documenta ecclesiastica Sacram Scripturam spectantia auctoritate Pontificiae Commissionis de Re Biblica edita, Romae, apud Librariam Vaticanam, 1927, sees. 332–347, especially sec. 334.

¹⁶ “Formatio primae mulieris ex primo homine,” and “divini praecepti, diabolo sub serpentis specie suasore, transgressio.”

¹⁷ Cf. ibid., secs. 349 and 279. The latter decision is more easily accessible in H. Denzinger et Clem. Bannwart, Enchiridion symbolorum definitionum et declarationum de rebus fidei et morum, ed. decima sexta et septima quam paravit loannes Bapt. Umberg, Friburgi Brisgoviae 1928, par. 2113. The text of the doctoral oath is printed by Mirbt, C., Quellen zur Geschichte des Papsttums, 4 Aufl., Tübingen 1924, no. 657Google Scholar, after Acta Apostolicae Sedis 2, Romae 1910, 469.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Manual of Christian Doctrine comprising Dogma, Moral, and Worship. By a Seminary Professor. Authorized English version “revised in accordance with the Code of 1918.” Forty-ninth edition. Philadelphia, John Joseph McVey, 1928, p. 6. (Course of Religious Instruction, Institute of the Brothers of the Christian Schools.) For a similar but later statement in a work of greater eminence, see The Catholic Catechism, drawn up by Peter Cardinal Gasparri, London, Sheed and Ward, 1932, pp. 68–69, and 251,Google Scholar questions 21–27. The formulation of Trent is: “Omnes libros tarn Veteris quam Novi Testamenti, cum utriusque unus Deus sit auctor, nec non traditiones ipsas, turn ad fidem, turn ad mores pertinentes, tanquam vel oretenus a Christo, vel a Spiritu Sancto dictatas et continua successione in Ecclesia catholica conservatas, pari pietatis affectu ac reverentia suscipit et veneratur” (Denzinger Bannwart-Umberg, op. cit., sec. 783).

¹⁹ Disputationum … de Controversiis Christianae Fidei, Tom. I, Coloniae Agrippinae 1619, De Verbo Dei, lib. 4, cap. 9.

²⁰ Waterworth's translation, reprinted in Schaff, Philip, The Creeds of Christendom, II, New York, 1878, p. 80Google Scholar

²¹ Gasparri, Peter Cardinal, The Catholic Catechism, London, 1932, p.69.Google Scholar

²² Vincentius of Lerinum, Commonitorium, c. 23 (al., 59, quoted in Mirbt, C., Quellen, 4. Aufl., Tübingen 1924, p. 74; see also J. C. Ayer, Source Book for Ancient Church History, p. 471)Google Scholar

²³ Vincentius of Lerinum, Commonitory, c. 6 (al. 15): Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, second series, vol. xi, New York, 1894, P. 134fGoogle Scholar

²⁴ Sabatier, A.,Religions of Authority, and the Religions of the Spirit, New York, 1905, p. 63; Vincentius, op. cit., c. 22.Google Scholar

²⁵ Vatican Council, Sess. III, c. 4: Schaff, Greeds, II. 250.

²⁶ Ibid. p. 251.—Sabatier (op. cit., p. 58f.) characterized the idea “that succeeding generations added nothing, subtracted nothing, changed nothing, as to the customs and ideas which they inherited,” as one of the three “fictitious” premises of the Catholic theory of tradition.

²⁷ Die Religion im Geschichte und Gegervwart, 2. Aufl., V, 322c. See also Jungglas, J. P., article Dogmengeschichte, in Buchberger, M., Lexikon füIr Theologie und Kirche, III, Freiburg i.B., 1931, Sp. 368–370;Google Scholaralso Lépicier, A. M., De stabilitate et progressu dogmatis, Rome 1908;Google ScholarAdolf, Harnack,Lehrbuch der Dogmengeschichte, Bd. I, 4. Aufl., Tübingen 1909, pp. 25–47.Google Scholar

²⁸ AdoIf Harnack, quoted in a circular issued by his publishers, J.C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), Tübingen, 7. May 1931, announcing the publication of the first volume of the fifth, “photomechanisch gedruckte,” edition of his Lehrbuch der Dogmengeschichte. This passage does not, however, appear in the preface to that edition.

²⁹ “Quarto: fidei doctrinam ab Apostolis per orthodoxos Patres eodem sensu eademque semper sententia ad nos usque transmissam, sincere recipio” etc. (Denzinger et al., sec. 2145). The modernistic concept is described in the encyclical (ibid., sec. 2094) especially in the words:“Dogmatis autem progressus inde potissimum enascitur, quod fidei impedimenta sint superanda, vincendi hostes, contradictiones refellendae.”— The Syllabus explicitly condemns the following propositions: “21. Revelatio, obiectum fidei catholicae constituens, non fuit cum Apostolis completa”;“60. Doctrina Christiana in suis exordiis fuit iudaica, sed facta est per successivas evolutiones primum paulina, turn ioannica, demum hellenica et universalis”; “62. Praecipui articuli Symboli Apostolici non eandem pro Christianis primorum temporum significationem habebant, quam habent pro Christianis nostri temporis” (Denzinger et ah, secs.2021, 2060, 2062).

³⁰ Albert, Houtin, La Controverse de l'Apostolicité des Eglises de France, 3me éd., Paris, 1903;Google ScholarCharles, Guignebert, L'Évolution des Dogmes, Paris, 1910.Google Scholar

³¹ Irenaeus, Against Heresies, iii, 3, 1–4, conveniently accessible in Ayer, J. C., Source Book for Ancient Church History, New York, 1913, pp. 112–114.Google Scholar

³² The lack of lucidity in the above sentence goes back to Scheeben's German: “der Ausdruck factum dogmaticum”… “wird vielmehr auf solche Tatsachen beschränkt, deren pflichtmässige und unfehlbare Anerkennung eben desshalb nothwendig ist und von der Kirche gefordet und gewährleistet wird, weil ohne dieselbe der Glaube an die göttliche Offenbarung nicht unverfälscht bewahrt, wirksam vertheidigt und in concreter Bestimmtheit und Lebendigkeit durchgeführt und geltend gemacht werden könnte” (Wetzer, und Welte, , Kirchenlexikon, 2. Aufl., Bd. iv, Freiburg i.B., 1886, 1193).Google Scholar Such a dogmatic fact it is that St. Peter was Bishop of Rome and as such connected his primacy forever with the Roman see (Ibid., 1194). The article Dogmatic Facts, in the Catholic Encyclopedia v, New York, 1909, 92 f. sets forth other aspects of this.Google ScholarSee also Dublanchy, E. in Vacant, A. and Mangenot, E., Dic-tionnaire de Théologie Catholique, torn, iv, 2 me partie, Paris 1920, 2188–2192;Google Scholarand especially Professor Krebs in Buchberger, M., Lexikon fülr Theologie und Kirche, 2. Aufl., Bd. iii, Freiburg i. B. 1931, 366–367:“Solche Tatsachen sind das unverfälschte Enthaltensein des Wortes Gottes in der Vulgata, der oekumenische Charakter von Konzilien, der kathedratische Charakter bestimmter päpstlicher Lehrentscheidungen, die Gültigkeit und Rechtmäs sigkeit irgendwelcher Konzilsentscheidungen, die Legitimität der jeweiligen Päpste, der rämische Episkopat desheiligen Petrus.”— The term factum do gmaticum is used also in a nar-rower sense, here irrelevant, especially in discussions of the Jansenistheresy (vide infra, p. 34f.).Google Scholar

³³ This is quite different from the claim that past events, otherwise unknown, have been told to a writer by an angel or by some other agent of private revelation.

³⁴ Cf. Kirsch, J. P., in Catholic Encyclopedia, vii, New York, 1910, 367a.Google Scholar

³⁵ Some High Churchmen, confused by critical arguments concerning the early chapters of Matthew and Luke, have banished their doubts by stressing the fact that the words “ conceived of the Holy Ghost, born of the Virgin Mary ” are in the Apostles' Creed, which is one of the chief monuments of accepted dogma; thus the Creed settles for them what Scripture seemed to them to leave obscure.

³⁶ Think of Titian's magnificent canvas at Venice.

³⁷ “Antiquiorum vero Patrum silentium, quod ad summum est argumentum negativum, a posteriorum aetatum Patribus abunde compensatur.” (Ada et Decreta Sacrorum Conciliorum Recentiorum. Collectio Lacensis [ed. Gerardus Schneemann et al.] tom, vii, Friburgi Brisgoviae, 1890, col. 868.) “Cum lex supplicantium sit lex credentium, pastorum et gregum vota hanc solemnem decretationem expostulant; et hac causa fidei meritum augeretur, ex fide enim, quod nunc ex pietate, divinitus teneretur.” (Ibid., 869). The principle Lex orandi lex credendi can be traced at least as far back as the De gratia Dei indiculus which was added by compilers of collections of canons to an epistle of Pope Celestine I to the bishops of Gaul, dated May 431. Chap. 8 (al. II) contains the significant words: “obsecrationum quoque sacerdotalium sacramenta respiciamus, quae ab Apostolis tradita in toto mundo atque in omni Ecclesia catholica uniformiter celebrantur, ut legem credendi lex statuat supplicandi” (Denzinger-Bannwart, Enchiridion, ed. 16, p. 61, sec. 139). This may be translated: ”let us examine the sacred words of the priestly prayers, which the apostles transmitted to us, which the whole Church catholic uniformly employs in all places of the world, in order that the rule of our prayers shall fix the rule of our faith” (see E. Portalié, in Vacant et Mangenot, Dictionnaire de Théologie Catholique, ii, 2, col. 2057; also Heumanns Handlexikon zu den Quellen des römischen Rechts, in neunter Auflage neu bearbeitet von Dr. E. Seckel, Jena 1907, s.v. Statuere). The chief flaw in this argumentation is that it assumes the apostolicity of forms of prayer, few of which can be traced back of the fourth century. — That a given rite, such as infant baptism, is actually of apostolic origin may be hard to prove from the contemporary evidence of the New Testament: in such cases recourse has been taken to proofs from universality and antiquity. Thus Augustine, writing about the year 400 On Baptism, Against the Donatists, defends the apostolicity of infant baptism by the following argument: “ What is held by the whole Church, and that not as instituted by Councils, but as a matter of invariable custom, is rightly held to have been handed down by apostolical authority ” (Bk. iv, c. 24, al. 32: translated in A Select Library of Nicene and Post Nicene Fathers, vol. iv, Buffalo 1887, 461). The Latin text of Petschenig in the Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum li, 259 (cf. Migne, Patrologia Latina xliii, 174) is “quod uniuersa tenet ecclesia nee conciliis institutum, sed semper retentum est, non nisi auctoritate apostolica traditum rectissime creditur.” For the date see Bardenhewer, O., Geschichte der altkirchlichen Literatur, Bd. iv, Freiburg i. B. 1924, 469.Google Scholar More than forty years later Leo the Great, pope from 440 to 461, defended the apostolic institution of fasting at Whitsuntide by a similar but less cogent argument: “Dubitandum non est, dilectissimi, omnem observantiam Christianam eruditionis esse divinae, et quidquid ab Ecclesia in consuetudinem est devotionis receptum, de traditione apostolica et de sancti Spiritus prodire doctrina”‥ Sermo 79, al. 77, in Migne, Patrologia Latina liv, 418; see Bardenhewer, op. cit. iv, 621). Some Roman Catholic theologians of the present day assert that binding traditions may Be discovered by studying the implications not merely of dogmas but also of the ritual; hence the term “l'implicite pratique.” See H. Pinard, art. Dogme in A. d'Alès, Dictionnaire apologétigue de la foi catholique, I, Paris 1911, col. 1153: “Et comme l'implicite pratique n'est pas encore formulé en idées, si l'on veut relever ses traces, c'est ailleurs que dans les exposés doctrinaux qu'il les faudra chercher, a savoir dans les rites, dans les coutumes, dans les vestiges de l'action, non dans ceux de la spéculation.”

George Tyrrell the Jesuit, on the verge of condemnation as a Modernist, wrote: “That [rule of prayer is the rule of belief] (lex orandl, lex credendi) does not mean that every popular devotion rests upon a sound dogmatic basis; or that even the most widely venerated relic is ipso facto genuine; or that we must believe de fide in the translation of the Holy House because there is a Mass in its honour.” (Tyrrell, G., Lex orandi or prayer and creed, London 1904; p. 59;Google Scholarsee also Die Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart, Bd. iii, Tübingen, 1929, 1724). Veneration and love tend to express themselves in superlatives and in universal propositions, and many religious minds revel in paradoxical compliments to God, the Blessed Virgin, and the saints. When Nestorius, patriarch of Constantinople, objected to the use of the term Theotokos (Mother of God), the œcumenical council of Ephesus in 431 decided the appellation is not merely lawful praise, but also anathematized those who denied its propriety (cf. Denzinger-Bannwart, op. cit., sec. 113). The cultus and even private devotions might so easily deflect what passes as tradition, that the Code of 1917 (canons 1257 and 1259) provides that the Apostolic See shall exercise control in all important cases. Thus one is reminded of the allegation made by Auguste Sabatier: “ The infallibility of tradition is the omnipotence of the hierarchy ” (Religions of Authority and the Religion of the Spirit, New York 1905, p. 64).Google Scholar

³⁸ Pohle, J., Mariology, St. Louis, 1916, p. 109.—“Ex monumentis omni exceptione maioribus, ut superius declaratum fuit, Romanorum Pontificum infallibilitas est veritas divinitus revelata; fieri ergo nequit, ut haec ex historiae factis quibuscumque falsa umquam demonstretur; sed si quae illi historiae facta opponantur, ea certissime, quatenus opposita videntur, falsa habenda erunt.”… [15 lines below]:“Iamvero infallibilitatem Sanctae Apostolicae Sedis et Romani Pontificis ad doctrinam fidei pertinere, ex allatis fidei documentis constat, et contrariae illi sententiae a magisterio Ecclesiae non semel fuerunt improbatae. Cuiuscumque ergo scientiae, etiam historiae ecclesiasticae conclusiones, Romanorum Pontificum infallibilitati adversantes, quo manifestius haec ex revelationis fontibus infertur, eo certius veluti totidem errores habendas esse consequitur.” (Acta et Decreta Sacrorum Conciliorum Recentiorum. Collectio Lacensis, tom, vii, Friburgi Brisgoviae, 1890, col. 287). … For the setting of this report,Google Scholarsee Theodor, Granderath, Geschichte des Vatikanischen Konzils, Bd. iii Freiburg i. B. 1906, P. 133.Google Scholar

³⁹ The article quoted above is Lord Acton's The Vatican Council, was reprinted from The North British Review, October, 1870, inThe History of Freedom and Other Essays by Dalberg-Acton, J. E. E., first Baron Acton,London, 1909, 514.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Congregation of the Consistory, Circular Letter “Le Visite apostoliche“ on the Italian Seminaries, Acta Apostolicae Sedis, iv, 1912, p. 497;Google Scholartranslated, Roman Documents and Decrees, vii, 1912, p. 153. The classical works bearing on the philosophy of history here alluded to are De civitate Dei, De monarchia, and the Discours sur l'histoire universelle. From the many discussions one may single out:Google ScholarMehlis, G.,Lehrbuch der Geschichtsphilosophie, Berlin 1915, pp. 398–403, 408–411: Otto F. Miller, Dantes Geschichtsphilosophie (Diss., Freiburg), Hildesheim 1912;CrossRefGoogle ScholarHardy, G., Le “De civitate Dei” source principale du “Discours sur I'histoire universelle,” Paris 1913;Google ScholarMoriz, Ritter,Die Entwicklung der Geschichtswissenschaft an den führenden Werken betrachtet, München 1919, pp. 65–83, 97–107;Google ScholarFiggis, J. N., The political aspects of St. Augustine's City of God, London 1921, chap. ii. A good representative of recent Roman Catholic thought is Franz Sawicki, Geschichtsphilosophie, 3. Aufl., München 1923. Sawicki stresses God's activity in human history, and asserts that there is a purpose willed by none other than the Deity Himself.Google ScholarThe critical remarks ofRobert, Flint, Historical philosophy in France, French Belgium and Switzerland, New York, 1894, pp. 152–158, 216 are not altogether antiquated, especially his charge that Bossuet “constantly spares himself the labour of explaining historical changes by historical agencies, and refers them instead to those eternal counsels of God with which he so confidently felt himself to be thoroughly acquainted”” (p. 223).Google Scholar

⁴¹ See Ruville, , Der Goldgrund der Weltgeschichte, Zur Wiedergeburt Katholischer Geschichtschreibung. Fünftes bis siebentes Tausend, Freiburg i. B. 1913.Google Scholar

⁴² Attwater, Donald H., ed., The Catholic Encyclopaedic Dictionary, New York,1931, p. 265.Google Scholar

⁴³ See Martin, Everett Dean, The Behavior of Crowds, a Psychological Study, New York, 1920, pp. 43 and 234–5.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁴ This Dublanchy implies in a passage which may be translated as follows: “If certain authors give no special place in their theological studies to indefectibility, this is not because they do not recognize it as a distinctive property; it is merely because they, wrongly we think, suppose that it comes out sufficiently from the special studies on each of the prerogatives of the church, in the case of each of which one should always take care to prove in detail perpetuity and indefectibility.” (Dictionnaire de Théologie Catholique, IV, 2, Paris 1920, col. 2149.)Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Warfield, Benjamin B., Counterfeit Miracles, New York (c. 1918), p. 6. See also the section, “Roman Catholic Miracles” (pp.71–124).Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Codex, canons 2117 ff.

⁴⁷ Schaff, , Creeds, ii, 253–254; cf. Denzinger et al., secs. 1813 and 2145.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ “Historiam quoque scribi et tradi expetunt ad suam methodum praescriptaque moderna” (Denzinger et al., sec. 2104).

⁴⁹ Ibid., sec. 2086.

⁵⁰ Ibid., sec. 2073.

⁵¹ See Denzinger et al., secs. 1092–1099, with their learned footnotes; and Dublanchy, E., in the Dictionnaire de Théologie Catholique, iv. 2, Paris 1920, 2189.Google Scholar

⁵² “Le jugement infaillible de l'Eglise, en s'exergant sur ce fait, se prononce à la fois sur la réalité objective du sens indiqué, et sur son caractère orthodoxe ou hétérodoxe” (ibid., 2196–2197).

⁵³ “A papa male informato ad papam melius informandum.”

⁵⁴ ”By the decree Lamentabili of July 3, 1907 the Holy Office condemned as an error the following proposition: “21. Revelatio, objectum fidei catholicae constituens, non fuit cum Apostolis completa” (Denzinger et al., no. 2021).

⁵⁵ The Annuario (pp. 473–552) gives the personnel, and refers to the sections of the Codex Iuris Canonici which prescribe their functions.

⁵⁶ The Annuario for 1932 omits this Commission. Two of its members had died in the interval.

⁵¹ Acta Apostolicae Sedis, vol. xvii, Romae, 1925, pp. 619–633.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Ibid., xviii, Romae, 1926, pp. 328—331.

⁵⁹ Parthenius, Minges, O. F. M., Compendium theologiae dogmaticae generalis, ed. ii, Ratisbonae, 1923, p. 361 no. 522 (here translated by the present writer).Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Ibid., p. 360, no. 521.

⁶¹ Ibid., p. 362, no. 524.

⁶² Stanislaus, Woywod, The New Canon Law. A Commentary and Summary of the New Code of Canon Law, New York (c. 1929), sec. 1228.Google Scholar For the authoritative Latin text see Codex luris Canonici Pii X Pontificis Maximi iussu digestus, Benedict! Papae XV auctoritate promulgatus, praefatione … ab emo. Petro Card. Gasparri auctus, Romae, Typis Polyglottis Vaticanis, 1917, can. 1385.

⁶³ For the description of one author's feeling during the examination of his book see E. Zola, Rome.

⁶⁴ Woywod, sec. 1236; Codex, can. 1393, 5.

⁶⁵ Woywod, sec. 1236; Codex, can. 1393. The term “approved doctors” includes those formally proclaimed doctores eccleslae, such as St.Thomas Aquinas, St. Alphonso Liguori, St. Peter Canisius, and others.Individual aberrations, such as the Angelical Doctor's views on the Immaculate Conception are cancelled by requiring the “consensus” of approved doctors.

⁶⁶ Woywod, sec. 1242; Codex, can. 1399.

⁶⁷ Woywod, sec. 1243; Codex, can. 1400.

⁶⁸ Woywod, sees. 1244–1245; Codex, can. 1401 f.

⁶⁹ Woywod, sec. 1241.

⁷⁰ Mainz, 1888. p. 63.

⁷¹ Lehrbuch der geschichtlichen Methode, 3. Aufl., Regensburg 1924.

⁷² Ibid., p. 345: “Ist nun die Weltanschauung die richtige—und diese wird einzig durch die christliche Philosophic und die christliche Offenbarung geboten—, so besteht für den Forscher naturgemäss wenig Gefahr für eine falsche Auffassung; denn seine Beurteilung der geschichtlichen Begebenheiten und der geschichtlichen Entwicklung beruht auf einem Fundament, das allein der tatsächlichen Wirklichkeit entspricht und darum auch allein wissenschaftlich unanfechtbar ist”… “Und so bildet eine falsche Weltanschauung tatsächlich für sehr viele Forscher eine Fehlerquelle erster Ranges und an ihr scheitert gewöhnlich die Objectivität ihrer Darstellung.”

⁷³ The Great Encyclical Letters of Pope Leo XIII. Translations from Approved Sources. With Preface by Rev. Wynne, John J., S. J., New York, c. 1903, p. 419. In abridged but essentially unaltered form the provision is found in can. 1393 sec. 2 of the new Code: “Examinatores in suo obeundo officio, omni personarum acceptione deposita, tantummodo prae oculis habeant Ecclesiae dogmata et communem catholicorum doctrinam quae Conciliorum generalium decretis aut Sedis Apostolicae constitutionibus seu praescriptianibus atque probatorum doctorum consensu continentur.”Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Specified in Woywod, sec. 1249, 7; Codex, can. 1406, 7.

⁷⁵ Printed in the prefatory matter of the Codex (pp. xlv–xlvii); cf.Schaff, Philip, The Creeds of Christendom, ii,New York, 1878, pp. 207−210Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Codex, p. xlvii: “atque haereses quascunque, ab Ecclesia damnatas et rejectas et anathematizatas, ego pariter damno, reiicio et anathematizo.”

⁷⁷ “Decision of the Sacred Congregation of the Holy Office, 22 March, 1918, Acta Apostolicae Sedis x, 136; Woywod, p. 432.

⁷⁸ Text: Acta Apostolicae Sedis ii, 1910, 669 ff.; Denzinger Baumwart-Umberg, sees. 2145–2147; C. Mirbt, Quellen, 4. Aufl., 1924, no. 658; H. Mulert, Anti-Modernisteneid, freie Forschung und theologische Fakultäten. Mit Anhang: Der Anti-Modernisteneid lateinisch und deutsch neben Aktenstücken, Halle, 1911. The oath is translated into English in The Catholic Mind, no. 20–21, New York, 22d Oct.—8th Nov., 1910, pp. 337–340.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Catholic Mind, no. 20–21, p. 339. The Anti-Modernist oath must be interpreted in connection with two utterances to which it explicitly requires submission: the decree Lamentabili sane exitu of July 3, 1907, and the encyclical Pascendi Dominici Gregis of September 8, 1907.

⁸⁰ Woywod, sec. 1167; Codex, can. 1324.

⁸¹ “Es sind also vom Zensor nicht bloss Verstösse gegen das formelle kirchliche Dogma zu beanstanden. In diesem Sinne wurden in den letzten Dezennien wiederholt Bücher, besonders biblischen Inhaltes, zensuriert” (J. B. Haring, Grundziige des katholischen Kirchenrechtes, 3. Aufl., I. Teil, Graz. 1924, S. 374 Anm. I).

⁸² “Apostolicas et ecclesiasticas traditiones, reliquasque eiusdem ecclesiae observationes et constitutiones firmissime admitto et amplector” (Denzinger et al., sec. 995)—These words are binding today on the many classes of persons required to take the Professio Catholicae Fidei (Codex, Romae 1917, p. xlv; p. 411, canon 1406).

⁸³ Schaff, , Creeds, ii, p. 219; cf. Denzinger et al., sec. 1722; cf. also Codex, can. 2317 and can. 2318, sec. I.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Schaff, , Creeds, ii, p. 255; Denzinger et al. sec. 1820.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries many Protestant theologians held views classified as Supernaturalism, Supernatural Rationalism and Rational Supernaturalism, and (Vulgar) Rationalism,—standpoints named for the gradations in the relative importance assigned to “revelation,” and to “reason.” See McGiffert, A. C., Protestant Thought before Kant, New York, 1911, chapter x;Google ScholarLuthardt, Chr. E., Kompendium der Dogmatik, 10. Aufl., Leipzig, 1900, pp. 64–68.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Francis, Aveling, article “Rationalism” (Catholic Encyclopedia vol. xii, New York [c. 1911], 653 b).Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Catholic Encyclopedia, vii, New York (1910), 367a;Google Scholaralso Kent, W. H., Catholic truth and historical truth (Catholic Historical Review, vol. vi, no. 3, 10 1920, pp. 275–293).Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Eleventh edition, vol. xiii, New York, 1910, 527c. For other instances see Feder, op. cit., p. 269; also James, Harvey Robinson, The Mind in the Making, New York, 1921;Google ScholarBarnes, Harry Elmer, The New History and the Social Studies, New York, 1925, pp. 298–302;Google ScholarRandall, John Hermans Jr, The Mating of the Modern Mind.Boston [c.1926], p. 458 f.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Adam, Leroy Jones, Logic inductive and deductive. An introduction to scientific method, New York (c. 1909), p. 278.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ “Exteriorly they may neither in word nor in writing oppose its contents; they must also assent to it interiorly”: Haag, A., S. J., in the Catholic Encyclopedia, xiv, New York, 1912, 369a.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Cicero on Oratory and Orators, translated or edited by Watson, J. S., London, 1896, p. 237;Google Scholarsee also M. Tullii Ciceronis Opera Rhetorica, rec. Guil. Friedrich, , vol. ii, Lipsiae 1902, lib. ii, chap. xv.Google Scholar

⁹² Metaphysical questions bearing on the question of freedom from presuppositions are discussed at some length by Eduard Spranger, Der Sinn der Voraussetzungslosigheit in den Geisteswissenschaften (Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1929. Sitzung der philosophisch-historischen Klasse, 10. Januar, pp. 1–30). Spranger fears lest the outcome may be the demand for at least four types of educational institutions: for Roman Catholics, for Protestants, for humanistically conditioned bourgeois, and for proletarians. To save the intellectual unity and coöperation now attempted in academies and universities, he suggests three emphases: holding fast to the concept of truth, unsparing self-analysis on the part of individual and groups, rising superior to the relativities of competing world-views by seeking through dialectic to discover a higher unity. In any case, Spranger points out, no group unified through its special view of life can afford to ignore or to do without science.

⁹³ Poetical Works of Robert Burns, Philadelphia, Butler, E. H. & Co, 1858, p. 168Google Scholar

⁹⁴ “What historians distrust, however, is really not hypotheses that invite investigation—fluid hypotheses, if one may use the term—but fixed theories that control investigation.” (Allen, Johnson, The Historian and Historical Evidence, New York, 1926, p. 160).Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Schaff, , Church History, vol. i, New York, 1882, pp. 25–26.Google Scholar