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Music, Letters and National Identity: Reading the 1890s' Italian Music Press1
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 26 April 2011
Extract
Much ink was spilled on the subject of music in fin-de-siècle Italy. With the rapid expansion of the bourgeoisie during the last decades of the nineteenth century, opera-going in Italy was at its apogee, and as opera attendance surged so too did the demand for gossip about singers, titbits about the lives of composers and reviews of the latest works. This was a moment at which the booming Italian opera and journalism industries converged, particularly in the large northern cities, to produce an explosion of periodicals devoted to opera, encompassing a range of critical methods. The 1890s, however, also saw the development in Italy of a new branch of criticism devoted to more ‘serious’ types of music, penned by writers explicitly hostile to opera's domination of Italian musical life, who looked to the north as their cultural spiritual home.
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References
2 Valerio Castronovo and Nicola Tranfaglia, La stampa italiana nell'età liberale, Vol. 3, Storia della stampa italiana, ed. Tranfaglia, Castronovo and Fossati, Luciana Giacheri (Rome and Bari: Laterza, 1979): 10Google Scholar.
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19 On contemporary orchestral music, see, for instance , Torchi, Luigi, ‘La sinfonia in re minore di Giuseppe Martucci’, Rivista musicale italiana 3 (1896): 128–66Google Scholar , and Torchi, , ‘La seconda sinfonia (in fa maggiore) di Giuseppe Martucci’, Rivista musicale italiana 12 (1905): 151–209Google Scholar.
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22 Torrefranca's appointment as a contributor to the RMI in 1907 may seem uncharacteristic insofar as he did not share Torchi's positivistic ideology, but he was as committed as the journal's editor to early music, to contemporary Italian instrumental composers and to the denunciation of popular Italian opera. I have written extensively on this critic elsewhere: see Wilson, Alexandra, ‘Torrefranca vs. Puccini: Embodying a Decadent Italy’, Cambridge Opera Journal 13/1 (2001): 29–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
23 In defence of Puccini, whose Madama Butterfly had recently been savaged in Milan, Ricordi wrote to Luigi Illica in 1904: ‘The boorish style, the acrimony that emanates everywhere is one more sign of the envy that consumes these bilious people, castrati, eunuchs, impotents, rachitics, syphilitics. The prey is still fresh, still young, and it is natural for an army of stinking carcasses to hurl themselves upon it to drag it down to their level’ (‘La forma villana, l'acredine che spira dovunque è una prova di più dell'invidia che rode i fegatosi, i castrati, gli eunuchi, gli impotenti, i rachitici, i sifilitici. La preda è ancor fresca, ancora giovane, ed è naturale che un esercito di carogne puzzolenti si slanci su di essa per ridurla al pari'). Cited in Gara, Eugenio, ed., Carteggi Pucciniani (Milan: Ricordi, 1958): 266Google Scholar.
24 ‘C'è una critica abbastanza colta, illuminata e appassionata per l'arte, essa è in assoluta minoranza, e nel campo opposto avvi una turba di scrittori leggeri, superficiali, che si atteggiano a critici, e, opponendosi a qualunque progresso dell'arte, si fanno complici dell'ignoranza, beati e contenti di dichiarare brutto tutto quello che non comprendono o che non vogliono comprendere’. Cited in Corte, Andrea Della, La critica musicale e i critici (Turin: Unione Tipografico-Editrice Torinese, 1961): 535Google Scholar.
25 ‘Dottor Libertà’, ‘La critica odierna’ , Gazzetta musicale di Milano, 41/10 (7 Mar. 1886): 71–2, 71Google Scholar.
26 The article provoked an approving response from a certain ‘Dottor Schiettezza’ (‘Doctor Sincerity’), who thanked his colleague for exposing ‘the truly phenomenal ineptitude’ of certain critics who wrote for supposedly authoritative newspapers. ‘Dottor Schiettezza’ derided the efforts of those who, barely capable of playing a melody on the piano using one finger, presumed to write about an art of which they knew nothing, judged compositions that they did not understand and examined historical works without knowing their significance. Among such dilettantes he included failed writers purporting to be misunderstood geniuses; those who railed against the new; those who were, conversely, attracted only by bizarre novelties; and self-confessed technical ignorants. Vexed by the regard of many for music criticism as the easiest of occupations, he complained that the mission of the average music critic consisted merely of adopting a pseudo-academic tone and throwing in the odd technical term to impress empty-headed simpletons. ‘Dottor Schiettezza’, ‘Una certa critica in Italia’, Gazzetta musicale di Milano 41/14 (4 Apr. 1886): 103–4, 104Google Scholar.
27 For a typically angry retort about the poor state of criticism and musical culture in Italy in general in the 1910s, see Torrefranca, Fausto, ‘Contro l'andazzo anti-musicale’, La riforma musicale 1/4 (24 May 1913): 1Google Scholar.
28 ‘La critica musicale della stampa periodica farebbe ridere davvero, se non si trattasse di argomento lagrimevole’. Chilesotti, Oscar, Cronache musicali illustrate 28 (1900)Google Scholar ; cited in Corte, Della, La critica musicale e i critici, 652–3Google Scholar.
29 ‘[P]ur troppo, in Italia, non esiste critica musicale’. Virgilio, Michele, Della decadenza dell'opera in Italia: a proposito di ‘Tosca’ (Milan: Gattinoni, 1900): 15Google Scholar.
30 ‘Da noi è credenza generale che chiunque sappia, anche sgrammaticando, mettere due parole sulla carta, possa assumersi il compito di giudicare e di sentenziare dei prodotti all'ingegno!’ (Ibid., 17)
31 Cited in Corte, Della, La critica musicale e i critici, 553Google Scholar.
32 Verdi shared the critics’ enthusiasm for a spontaneous approach to listening, although he disputed the notion that such a response was peculiarly ‘Italian’. He wrote in 1872 to Cesare De Sanctis: ‘What on earth do these “schools” [e.g. German, French, Italian music] represent, these preoccupations about song, harmony, Germanism, Italianism, Wagnerism, etc. etc. There is something more in music… it's the music itself!… The audience shouldn't be concerned with the means the artist uses … they shouldn't have preferences for “schools”… If [the music] is beautiful, applaud. If it's ugly, boo. That's it. Music is universal. The imbeciles and the pedants [are the ones who] insisted on finding and inventing schools and systems!!! I would like the audience to judge nobly, not by the wretched views of journalists, teachers, and pianists, but by their own impressions!!… Do you understand? Impressions, impressions, and nothing else…‘. (‘Cosa significano mai queste scuole, questi pregiudizi di canto, d'armonia, di tedescheria, d'italianismo, di wagnerismo, et. et.? Vi è qualche cosa di più nella musica… Vi è la musica! … Che il pubblico non s'occupi dei mezzi di che l'artista si serve… non abbia pregiudizi di scuola… Se è bello applauda. Se brutto! fischi… Ecco tutto. La musica è universale. Gl'imbecilli ed i pedanti hanno voluto trovare, ed inventare delle scuole, dei sistemi!!!. Io vorrei che il publico [sic] giudicasse altamente, non colle miserabili viste dei Giornalisti, Maestri, e Suonatori di Piano-forte, ma delle sue impressioni!!… Capite? Impressioni, impressioni e nient'altro’.) Verdi to De Sanctis, 17 April 1872, in Luzio, Alessandro, ed., Carteggi verdiani, 4 vols, vol. 1 (Rome, Reale Accademia d'Italia – Accademia nazionale dei Lincei, 1935–1947): 149–50Google Scholar . The English translation above appears in Marvin, Roberta Montemorra, Verdi the Student – Verdi the Teacher (Parma: Istituto Nazionale di Studi Verdiani, 2010): 121Google Scholar.
33 ‘Io la musica non la discuto, la sento. E quando mi penetra nell'intelletto, quando mi invade ogni recesso dell'anima, e tutto mi avvolge e tutto mi trasporta, e quando, sopratutto, mi penetra giù giù nel cuore, nel fondo di questo muscolo misterioso ove è tutta la vita, io non chiedo all'incanto nuovissimo il suo nome, la sua bolletta d'origine, la sua genesi, la sua classificazione artistica o scientifica …’. ‘C’, no title, Gazzetta musicale di Milano 48/6 (5 Feb. 1893): 82–3, 83Google Scholar.
34 ‘Nei giornali di Torino, arrivati oggi, vediamo che essi infatti, pur non potendo negare l'incontrastato successo della Bohème, per criticare il nuovo spartito del Puccini, sono costretti a tirar fuori gli accordi in terza e quinta, le successioni di quinte scoperte, e tutte le altre definizioni del linguaggio tecnico, ignorati dal buon pubblico il quale in un'opera di musica non ricerca altro che delle soavi melodie che lo divertano e lo commuovano’. Anon., La tribuna (4 Feb. 1896), reproduced in Gazzetta musicale di Milano 51/6 (6 Feb. 1896): 91Google Scholar.
35 G. Conrado of the GMM responded to Luigi Torchi's detailed critique of Tosca – complete with music examples – in the RMI with the words: ‘But, oh illustrious Minos, how have you managed to become so Germanized as even to forget your own language? Why don't you just go ahead and write in German?’ (‘Ma come avete potuto, o illustre Minosse, intedescarvi tanto da dimenticare perfino la vostra lingua? E perchè non scrivete addirittura in tedesco, allora?') G. Conrado, ‘A proposito della Tosca’, Gazzetta musicale di Milano 55/22 (31 May 1900): 302–3, 302Google Scholar.
36 Criscione, , Luigi Torchi, 74.Google Scholar
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39 To cite a not untypical case, of the eighteen books reviewed in the third issue of the 1900 RMI, ten were in German, five were in French, two were in English and one was in Portuguese. None was in Italian. The book-review pages tell us much about the editor's priorities – as Criscione argues, this section was fundamental in shaping the journal's ideological and aesthetic slant ( Criscione, , Luigi Torchi, 112).Google Scholar The reviews covered history, aesthetics, theory, scientific research and law, in addition to music.
40 ‘Gente che non sa, non studia, non osserva’. Torchi, Luigi, cited in Criscione, Luigi Torchi, 102Google Scholar . One might contend that the journal was part of a pan-European movement within serious music criticism toward anti-democratic ideals. In turn-of-the-century France, a new breed of music journals developed, including the Bulletin français de la Société internationale de musique and the Mercure musical, which promoted a consciously anti-populist agenda (deriding Italian opera in particular). I am grateful to Clair Rowden for drawing my attention to these publications. Rowden discusses the French critical antipathy for ‘low brow’ verismo opera in her article ‘Werther, La Navarraise and Verismo: A Matter of Taste’, Franco-British Studies 37 (2006–2007): 3–34Google Scholar.
41 The music of Wagner was always Torchi's benchmark when assessing new Italian operas, but the German composer's philosophical ideals and modernist outlook influenced him too. Torchi attacked contemporary Italian opera composers as servile, saying that they lacked an original style or the courage to propose new musical ideas (see Criscione, , Luigi Torchi, 98)Google Scholar , criticisms about his fellow countrymen that might almost have been lifted from ‘Das Judenthum in der Musik’, first made available to Italian readers through the RMI, where it appeared in translation as Richard Wagner, ‘Il Giudaismo nella musica’, Rivista musicale italiana 4 (1897): 95–113Google Scholar.
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49 See, for example , Buch, Esteban, Beethoven's Ninth: A Political History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004)Google Scholar ; Burnham, Scott, ‘The Four Ages of Beethoven: Critical Reception and the Canonic Composer’, in Stanley, Glenn, ed., The Cambridge Companion to Beethoven (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000): 272–91CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Burnham, Scott, Beethoven Hero (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996)Google Scholar ; Cook, Nicholas, Beethoven: Symphony no. 9 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993)CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Comini, Alessandra, The Changing Image of Beethoven: A Study in Mythmaking (New York: Rizzoli, 1987)Google Scholar ; and DeNora, Tia, Beethoven and the Construction of Genius: Musical Politics in Vienna, 1792–1803 (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London: University of California Press, 1995)Google Scholar.
50 With reference to France, Roger Parker writes: ‘even recent investigations have tended to rely on a critical “canon” made up almost exclusively of writers who were also prominent as practitioners, usually composers’ ( Parker, and Smart, , Reading Critics Reading, 3)Google Scholar . Likewise, in the case of Austria, McColl notes that historians of Viennese music criticism have tended to emphasize the significance of Hanslick to the exclusion of other, arguably equally interesting, critics (McColl, Music Criticism in Vienna, vii).
51 Ellis, , Music Criticism in Nineteenth-Century France, 127, 239.Google Scholar
52 Ibid., 237.
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54 The story of Italian opera's slow and arduous rise to academic respectability has been told many times in recent years. See, for example , Seta, Fabrizio Della, ‘Some Difficulties in the Historiography of Italian Opera’, Cambridge Opera Journal 10/1 (Mar. 1998): 3–13Google Scholar . Scholars whose work helped to open up Italian opera as a respected field of musicological investigation include: Lorenzo Bianconi, Julian Budden, Fedele d'Amico, Philip Gossett, Joseph Kerman, David Kimbell, Massimo Mila, Frits Noske, Roger Parker, Giorgio Pestelli, Pierluigi Petrobelli, Nino Pirrotta, Harold Powers, Ellen Rosand, David Rosen, Reinhard Strohm and others. Since the rise of the ‘New Musicology’ during the 1980s, Italian opera studies has become an extremely diverse field, embracing methodological approaches drawn from disciplines as diverse as film studies, psychoanalysis and gender studies.
55 Seta, Della, ‘Some Difficulties in the Historiography of Italian Opera’, 3.Google Scholar
56 Ellis, , Music Criticism in Nineteenth-Century France, 7.Google Scholar
57 McColl, , Music Criticism in Vienna, 177.Google Scholar
58 Parker, and Smart, , Reading Critics Reading, 9.Google Scholar
59 Smith, Anthony, ‘The “Golden Age” and National Renewal’, in Myths and Nationhood, ed. Hosking, Geoffrey and Schöpflin, George (London: Hurst and Company, 1997): 36–59Google Scholar, 57. Recent scholarship has acknowledged the centrality of popular culture to the nation-building process. Geoffrey Cubitt urges us to be sensitive towards: ‘“banal nationalism” – to assumption as well as assertion, to clichéd utterance as well as heroic gesture, to stale as well as to vibrant symbolism, to the “repertoire of the obvious” in the culture under investigation as well as to its canonical texts’. Cubitt, Geoffrey, ed., Imagining Nations (Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 1998): 3Google Scholar.
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