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² Christoph-Helmut Mahling refers to enterprise orchestras as ‘private orchestras’. See ‘Berlin: ’Music in the Air”’, in The Early Romantic Era, ed. Ringer, A. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1991): 109–39, here 132 ffGoogle Scholar.

³ Miller, Frank, Johann Strauss Vater (Eisenburg: Castell Verlag, 1999): 144, 170 and passim.Google Scholar

⁴ Carse, Adam, The Life of Jullien (Cambridge: Heffer, 1951): 46.Google Scholar It is unclear in this account whether the figure given as Jullien's profit is net of the players’ salaries.

⁵ The Times (2 May 1848): 7, col. G and (21 Jul. 1848): 6, col G. Also: Carse, Life of Jullien, 58–61.

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⁹ Miller, , Johann Strauss Vater, 277.Google Scholar

¹⁰ For examples of players’ contracts see Mailer, Franz, ed., Johann Strauss (Sohn), Leben und Werk in Briefen und Dokumenten, vol. I (Tutzing: H. Schneider, 1983–2007): 17–18, 67–8Google Scholar.

¹¹ Elwart, Antoine, ‘Quelques mots sur la position des musicians d'orchestre de nos trois scènes lyriques’, Revue et Gazette Musicale (14 Feb. 1839): 53.Google Scholar Unless otherwise stated, all translations are the author's.

¹² Elwart acknowledges that the Musard and Valentino orchestras, unlike the theatre orchestras, do not pay musicians a pension after they retire. The musicians in the enterprise orchestras, however, according to Elwart, make enough money to be able to save for the future.

¹³ Planque, , Agenda musical pour l'année 1836 (Geneva: Minkoff, 1981): 76–8.Google Scholar

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¹⁵ Hauptmann, Gerhardt, ‘Das Abenteur meiner Jugend’, in Das Gesammelte Werk, vol 14 (Berlin: S. Fischer, 1942): 707–8.Google Scholar Bilse had never been an army bandmaster, but there are photographs of him with rows of medals, bestowed by the Prussian government, pinned to his frock coat. (See Muck, Peter, Einhundert Jahre Berliner Philharmonisches Orchester, vol. I (Tutzing: H. Schneider, 1982): 5.)Google Scholar

¹⁶ I am grateful to Dr Jochen-Georg Güntzel and to Brett Benner for help with this and other illustrations.

¹⁷ Krebs, Carl, Meister des Taktstocks (Berlin: Schuster & Loeffler, 1919): 99.Google ScholarAlso Keller, Julius, ‘Ein Donnerstag Abend im Konzerthaus’, Schorers Familienblatt 6/8 (1885)Google Scholar.

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²⁰ Signale für die musikalische Welt 13 (1855): 94.

²¹ Miller, , Johann Strauss Vater, 239.Google Scholar The earliest Strauss performances in the 1820s for dances in the Viennese suburbs had no admission charge. The purpose of the orchestra was to attract customers, who would spend their money on food and wine. The introduction of a cover charge of 4 Kreutzers at the ‘Zwei Täuberln’ in 1829 was considered an innovation. See Fahrbach, Philipp, Alt-Wiener Erinnerungen (Vienna: Saturn-Verlag, 1935): 31Google Scholar. Hellsberg, , Demokratie der Känige, 31Google Scholar.

²³ Carse, , Life of Jullien, 43.Google ScholarAlso McVeigh, Simon, ‘An Audience for High-Class Music’, in The Musician as Entrepreneur, 1700–1914: Managers, Charlatans, and Idealists, ed. Weber, W. (Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 2004): 161–82, here 175Google Scholar.

²⁴ Quoted in Davison, J.W., From Mendelssohn to Wagner, Being the Memoirs of J.W. Davison (London: W. Reeves, 1912): 199.Google Scholar Members of the Philharmonic Society bought tickets by subscribing to the entire series at half a guinea per concert. Extra tickets were available to subscribers at 1 guinea per concert. See Cyril Ehrlich, The First Philharmonic, 54. For more information, see Appendix B of this article.

²⁵ Gasnault, , Guinguettes et lorettes, 100.Google Scholar

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²⁷ Punch 27 (1854): 255.

²⁸ The Times (London) (2 Nov. 1857): 11, col E.Google Scholar

²⁹ Reports of disruptions at the Proms turn up first in The Times in 1845 and can be found almost every year thereafter through 1857. See: Davison, , From Mendelssohn to Wagner, 201–2; andGoogle ScholarCarse, , Life of Jullien, 119–20.Google Scholar Semi-organized disturbances in public places and harassment of the police were common in the London of the 1840s and 50s. They can be considered a sort of ritualized class warfare. See Pearson, Geoffrey, Hooligan – A History of Respectable Fears (London: Macmillan, 1983): 156 ffGoogle Scholar.

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³² See Gunn, Simon, The Public Culture of the Victorian Middle Class – Ritual and Authority and the English Industrial City, 1840–1914 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000): 77.Google ScholarAlso Bailey, Peter, Popular Culture and Performance in the Victorian City (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998): 17–19;Google ScholarThompson, F.M.L., The Rise of Respectable Society – A Social History of Victorian Britain, 1830–1900 (London: Fontana, 1988): 292–5Google Scholar.

³³ Musical World 6/66 (16 Jun. 1837): 5.

³⁴ Carse, Life of Jullien, 55. Jullien's programme of 5 December 1845 included an excerpt from the 1664 incidental music to Macbeth, attributed to Matthew Locke.

³⁵ New York Times (17 May 1869): 5; (24 Sep. 1873): 4; (23 Jul. 1875): 4. Also: Schabas, Ezra, Theodore Thomas – America's Conductor and Builder of Orchestras, 1835–1905 (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1989): 38 ffGoogle Scholar.

³⁶ Wiener allgemeine Musik-Zeitung 146–7 (5–8 Dec. 1846): 594.

³⁷ Musical World 33/2 (13 Jan. 1855): 25.

³⁸ Cooper, Jeffrey, The Rise of Instrumental Music and Concert Series in Paris, 1828–1871 (Ann Arbor, MI: UMI Research Press, 1983): 68.Google Scholar

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¹⁰ Neue Berliner Musik-Zeitung 1/33 (4 Aug. 1847): 261.

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⁴² See Lamb, Andrew, ‘Father Strauss – His Waltzes and his Orchestra’, Tritsch-Tratsch 15 (April 1971)Google Scholar; Bakes, S.W., ‘Johann Strauss Father in England’, Tritsch-Tratsch 1 (Aug. 1966).Google Scholar

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⁴⁴ The Strauss Sr orchestra, in tour in Paris in 1837, played on the same bill as Musard's orchestra at the concert hall in the rue Vivienne. Even the Parisian press judged that Strauss had won this battle of the bands (Le Courrier français, 6 Nov. 1837). At the Paris Exposition of 1867, Johann Strauss Jr alternated on the podium with Benjamin Bilse, both men leading the Bilse orchestra. See: Revue et Gazette Musicale (2 Jun. 1867): 176.

⁴⁵ The American tour of the Steyermark Company is discussed in Lawrence, Vera Brodsky, Strong on Music, Vol. 1: Resonances, 1836–1849 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988): 544–8.Google Scholar On the Germania Orchestra see Newman, Good Music for a Free People.

⁴⁶ Beck, Roger L. and Hansen, Richard K., ‘Josef Gungl and his Celebrated American Tour: November 1848 to May 1849’, Studia musicologica (Budapest) 36 (1995): 53–72.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Gungl seems to have been somewhat disappointed with his American tour, and he published a letter in the Neue Berliner Musikzeitung in which he criticized American musical taste: ‘Americans have far surpassed most European nations as business men, but they remain far behind in the realm of the fine arts, especially music … Only what we call profane music suits the tastes of the American public: waltzes, galops, quadrilles and above all, polkas’ (Neue Berliner Musikzeitung, 28 Feb. 1849: 70). Gungl's letter was translated and published in Dwight's Journal, where it aroused a storm of protest (18 Dec. 1852: 83–4).

⁴⁷ ‘The Orchestra: Jullien’, Putnam's Monthly Magazine of American Literature, Science, and Art 2 (1853): 423–33, here 425, 432. Of Jullien's 102-man orchestra, only 27 had made the trip with him from England. The rest were American musicians recruited in New York City. See Carse, , Life of Jullien, 75–8Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Carse, , Life of Jullien, 83.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Quoted in Miller, , Johann Strauss Vater, 166.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ See Mailer, , ed., Johann Strauss (Sohn), Leben und Werk I, 113 ff., II, 112. Grotjahn, ‘Entdeckung der Terra Incognita’, 10.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Miller, , Johann Strauss Vater, 193.Google Scholar

⁵² Rebecca Grotjahn, ‘’An der Spitze der musikalischen Bewegung” – Die Reisen der Bilse'schen Kapelle’, Mitteilungen der Benjamin Bilse Gesellschaft, Sonderheft: 6.

⁵³ Quoted in Kemp, , The Strauss Family, 27.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Grotjahn, , ‘Entdeckung der Terra incognita’, 6.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Muck, , Einhundert Jahre, vol I: 5.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Friedrich Wagner, who brought his band from Dresden to Philadelphia to play a summer season at Ridgeway Park, withheld $80 from each of his musicians as a security deposit. The Wagner Kapelle contract is printed in the American Music Journal 20 (Mar. 1886): p. 3Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ Beck, and Hansen, , ‘Josef Gungl’, 62.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Berlioz, Hector, ‘Strauss: son orcherstre, ses valses: De l’avenir du rythme’, Journal des débats (10 Nov. 1837).Google ScholarReprinted in Bongrain, A. and Coudroy-Saghaï, M.-H., eds, Hector Berlioz, Critique musicale, 1823–1863, vol. III (Paris: Buchet/Chastel, 2001): 329–35, here 329Google Scholar.

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⁶⁶ As a young man, Benjamin Bilse played in the Strauss Sr orchestra (Grotjahn, ‘Entdeckung der Terra incognita’, 4). The 18-year-old Theodore Thomas was one of the New York musicians that Jullien hired for his American tour of 1853 (Schabas, Theodore Thomas, 9). Jean-Baptiste Arban was the trumpet soloist in Jullien's orchestra before going on to form his own orchestra.

⁶⁷ See Waltz, Heinrich, Die Lage der Orchestermusiker in Deutschland (Karlsruhe: Druck der G. Braunschen Hofbuchdruckerei, 1906): 25–53.Google ScholarAlso Newhouse, Martin Jacob, Artists, Artisans, or Workers? Orchestral Musicians in the German Empire (PhD dissertation, Columbia University, 1979): 26–39Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ See Hallé, Charles, The Autobiography of Charles Hallé, ed. Michael Kennedy, (London: Elek, 1972)Google Scholar; Pasler, Jann, ‘Building a public for orchestral music: Les Concerts Colonne’, in Le Concert et son public: Mutations de la vie musicale en Europe de 1780 à 1914, ed. Bädeker, H.E., Veit, P. and Werner, M. (Paris: Editions de la Maison des sciences de l’homme, 2002): 209–39;CrossRefGoogle ScholarMusgrave, Michael, The Musical Life of the Crystal Palace (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995)Google Scholar; Bernard, Elisabeth, ‘Jules Pasdeloup et les Concerts populaires’, Revue de musicologie 57 (1971): 150–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁹ L’Art musicale (21 Dec. 1873): 49–50.Google Scholar The women in Amann-Weinlich's orchestra played mainly stringed instruments. Wind instruments (except for flutes) were played by boys. See Revue et Gazette musicale (7 Dec. 1873): 390Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ Levine, Lawrence W., Highbrow / Lowbrow: the Emergence of Cultural Hierarchy in America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988).Google Scholar

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⁷² Alfred Musard, son of Philippe, revived the Musard orchestra, with some success, between 1857 and 1869.

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⁷⁴ See Loft, Abram, Musicians’ Guild and Union (PhD dissertation, Columbia University, 1950): 272–94.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Reprinted in Österreichisch-Ungarische Musiker-Zeitung 19/22 (3 Jun. 1911): 177–8.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ The American big bands of the twentieth century were in some respects the heirs of the enterprise orchestras of the nineteenth century – in their entrepreneurial organization, their origin as dance bands, their dependence on touring, and the role of their leaders as front men and stars.

⁷⁷ Orchestra active between indicated dates, based in indicated city.