¹ National Library of Ireland, MS 13,527, J.K. Mackenzie letters.

² The Introduction to this issue gives more information about the LED project.

³ Overwhelmingly, the bandmasters of regimental and militia bands were Germans. This was partly because early bands of music in Britain were imitative of the German model and also because of the ready supply of bandmasters through London agents such as George Astor, who directed Morning Chronicle advertisements at ‘Officers of the Army and Navy’ who could ‘be immediately supplied with complete sets of instruments for a Band with good musicians to play the same [as well as] several good Masters for teaching’; see Morning Chronicle, 8 July 1795.

⁴ National Library of Ireland, MS 13,527, J.K. Mackenzie letters.

⁵ National Library of Ireland, MS 13,527, J.K. Mackenzie letters.

⁶ See also Herbert, Trevor, ed., The British Brass Band: A Musical and Social History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000)Google Scholar and Herbert, Trevor and Myers, Arnold, ‘Music for the Multitude: Accounts of Brass Bands Entering Enderby Jackson's Crystal Palace Contests in the 1860s’, Early Music 38/4 (2010): 571–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Operatic derivatives are especially prominent in the repertoires of brass and military bands in the nineteenth century. Surviving documents relating to the music played at brass band contests evidence this.

⁷ Helen Barlow, ‘“A Vital Necessity”: Musical Experiences in the Life Writing of British Military Personnel at the Western Front’, in A ‘Great Divide’ or a Longer Nineteenth Century?: Music, Britain, and the First World War, ed. Michelle Meinhart (London: Routledge, forthcoming).

⁸ See, for example, Colley, Linda, Britons: Forging the Nation 1707–1837 (London: Vintage Books, 1996)Google Scholar; Thompson, E.P., The Making of the English Working Class (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1972)Google Scholar; Robbins, Keith, Nineteenth Century Britain: Integration and Diversity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988)Google Scholar.

⁹ See for example, Robbins, Nineteenth Century Britain.

¹⁰ For a discussion of contemporary expressions of patriotism and the relationship between patriotism and dissent, see Cunningham, Hugh, ‘The Language of Patriotism 1750–1914’, History Workshop 12 (Autumn 1981): 8–37Google Scholar.

¹¹ Britons, Strike Home! originates in George Powell's theatrical production Bonduca (1695) for which Henry Purcell wrote the music. It was adapted by Dibdin. For a discussion of the song's origins and reception see Vandrei, Martha, ‘“Britons, Strike Home”: Politics, Patriotism and Popular Song in British Culture, c. 1695–1900’, Historical Research, 87/238 (2014): 679–702CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹² Morning Chronicle, 19 September 1803.

¹³ Songs &c. in Britons Strike Home. A new entertainment of Sans Souci. Written and composed, sung and accompanied by Mr.Dibdin (London: The Author, 1803).

¹⁴ Lovell, Vice-Admiral W.S., ‘A Personal Narrative of Events from 1799–1815’, in Music of the Sea, ed. Proctor, David and Baker, Richard (London: National Maritime Museum, 2005): 45Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Ipswich Journal, 16 November 1805. Quoted in Martha Vandrei ‘Britons, Strike Home’, 692.

¹⁶ Several current projects take this focus. See, for example, ‘Music, Home and Heritage: Sounding the Domestic in Georgian Britain’, University of Southampton, www.southampton.ac.uk/music/research/projects/music-home-and-heritage.page, and research being conducted at Bangor University's Institute for the Study of Welsh Estates, http://iswe.bangor.ac.uk/.

¹⁷ Such events had an established ancestry; see for example Tilmouth, Michael, ‘A Calendar of References to Music in Newspapers in London and the Provinces (1660–1719)’, Royal Musical Association Research Chronicles 1/1 (1961)Google Scholar.

¹⁸ University College Cork Archives, Ryan of Inch Collection, BL/EP/R/455(1–2).

¹⁹ Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class, 232.

²⁰ A further problem concerns the economic data that can be called on with any reliability across the period under consideration. See for example, Gilboy, Elizabeth W, Wages in Eighteenth-Century England (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1934)Google Scholar, Mitchell, Brian R., International Historical Statistics (London: Macmillan, 1998)Google Scholar, and especially Mokyr, Joel, The Enlightened Economy: An Economic History of Britain 1700–1850 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009)Google Scholar. Leaving aside the absence of a continuous thread of data on wages over the entire period, uncertainties about variations in prices also prevail. What data there is shows wages to be higher in towns than in the countryside, but few would dissent from the idea that a segment of society characterized by their socio-economic poverty prevailed in both demographics through the entire period.

²¹ See for example, Golby, John and Purdue, A.W., The Civilisation of the Crowd (London: Batsford, 1984)Google Scholar, and Harrison, Mark, Crowds and History: Mass Phenomena in English Towns, 1790–1835 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988)Google Scholar.

²² Cobbett, William, Rural Rides, vol. 2 (London: Dent, 1912): 266Google Scholar.

²³ Richard Leppert has drawn attention to the impact of the sight of music, and its visual impact in performance. Though the focus of his argument (on gender construction) is somewhat different from mine, nonetheless there is considerable relevance in his emphasis on music as an ‘activity subject to the gaze, not least because music, both as a social practice and a sonority was thought to possess sensual power’. See Leppert, Richard, The Sight of Sound: Music, Representation, and the History of the Body (Berkeley: University of California Press. 1993): 64Google Scholar.

²⁴ Caroline Powys, Canterbury Journal, 1798. In Climenson, Emily J., ed., Passages from the Diaries of Mrs. Philip Lybbe Powys of Hardwick House, Oxon. A.D. 1756 to 1808 (London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1899): 308–9Google Scholar.

²⁵ Powys, Canterbury Journal, 1798.

²⁶ Rev. Macaulay, Aulay, The history and antiquities of Claybrook in the county of Leicester; including the hamlets of Bittesby, Ullesthorpe, Wibtoft and Little Wigston (Leicester: printed for the author, [1791]): 128Google Scholar.

²⁷ For several examples that explain why such sentiments existed, see Hayter, Tony, The Army and the Crowd in Mid-Georgian England (London: Macmillan, 1978)Google Scholar.

²⁸ Harrison, Crowds and History, 169.

²⁹ The word ‘functional’ is used literally. Irrespective of any subsequent uses of military calls and their referencing in art music, their original purpose was to convey precise signals from commanders to troops. Several sources from the eighteenth century contain signals in notated form. These were undoubtedly notated for record, but there is also no doubt that in practice they were memorized.

³⁰ For an overview of military music in this period, see Herbert and Barlow, Music and the British Military.

³¹ For a general discussion of the eighteenth-century militia, see Western, J.R., The English Militia in the Eighteenth Century: The Story of a Political Issue, 1600–1802 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1965)Google Scholar, and Beckett, Ian F.W., Britain's Part-Time Soldiers: The Amateur Military Tradition, 1558–1945 (Barnsley: Pen & Sword Military, 2011)Google Scholar.

³² See Herbert and Barlow, Music and the British Military, Chapter 5.

³³ Myerly, Scott Hughes, British Military Spectacle From the Napoleonic Wars Through the Crimea (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1996): 129Google Scholar. Myerly cites sources that refer to the aesthetic effect of black drummers. Janissary influences, originating in bands of the Ottoman Empire, were one of the most common features of early military bands in Britain and elsewhere in Europe. See Herbert and Barlow, Music and the British Military, 46–8.

³⁴ Pottle, F.A. and Bennett, C.H., eds, Boswell's Journal and a Tour of the Hebrides with Samuel Johnson LL.D (London: William Heinemann, 1936): 94Google Scholar.

³⁵ Bonner and Middleton's Bristol Journal, 6 June 1821, quoted in Harrison, Crowds and History, 170.

³⁶ Liverpool Mercury, 20 July 1821, quoted in Harrison, Crowds and History, 170.

³⁷ See Western, The English Militia, 344–7. Additional costs for the music, which often exceeded the amount generated by the band fund, were often hidden in militia accounts. Direct funding from the government accommodated only a single drummer.

³⁸ For a general discussion of the development of display and imaging in the British army, see Myerly, British Military Spectacle.

³⁹ Quoted in Herbert and Barlow, Music and the British Military, 24.

⁴⁰ Letter from Wellington to Henry Torrense, November 1811. Quoted in Haythornthwaite, Philip, The Armies of Wellington (London: Arms and Armour Press, c. 1994): 83Google Scholar.

⁴¹ MacIntire, John, A Military Treatise on the Discipline of Marine Forces … (London: T. Davies, 1773): 174Google Scholar.

⁴² Reide, Thomas, A treatise on the duty of infantry officers, and the present system of British military discipline (London: T. Egerton, 1795): 76–9Google Scholar.

⁴³ Hamilton, Major Ronald, Sketch of the present state of the Army; with reflections on the mode of recruiting (London, 1796): 45–6Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ John Bird, Diary of John Bird of Cardiff, 27 July 1800. In Thomas, Hilary M., ed., The Diaries of John Bird of Cardiff: Clerk to the first Marquis of Bute 1790–1803 (Cardiff: South Wales Record Society, 1987): 124Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Myerly, British Military Spectacle, 143.

⁴⁶ Colley, Britons, 325

⁴⁷ Quoted in Myerly, British Military Spectacle, 129.

⁴⁸ The Diary of the Visits of John Yeoman to London in the years 1774 and 1777, edited, with an introduction, by MacLeod Yearsley (London, Watts & Co, 1934): 26. For John Yeoman's listening experiences, see Rowland, David, ‘John Yeoman's Listening Experiences (1748–1824)’, in The Experience of Listening to Music: Methodologies, Identities, Histories, ed. Barlow, Helen and Rowland, David, The Open University, 2019Google Scholar, https://ledbooks.org/proceedings2019/#sec_42_h2_john-yeoman-at-drury-lane.

⁴⁹ Dibdin, Charles The professional life of Mr. Dibdin, written by himself, vol. 1 (London, 1803): 20Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Shipp, John, Memoirs of the extraordinary military career of John Shipp, a late lieutenant in His Majesty's 87^th regiment. Written by himself, vol. 1 (London: Hurst Chance, 1829): 11–12Google Scholar.

⁵¹ Kussmaul, Ann, ed., The Autobiography of Joseph Mayett of Quainton (1783–1839) ([Aylesbury]: Buckinghamshire Record Society, 1986): 23Google Scholar.

⁵² Howells, John, ed., The Life of Alexander Alexander. Written by Himself (Edinburgh, 1830)Google Scholar, quoted in McGuffie, T. H. (comp.), Rank and File: The Common Soldier at Peace and War 1642–1914 (London: Hutchinson, 1964): 13.Google Scholar

⁵³ Shipp, Memoirs, 6–7.

⁵⁴ Cruikshank, G., A Pop-gun Fired off by George Cruikshank, in Defence of the British Volunteers of 1803, Against the Uncivil Attack upon that Body by General W. Napier … (London, [1860]): 11Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ Harrison, Crowds and History, 215.

⁵⁶ See ‘Politics and Parliament: Expenses of Elections Bill’, The Times, Thursday, 7 July 1853, 3.

⁵⁷ Hobart Town Courier, 22 March 1828, 3.

⁵⁸ New Zealand Spectator, and Cook's Strait Guardian, Saturday, 1 September 1847, 2.

⁵⁹ See Herbert and Barlow, Music and the British Military, 226–9.

⁶⁰ Illustrated London News, 27 November 1852.

⁶¹ The Saturday Review, 9 February 1861, quoted in Cannadine, David, ‘The Context, Performance and Meaning of Ritual: The British Monarchy and the “Invention of Tradition”, c. 1820–1977’, in The Invention of Tradition, ed. Hobsbawm, Eric and Ranger, Terence (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983): 101–2Google Scholar. Cecil, who was to become third marquess of Salisbury, published the article anonymously.

⁶² Cannadine, ‘The Context, Performance and Meaning of Ritual’, 106–8.

⁶³ For the relevant sources and for a discussion of Wellington's funeral, Wolffe, see John, Great Deaths: Grieving, Religion, and Nationhood in Victorian and Edwardian Britain (Oxford: Oxford University Press for the British Academy, 2000): 28–56Google Scholar.