¹ Much of this essay is based on my previous research, such as (1) Tria Dokimia gia ton Manoli Kalomiri [Three Essays on Manolis Kalomiris] (Athens: Greek Musicological Publications 4, Music Publishing House Papagrigoriou-Nakas, 2003), (2) Dreaming the myth of “wholeness”: Romantic Interpretations of Ancient Greek Music in Greece (1890–1910)’, in Textual Intersections: Literature, History and the Arts in Nineteenth-Century Europe, ed. Rachael Langford, Internationale Forschungen zur Allgemeinen und Vergleichenden Literaturwissenschaft (Amsterdam: Editions Rodopi, 2009): 201–14, (3) ‘Symphonic Music in Greece’ in Works by Greek Composers, 19 ^th–20 ^thCentury, Cultural Olympiad (Athens: Hellenic Ministry of Culture, 2004): 60–69, and (4) Anastasia Siopsi, “Greek Women Contributing to Art Music in Greece and Abroad,” in HER ART: GREEK WOMEN IN THE ARTS FROM ANTIQUITY TO MODERNITY. Ed. D. Touliatos-Miles, (Hamburg: Lang Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, 2011): 67–84. (forthcoming).

² On the notion of ‘national’ in music during the nineteenth century, see the articles in Nineteenth-Century Music Review 8/1 (Jun. 2011).

³ That was not the case earlier, since folkloric and Oriental musical elements were of minimal interest to the nineteenth-century music public. (See Xanthoudakis, ‘Composers, Trends and the Question of Nationality in Nineteenth-Century Musical Greece’, Nineteenth-Century Music Review 8/1 (Jun. 2011): 41–55).

⁴ For more details, see Siopsi, ‘Symphonic Music in Greece’, 62–71.

⁵ Throughout the nineteenth century, Greece seemed to be in search of the essence of the ‘national’ and also attempted to ideologically construct this notion (national historiography, national philosophy, national theatre). However, it was only towards the end of the century that the quest for creating a national ideology and culture began to take a more substantial form.

⁶ The Greco-Turkish War of 1919–22, also called the War in Asia Minor or the Greek campaign of the Turkish War of Independence or the Asia Minor Catastrophe, was a series of military events occurring during the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire after World War I between May 1919 and October 1922. At the end, the Greeks were defeated and a large population of Greek people living in Asia Minor were forced to emigrate to Greece. This result ended the Greek dream of recreating an enlarged state with Constantinople as its capital (the Great Idea or Megali Idea).

⁷ See Tziovas, Dimitris, Oi metamorfoseis tou ethnikismou kai to ideologima tis ellinikotitas ston mesopolemo [The Transformations of Nationalism and the Notion of Hellenism in the Interwar Era] (Athens, 1989)Google Scholar: 51.

⁸ See Kitromilidis, P., ‘Ideologika Revmata kai Politika Etimata. Prooptikes apo ton Elliniko Choro’ [‘Ideological Trends and Political Quests. Perspectives from the Greek Territory’] in Opseis tis Ellinikis Kinonias tou 19ou Aiona [Aspects of 19 ^th-Century Greek Society] (Athens, 1984): 23–38Google Scholar: (p. 31). (Kitromilidis uses the terms ‘democratic’ and ‘romantic’ nationalism.)

⁹ I refer to this association in more detail in the following sections of this article; see also Siopsi, ‘Dreaming the Myth’, 201–14.

¹⁰ For more detail on the Greek National School of Music see Frankou-Psychopedi, Oli, I Ethniki Sholi Mousikis. Problimata Ideologias [The National School of Music. Problems of Ideology] (Athens: Institute of Mediterranean Studies, 1990)Google Scholar; for Kalomiris’ works see, for example, Siopsi, Tria Dokimia; also, Zake, G.J., The Music Dramas of Manolis Kalomiris. (PhD dissertation, Florida State University, 1971)Google Scholar; Maliaras, Nikos, To elliniko dimotiko tragoudi sti mousiki tou Manoli Kalomiris [Greek Folk Song in Manolis Kalomiris’ Music] (Athens: Greek Musicological Editions, Papagrigoriou-Nakas Music Publishing House, 2001)Google Scholar.

¹¹ See also Siopsi, ‘Dreaming the Myth’, 204–10.

¹² Eva Palmer-Sikelianos is a very special case of an American woman who felt more Greek than the majority of Greeks. She herself stated several times that she felt as if she had a Greek soul and proved that by her deeds.

Palmer lived for the largest part of her life in Greece, after her marriage to Angelos Sikelianos; due to World War II and the German occupation of Greece she was forced to stay in America, but kept dreaming of coming back to Greece, her true homeland, as she believed. The year that Palmer succeeded in returning to Greece was the year of Angelos Sikelianos’ death. She died one year later and was buried beside him in Delphi. See a more detailed analysis of Palmer's ideas and work in Siopsi, Anastasia, ‘On the Various Roles of Tradition in 20^th-Century Greek Art Music (The Case Study of Music Written for Ancient Dramas)’ in Spaces of Modernism (Ljubica Marić in Context) (Belgrade: Institute of Musicology of SASA, 2010): 197–214Google Scholar: (pp. 197–214).

¹³ The main aim of their utopian world-view named as the ‘Delphic Idea’ was the union of all humankind through poetry and, even more, through the spirit of ancient Greek culture. Such a union should take place, as they believed, at the ‘heart’ of the earth which, according to Sikelianos, was the place of ancient Delphi. These ideas were supposed to be materialized by means of the establishment of the Delphic festival.

¹⁴ Palmer-Sikelianos, Eva, Upward Panic, Greek trans. John P. Anton (Athens: Eksantas, 1992)Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Palmer-Sikelianos, Eva, Oraia Mataioponia. Treis Dialekseis [Beautiful Vanity. Three Lectures] (Athens: Ellinika Grammata, 2005)Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Palmer-Sikelianos, ‘The Greek Music’ in ibid., 69–92 (p. 77).

¹⁷ For more detail, see Siopsi, ‘Dreaming the Myth’, 206–10.

¹⁸ Louis-Albert Bourgault-Ducoudray (2 Feb. 1840–4 Jul. 1910).

¹⁹ See Pachtikos, George, ‘Ta Archaia Ellinika Dramata kai I Melopoiia ton Horikon’ [‘The Ancient Greek Dramas and the Composition of the Choruses’], Mousiki 7 (Jul. 1912): 195–97Google Scholar (p. 196); see also Siopsi ‘Dreaming the Myth’, 210.

²⁰ The interest in performances of ancient Greek drama was developed even earlier. In 1888, the tragedy Antigone was staged in Athens, and sung in ancient Greek. On the occasion of the silver jubilee of King George I, Antigone was performed at the Great Theatre of Syngros, later renamed the Athens Municipal Theatre. The choral music was by Mendelssohn. There had already been many other performances of the original versions of ancient tragedies, both in Europe and America. The following year, The Persians and Philoctetes were performed in Athens to music by Vender. It was then that Mistriotis founded the Association for the Teaching of Ancient Drama.

For more detail, see Giannis Sideris who has written an extensive study on ancient theatre on the modern Greek stage in To Archaio theatro sti Nea Elliniki Skini 1817–1932 [Ancient Theatre in the Greek Modern Scene] (Athens, 1976). Also, on the question as to how the revival of ancient Greek tragedy is related to a wider ideological background, which is the case with Pachtikos’ music for ancient tragedies, see Xanthoudakis, Haris, ‘O George Pahtikos kai i mousiki gia to archeo elliniko drama’ [‘George Pachtikos and his Music for Ancient Greek Drama’] in Parastaseis Archeou Ellinikou Dramatos [Performances of Ancient Greek Drama], conference annuals (Athens, 1999): 45–51Google Scholar.

²¹ Another society which aimed at the development of theatre and music was established later, in 1907. Its president was Kiparissis, a known archaeologist and dilettante of ancient dramas. (See the Greek newspaper Neon Asti (1 Jan., 1907)).

²² See George Mistriotis, ‘Peri tis dinameos tis mousikis’ [‘On the Power of Music’], Mousiki 25 (Jan. 1914): 1–3 (p. 3); see also Siopsi ‘Dreaming the Myth’, 207.

²³ George Pachtikos, 260 dimodi Ellinika asmata apo tou stomatos tou Ellinikou laou sillegenta kai parasimanthenta (1888–1904) [260 Folk Songs Derived from Oral Folk Tradition Selected and Transcribed (1888–1904)], re-edited and published in 1992 by the Library of Historical Studies (Athens, vol. Α’, published by Maraslis Library, 1905); presentation of the book in XENOPHANIS, vol. 3 (1905): 502–9 (A’ part): 537–48 (B’ part): 548.

²⁴ George Pachtikos, ‘The Ancient Greek Dramas…’, Mousiki 7 (Jul. 1912), 195–97 (esp. p. 197). Pachtikos elsewhere stated that he considered European music civilization as based on ancient Greece. (George Pachtikos, ‘I Eniausios Stadiodromia tis Mousikis [The Continuous Development of Music]’, Mousiki 12 (Dec. 1912): 337–38 (p. 337)).

²⁵ See Siopsi ‘Dreaming the Myth’, 208–9.

²⁶ German scholars, at the same time, encouraged performances of ancient Greek dramas. These performances, according to reports of the time, were attended by several German scholars, mainly philologists and musicologists. The interpretations of ancient Greek dramas at these performances, however, were more 'up to the letter', since poetry was read in ancient Greek, stage decorations were in an ancient Greek manner, music was as faithful as it can be to ancient Greek music and instruments were akin to ancient ones (harp and rhythmic drums). (See Siopsi ‘Dreaming the Myth’, 209–10.)

²⁷ George Lambelet, ‘H Ethniki Mousiki’ [‘The National Music’], Panathinaia, vol. B', no. 15 (Nov. 1901): 82–90, no. 30 (Nov. 1901): 126–31.

²⁸ George Lambelet, ‘Ethnikismos eis tin technin kai i Elliniki Dimodis Mousiki’ [‘Hellenism in Art and Greek Folk Music’], Epifillides, vol. A’, no. IA’ (Jun. 1928): 1–40: 6.

²⁹ See ibid., 6–7.

³⁰ Kalomiris, M., ‘Oi Ellines Mousikoi stin Germania [Greek Musicians in Germany]’, Ethnos (31 Mar. 1939)Google Scholar.

³¹ Lambelet, George, ‘To flegon mousiko zitima. Dia na apoktisomen Melodrama’ [‘The Urgent Music Matter. In Order to Establish Melodrama [Opera]’], Vradini (14 Feb. 1927)Google Scholar.

³² A similar view was developed by Lambelet on Beethoven in ‘Ethnikismos eis tin technin kai i Elliniki Dimodis Mousiki’ [‘Hellenism in Art and the Greek Folk Music’].

³³ Excessive love for foreign cultures, according to Kalomiris, spoils the character of Greek people. This was the case with the so-called Ionian School of Music which, as he believed, imitated Italian trends and styles; this school of music, according to Kalomiris, ignored altogether folk and popular Greek music (only one example was mentioned as an exception to this rule, the ‘Gero Dimos’ [‘Old Dimos’], a folk song which was harmonized by Pavlos Karrer(is) (1829–1896) in his opera Markos Mpotsaris (1857–58)). (See one of such numerous statements by Kalomiris in his article ‘I ‘Diamanto’ kai to Laiko Tragoudi – O Mousikos Diagonismos tou Dimou’ [“Diamanto” and the Folk Song – The Musical Competition of Municipality (of Athens)’], Ethnos (17 Aug. 1935)).

³⁴ On the late permeating of German music to the Greek stage and, consequently, the late influencing of Greek composers, see Haris Xanthoudakis, ‘Composers’, 41–55: on the late introduction of the repertory and the requisites of German music academies and the French Conservatoire in music education in Athens (Conservatory of Athens, 1891), see Romanou, Katy and Barbaki, Maria, ‘Music Education in Nineteenth-Century Greece: Its Institutions and their Contribution to Urban Musical Life’, Nineteenth-Century Music Review 8/1 (Jun. 2011): 57–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁵ For more detail, see Siopsi, ‘Symphonic Music in Greece’, 60–69.

³⁶ See Synadinos, T., Istoria tis neoellinikis mousikis 1824–1919 [History of Modern Greek Music 1824–1919] (Athens, 1919)Google Scholar, vol. A: η’.

³⁷ See Tziovas Oi metamorfoseis, 17–18.

³⁸ In Greece at the close of the 1920s, there are two main threads which express different versions of the idea of Hellenism. The liberals, who have an English–French educational background, define Hellenism as something undefinable, as a unique and original style; they see Hellenism as a dynamically developing idea which constantly changes (Theotokas, Seferis). The conservatives, on the other side, who have a German education or attitude, perceive nationalism in art as something defined with biological and geographical terms; they believe in Hellenism as something static and/or with racial implications (Tsatsos, Metaksas). From 1936 onwards, conservatives seem to triumph over liberals since they are supported by the whole mechanism of education and the state. Liberals are forced to talk about Hellenism only in order to emphasize its origins in folk tradition. (For an elaborated discussion on this issue see Tziovas, Oi metamorfoseis.)

³⁹ An elaboration of these ideas takes place as early as the late Romantic era in Germany (i.e. the close of the eighteenth century). For an excellent study of this issue, see Beiser, C., Enlightenment, Revolution, and Romanticism: The Genesis of Modern German Political Thought 1790–1800 (Cambridge, 1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁰ See Tziovas Oi metamorfoseis, 151.

⁴¹ Some observations which get to the point, concerning Wagner's influence on Kalomiris, are made by Oli Frangou-Psychopedi who, additionally, observes the differentiation of Kalomiris’ techniques from those of Wagner, mainly after 1920. (Frangou-Psychopedi, ‘Ideologia kai aisthitiki dimiourgia sto ergo tou Manoli Kalomiri me paradeigma to “Daktilidi tis Manas” ’ [‘Ideology and Aesthetic Creation in the Work of Manolis Kalomiris through the Example of “The Mother's Ring” ’] in O Manolis Kalomiris kai I Elliniki Mousiki. Keimena apo kai gia ton Manoli Kalomiri [Manolis Kalomiris and Greek Music. Texts from and for Manolis Kalomiris] (Samos: Manolis Kalomiris Festival, 1997): 75–85 (p. 75).

⁴² In three of his operas (i.e. The Masterbuilder (1915), Dawn (1945), and Konstantine Palaiologos (1962)), Manolis Kalomiris, in addition to the scores, has written himself indexes with leitmotifs. G.J. Zake, in his PhD thesis, The Music Dramas of Manolis Kalomiris, wrote indexes of leitmotifs for the other two operas (i.e. The Mother's Ring (1917) and The Shadowy Waters (1950)). (See Zake, G.J., The Music Dramas of Manolis Kalomiris, PhD dissertation, The Florida State University, 1971): 76–82Google Scholar. See The Mother's Ring's index with leitmotifs in musical example 1. (Zake, ibid., 77)

⁴³ See a detailed analysis of the Wagnerian influences in Kalomiris’ The Mother's Ring in Anastasia Siopsi, ‘Creating Myths of Nation Through Art and its Reception in the Interwar Period (the Case of Manolis Kalomiris’ Opera The Mother's Ring)’, collected edition entitled The Legacy of Richard Wagner, musicological studies ‘Speculum Musicae’, Centro Studi Opera Omnia Luigi Boccherini-Onlus (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols Publishers, forthcoming); on the reception of Wagner in modern Greece, especially his relation to ancient Greek culture, see Anastasia Siopsi, ‘Who is the “Rightful” Inheritor of Ancient Culture? Ancient Greece, Modern Greece and Richard Wagner’, international conference entitled On the Consequences of Wagner, Lisbon, 26–28 November 2009 (forthcoming publication of the proceedings).

⁴⁴ Frangou-Psychopedi, ‘Ideologia’, 81.

⁴⁵ The 'aestheticization' of politics, or else, the 'myth' of politics, was a decisive trait of a certain German tradition, having Romanticism as its origin (for more details, see Lacoue-Labarthe, Philippe, Heidegger, Art and Politics: The Fiction of the Political, Eng. trans., Chris Turner (Oxford, 1990)Google Scholar). Although in Greek musical life there was no deep philosophical intention of ‘aestheticizing’ politics, there was a strong need for Greek musicians to define Greek identity as differentiated from that of the European.

⁴⁶ On the idea of the myth of the perception of Greek civilization as an organic unity and as an inseparable whole as related to music, see Siopsi, Tria Dokimia, esp. 18–34; also, Siopsi, Anastasia, ‘Aspects of Ideology: Analyzing the Influence of Greek Spiritual Tradition on the Modern Greek National School of Music (1910–40)’, New Sound (International Magazine for Music) 16 (Autumn 2000): 105–115Google Scholar (pp. 109–10).

⁴⁷ Erjavec, A., ‘Philosophy: National and International’, Metaphilosophy, vol. 28 (4), (October 1997): 329–345CrossRefGoogle Scholar (p. 335).

⁴⁸ See Holst-Warhaft, Gail, ‘From Epitafios to Antigone: Theodorakis’ Musical Circle’, http://digma.mmb.org.gr (Mikis Theodorakis’ electronic archives, Lilian Voudouri Music Library, Athens)Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Since the liberation from the Turks in Greece, the language existed in a situation of diglossia, with regional spoken dialects existing side by side with learned, archaic written forms. Most notably, during much of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, it was known in the competing varieties of popular Demotic and learned (an artificial Greek dialect which consciously drew on archaizing terms from ancient Greek) Katharevousa. The notion of ‘national’ was mainly associated with language; Herder's ‘Sprachnation’, the identification of language and nation was a dominant attitude following Greece's liberation from the Turks. Such Herderian approach to ‘national’ throughout the nineteenth century, was thought to be expressed by Katharevousa, used as the unifying cultural root. It was the official language in modern Greece for at least up to the first decades of the twentieth century. Because of such national implications, there was a linguistic battle when the Demotic language was introduced in literature by important men of letters.

⁵⁰ It is worth mentioning that another Electra was produced, in exactly the same year, with T. Polycrati's music based on the ‘Hymn to Apollon’ (one of the few remnants of ancient Greek music at that time). This was the first complete composition of a tragedy in Greece, providing musical background to the soloist's parts. See Sideris, Yannis, ‘Neoellinikes Erminies tou Arhaiou Theatrou apo to 1817 os tis Delphikes Eortes tou 1927’ [‘Modern Greek Interpretations of the Ancient Theatre from 1817 to the Delphic Festival of 1927’], Epitheorisis ‘IOS (Dedicatory Edition to Eva Sikelianos) (Athens, 1966): 403–472Google Scholar (p. 436).

⁵¹ For example, theatre ‘Nea Skini’ staged Alkestis in 1901, sung in Demotic language and music by Christopher Gluck. Another performance sung in Demotic language was Aeschylus' Oresteia, in 1903, with music by Stanford. University students, supported by George Mistriotis, tried to interrupt it by sabotaging this performance. The fight left several wounded people. Up to the Delphic Festival, in 1927, the linguistic battle was strong and aggressive. The fights on the occasion of the performance of Oresteia, proved that battle to be of major national importance.

⁵² Demoticist's studies and works, in spite of their interest in ancient inheritance, were mainly related to the cultural tendencies of naturalism and realism in literature and poetry; also, they developed an interest in folklore studies.

⁵³ For more detail, see Siopsi, ‘Aspects of Ideology’, 112–13; also, Siopsi, Tria Dokimia, 27–29.

⁵⁴ From the scope of this section, I exclude the genres of musical theatre which are: (1) ‘komidillion’, a popular version of musical theatre, which was music comedy with moral tendencies, equivalent to French ‘vaudeville’, and which became very popular in the 1890s and (2) operetta, a very popular kind of art, completely in line with European fashionable music of that time, reflecting the preferences for entertainment of the Greek aristocracy. Quite a few debates have developed about the national and artistic value of these artistic genres; Greek ‘vaudeville’, in particular, developed its subjects, although in a simple way, conscious of the danger of having Greek customs and language damaged by foreigners.

⁵⁵ A very important source on Pavlos Karrer's life and work is George Leotsakos Pavlos Karrer. Apomnimoneumata ke ergografia [Pavlos Karrer's Memoirs and Work Catalogue] (Athens: Museum Benakis and Ionian University Publishing Houses, 2003).

⁵⁶ See Xanthoudakis in this issue, 41–55.

⁵⁷ George Lambelet wrote extensively about his ideas on music for ancient dramas, during the period 1930–40, especially in his (1) ‘I mousiki kai i apaggelia stin arxaia tragodia’ [‘Music and Recitation in Ancient Tragedy’], Mousiki Zoi, year A’, no. 2 (Nov. 1930): 27–8 and 41–4, (2) ‘I sigchroni melopoiisis tis arxaias ellinikis tragodias’ [‘On the Contemporary Music Setting of Ancient Greek Tragedy’], Peiraika Grammata, vol. 1–2, no. 4 (Oct.–Dec. 1940): 15–17, and (3) ‘To pneuma tis mousikis tis arxaias ellinikis tragodias’ [‘The Spirit of Music of Ancient Greek Tragedy’], Nea Estia (1940), no. 325 (part A): 817–23, no. 326 (part B): 882–86, no. 327 (part C): 952–58.

⁵⁸ See an elaboration of such ideas in Anastasia Siopsi, ‘Ptiches tis neoellinikis politismikis phisiognomias mesa apo to rolo tis mousikis se anavioseis tou arxaiou dramatos tis protes dekaeties tou eikostou aiona (1900–1940)’ [‘Aspects of Modern Greek Cultural Physiognomy through the Looking Glass of Music's Role in Revivals of Ancient Drama (1900–1940)’], international conference proceedings entitled Greek Music for the Opera and other Forms of the Performing Arts in the 20 ^thCentury, (international conference, Athens’ City Music Hall, March 2009), www.mmb.org.gr/files/2010/Πρακτικα%20Συνεδριου.pdf: 112–27.

⁵⁹ Yannou, Demetre, ‘Organosi tis melodramatikis kinisis stin Ellada: Sintomi istoriki anaskopisi kai haraktiristika gnorismata’ [‘Organization of the Operatic Activities in Greece: A Brief Historical Overview and Characteristic Aspects’], Themata Mousikologias (1994): 91–108Google Scholar (p. 103).

⁶⁰ Operas written by Ionian composers frequently had national implications and, thus, their performances in Athens were not always welcome.

⁶¹ See such an observation in Theodoros Synadinos, Istoria tis Ellinikis Mousikis [History of Greek Music] 1824–1919, vol. A’ (Athens, 1919).

⁶² Quoted in Sideres, ‘Neoellinikes Erminies’, 438–39.

⁶³ Such reaction against Italian opera did not take place only in Greece but also in other countries in the Balkans and was initiated by the social classes that gave theatrical performances as a means of articulating national awareness. (See more detail on this in Walter Puchner, I idea tou Ethnikou Theatrou sta Valkania tou 19ou aiona. Istoriki tragodia kai koinoniokritiki komodia stis ethnikes logotechnies tis Notioanatolikis Europis. Sigritiki meleti [The Idea of National Theatre in the 19 ^th-Century Balkans. Historic Tragedy and Sociological Critique in Comedy in the National Iiteratures of South Eastern Europe. A Comparative study] (Athens, 1993)).

⁶⁴ See Ioannis Metaxas, ‘I kallitehniki paragogi’ [‘The Artistic Production’], Ethnos (25 Apr. 1939). The state, as a matter of fact, during the era of Metaxas’ dictatorship, supported theatre whose role thus acquired an ideological dimension. See Mario Vitti, H Genia tou Trianta [The Generation of the 1930s] (Athens, 1995): 332 (footnote 1), where the censorship of theatrical works is also underlined as more important and severe than that of other forms of the arts.

⁶⁵ Lavrangas' policy was to translate all librettos into the Greek Demotic language; although he was not involved with the same intensity as Kalomiris in the linguistic battle which played a decisive role in all aspects of Greek cultural life. Later in his life, Lavrangas stressed his belief in the role of Greek Melodrama in public life by claiming that Greek operas have to be increased in number so that foreign operas would not be needed to be performed in Athens.

Lavrangas continued the nineteenth-century Ionian music tradition, which was mainly influenced by Italian opera; the national implications were due to opera's subjects and language. Greek music tradition was used as ‘local colour’, while the structure of opera mainly followed contemporary Italian models. The first opera Lavrangas composed with these characteristics was The Two Brothers (1900). In spite of its national character and popularity among the audience, and due to Greek intelligentsia's preference for German cultural ideals, as I have attempted to explain, Ionian music tradition was gradually marginalized as something foreign to the middle-class quest for national identity.

⁶⁶ The awakening and cultivation of national self-consciousness emphasizes the difference from other peoples and underlines the native element, giving life to existing or developing pictures of ‘us’ and 'them’.

⁶⁷ Let us not forget that the myth of the ‘Great Idea’ was directed towards the East.

⁶⁸ The revival of ancient Greek drama, on the other hand, was not an elitist attempt similar to that of the nineteenth-century aristocracy's support of the Italian operatic repertoire. It reflected the most significant views of the middle-class intelligentsia in the spirit of the intense debates between ‘conservatives’ and 'progressives' of a similar social background; thus, it was strongly supported mainly by the conservatives from the middle class, who saw the ‘invasion’ of European culture as a threat.

⁶⁹ See a broader elaboration of this issue, concerning women in music in modern Greece, in Anastasia Siopsi, ‘Greek Women Contributing to Art Music in Greece and Abroad’, forthcoming publication.

⁷⁰ See Agrafioti, Efi, H Mousiki den einai Genous Thilikou? [Isn't Music a Female Genre?] (Athens: Dromon Publishing House [National Committee of Greek Women], 2004): 87Google Scholar.

⁷¹ For more detail about women's music education in the Athens Conservatory, see Kaiti Romanou, Ethnikis Mousikis Periigisis 1901–1912 [Touring around Greek National Music 1901–1912] (Athens: Coultoura Publishing House, 1996): 228–31. I should mention, however, that receiving piano lessons was rather an exception to the rule as far as women's music education of that time was concerned. As we read in Motzenigos’ history of modern Greek music, written in 1958, puritanical influences played a catastrophic role in cultural developments at the beginning of the twentieth century, especially in relation to the social position of women, since women were excluded from any active participation in public life. A young lady, for example, who would dare to take part in a theatrical play, would be characterized as a woman with loose morals. Contrary to such excessively strict ethics, the Administrative Committee of the Athens Conservatory developed a certain policy of attracting young ladies who belonged either to their own families or to families of high society to become their students; in this way, they, among others, managed to form a quite professional choir with both men and women. See Motzenigos, Spyros, Neoelliniki Mousiki – Simboli eis tin istorian tis [Modern Greek Music – A Contribution to its History] (Athens, 1958): 320–321Google Scholar)

⁷² Eleni Lampiri (1882/88–1960), daughter of Georgios Lampiris, who was a composer and a student of Mantzaros, composer of the Greek national anthem. She wrote an opera, two operettas (named Apokriatiko Oniro [A Carnival Dream], premiered in 1913, and Izolma, premiered in Milan in 1915), a symphony and a string quartet. She also wrote songs, some of them for the purpose of entertainment. Apart from composing, she wrote music critiques in Greek newspapers and a book entitled The Problem of Laskaratou (1951). (Quoted in Kalogeropoulos, Takis, ‘Lampiri Eleni’ in To Lexiko tis Ellinikis Mousikis [Dictionary of Greek Music] 7 vols. (Athens: Gialleli Publishing House), vol. 3, 434Google Scholar.)

⁷³ See Haris Xanthoudakis' article (Jun. 2011): 41–55.

⁷⁴ More consciously and systematically than ever, perhaps, tradition was involved in symphonic music as a genre during the interwar period, as there was a prevalent tendency among composers to explore ways of incorporating folk songs in art music. To cite some characteristic examples: 36 Elliniki Chori (1931, 1933, 1935–6) [36 Greek Dances] and I Ligheri ke o Charos [The Willowy Maiden and Death] (1938) by Nikos Skalkottas, Kleftikos Choros [Klepht Dance] (1933) by Leonidas Zoras, Treis Elliniki Chori [Three Greek Dances] (1934) and O Thanatos tis Andriomenis [The Death of the Brave Lass] (1943–45) by Manolis Kalomiris, the Symfoniki Spoudhi [Symphonic Étude] (1938) on two symphonic songs by Theodoros Kariotakis and I Ligheri ke o Charos [The Maiden and Death] (1941) by Antiochos Evanghelatos.

After 1960, the influence of the ideas of the National School of Music weakened, yet elements of the Greek tradition (microtones, modes etc.) were incorporated, though under a different aesthetic rule, into contemporary styles. For instance, we encounter allusions to Greek tradition in the work of Dimitris Dragatakis – his Symphony No. 6 (1989) being a typical example – which constitute the main link between his work and the compositional practices of the national school of previous decades. (See Siopsi, ‘Symphonic Music’, 60–69)

⁷⁵ Elitism was a wider phenomenon since, as Eleni Vakalo mentions in her study, I Phisiognomia tis Metapolemikis Tehnis stin Ellada [The Physiognomy of the Post-War Art in Greece], Greece's society of that time did not have any long-term history of class division; thus, elitism replaced a fairly newly formed bourgeois class and connected it with its intelligentsia. See Vakalo, Eleni, I Phisiognomia tis Metapolemikis Tehnis stin Ellada [The Physiognomy of the Post-War Art in Greece], vol. 3 (Athens, 1983): 19Google Scholar.