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Nineteenth-Century Music: Quantity, Quality, Qualities
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 13 April 2011
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Research on music and musical life in nineteenth-century Europe and North America has been increasing at a smart pace over the past few decades, revealing an admirable variety and welcome sense of fresh initiative. But many of these efforts – especially ones dealing with pieces that are rarely if ever performed today – have proceeded in relative isolation or have not been granted the attention that they deserve. And many important topics – including whole forgotten repertoires – remain to be explored.
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References
1 Grout, Donald Jay and Palisca, Claude, A History of Western Music, 6th edn (New York, 2001), 579–80.Google ScholarPalisca, Claude, ed., Norton Anthology of Western Music, 4th edn (New York, 2001), 353Google Scholar.
2 See, for a recent overview and application, Baur, Steven, ‘Ravel's “Russian” Period: Octatonicism in His Early Works, 1893–1908’, and Baur's subsequent exchange of letters with van den Toorn, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 52 (1999): 531–92 and 53 (2000): 445–50.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
3 Or used to be available. Four-hand arrangements, at least, are being discarded by US libraries at an alarming rate and sold off for pennies or even thrown away.
4 M. Lignana Rosenberg, review of Letzter, Jacqueline and Adelson, Robert, Women Writing Opera: Creativity and Controversy in the Age of the French Revolution (Berkeley, 2001), Opera News, Feb. 2002, 94.Google Scholar
5 Among the few studies of concert behaviour, I must at least mention Heister, Hanns-Werner, Das Konzert: Theorie einer Kultform, 2 vols (Wilhelmshaven, 1983); andGoogle ScholarJohnson, James H., Listening in Paris: A Cultural History (Berkeley, 1995)Google Scholar; insightful objections to the latter are offered in the review by Smart, Mary Ann, in 19th-Century Music, 20 (1996–1997): 291–7.CrossRefGoogle Scholar On how to ‘read’ concert attendance and behaviour, see various passages (e.g. 161–5) in my ‘Music Lovers, Patrons, and the “Sacralization” of Culture in America’, 19th-Century Music, 17 (1993–1994): 149–73;CrossRefGoogle Scholar corrigendum in 18 (1994–95): 83–4; and my contribution (untitled) to the Round Table on ‘Directions in Musicology’ in Musicology and Sister Disciplines: Past, Present, Future: Proceedings of the 16th International Congress of the International Musicological Society, London, 1997, ed. Greer, David, Rumbold, Ian, and King, Jonathan (London, 2000), 209–17.Google Scholar On the value and impact of music criticism, even or especially by ‘amateurs’ (non-musicians), see the remarks in Parker's, Roger introduction to Reading Critics Reading: Opera and Ballet Criticism in France from the Revolution to 1848 (Oxford, 2001), 1–9Google Scholar.
6 Concepts of canon and ‘standard repertoire’ grew in close tandem, across the nineteenth century and into the twentieth, with the professional orchestra, the opera industry (with its contrasting stagione and repertoire systems), the oratorio society, the piano, violin, and song recital, and the chamber music concert. A bare-bones list of stimulating and relevant writings might include McVeigh, Simon, Concert Life in London from Haydn to Mozart (Cambridge, 1993)Google Scholar; Weber, William, Music and the Middle Class: The Social Structure of Concert Life in London, Paris and Vienna (London, 1975)Google Scholar; Rosselli, John, The Opera Industry in Italy from Cimarosa to Verdi: The Role of the Impresario (Cambridge, 1984)Google Scholar; Arthur Loesser's still valuable (well-researched though, alas, under-documented) Men, Women, and Pianos: A Social History (New York, 1954)Google Scholar; Fauquet, Joël-Marie, Les Sociétés de musique de chambre à Paris de la Restauration à 1870 (Paris, 1986)Google Scholar; on Fauquet’s book, see my review in Journal of the American Musicological Society, 43 (1990): 505–13, and 45 (1992): 546Google Scholar.
7 The masterpiece ethic, with its hierarchical system of value, is closely related to the ideas (or myths) of absolute music and of music's quasi-religious powers of spiritual uplift that flourished in the nineteenth century, as the eighteenth century's ‘acknowledgement of excellence’ (within accepted conventions) was gradually replaced by ‘recognition of [a] greatness … capable of remaking the conventions’. See, for extensive discussion, chs 2, 10, 11, and 12 in The Cambridge History of Nineteenth-Century Music, ed. Samson, Jim (Cambridge, 2002)Google Scholar – the quotation is from Samson's own chapter, ‘The Great Composer’, 259 (259–84) – and three recent books regarding Germany in particular: Danuser, Hermann and Münkler, Herfried, eds, Deutsche Meister – böse Geister? Nationale Selbstfindung in der Musik (Schliengen, 2001)Google Scholar; Gramit, David, Cultivating Music: The Aspirations, Interests, and Limits of German Musical Culture, 1770–1848 (Berkeley, 2002);Google Scholar and Applegate, Celia and Potter, Pamela, eds, Music and German National Identity (Chicago, 2002)Google Scholar.
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9 See Nattiez, Jean-Jacques, Tétralogies Wagner, Boulez, Chéreau: Essai sur l'infidélité (Paris, 1983), a response to this Bayreuth production.Google Scholar
10 Huebner, Steven, French Opera at the fin de siécle: Wagnerism, Nationalism, and Style (London, 1999), ix.Google Scholar
11 A few of her librettos for opéras-comiques and mélodrames survive, as do the titles of a few others (see the article in the revised New Grove).
12 I borrow the term from Rose Subotnik's argument in favour of a ‘replete’ sense of another matter: the concept of structural listening. See her Deconstructive Variations: Music and Reason in Western Society (Minneapolis, 1996), 151.Google Scholar On the tension between history based on popularity and wide dissemination and one based on a work's breakthrough properties or significant later influence, see Dahlhaus, Carl, Foundations of Music History, trans. Robinson, J. B. (Cambridge, 1983), 19–33, 85–107. Significantly, Dahlhausŝ examples (few as they are) tend to be recognized complex masterpieces (Haydn's Creation) or works that, though poorly received in their day, proved to be steps towards a composer's more mature and lasting works (Wagner's Rienzi)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
13 Dahlhaus, Carl, Nineteenth-Century Music, trans. Robinson, J. Bradford (Berkeley, 1989), 311–20.Google Scholar Dahlhaus explored ‘trivial music’ more extensively in a collection that he edited, Studien zur Trivialmusik des 19. Jahrhunderts (Regensburg, 1967), and in his bookGoogle ScholarAnalysis and Value Judgement, trans. Levarie, Siegmund (New York, 1983)Google Scholar.
14 On possible ways to include more non-masterpiece music (e.g. parlour songs) in a historical overview of nineteenth-century music, see my article ‘What Chopin (and Mozart and Others) Heard: Folk, Popular, “Functional” and Non-Western Musics in the Classic-Romantic Survey Course’, in Teaching Music History, ed. Natvig, Mary (London, 2002), 25–42Google Scholar.
15 A Maiden's Prayer (Priére d'une vierge) is dismissed in both editions of New Grove as being ‘of no artistic merit” and is perhaps more familiar today through its being quoted (and described – by a tasteless boor – as an example of ‘ewige Kunst“) in Weill's Aufstieg und Fall der Stadt Mahagonny (1930).
16 For Small's recent thoughts on ‘musicking” (all the activities involved in making, disseminating, and receiving/enjoying music) see his ‘Why Doesn't the Whole World Love Chamber Music?” American Music, 19 (2001): 340–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
17 For a thoughtful overview and previous literature, see Notley, Margaret, ‘Schubert’s Social Music’, in The Cambridge Companion to Schubert, ed. Gibbs, Christopher (Cambridge, 1997), 138–54, 308–10Google Scholar.
18 Lightly adapted from Locke, Ralph P. (writing under the pseudonym ‘Scrivens’), ‘The Juice of Life: Getting Romantic with Romantic Music’, Pendragon Review: A Journal of Musical Romanticism, 1/1 (Spring 2001): 46–7 (45–60).Google Scholar My use of a pseudonym was a response to the editors' call for essays from ‘contributors who wish to publish their work anonymously’ as a way of reviving an intriguing journalistic tradition of the nineteenth century. ‘We welcome opinion pieces … [but the pseudonymous authors must not] attack or defame the opinions or work of others’ (Michael Saffle, ‘Isn't It Romantic? or: The First Issue of The Pendragon Review’, in ibid., 3–6, quote from p. 3). My article, the only one that took up the journal’s offer/challenge, generated one lively interchange with a reader, Brahms scholar Avins, Styra (Pendragon Review, 2/1 (2003), forthcoming).Google Scholar The Review is, unfortunately, scheduled to cease publication after vol. 2, no. 2, but contains a number of significant contributions by other authors, e.g. Jonathan Bellman (see below), Peter Bloom, Janice Dickensheets, Valerie Errante, Heather Platt, and Mark De Voto.
19 Noske, Frits, French Song from Berlioz to Duparc: The Origin and Development of the Mélodie, rev. Benton, Rita and Noske, Frits, trans. Benton, Rita (New York, 1970), 169, 172, 231, 296.Google Scholar
20 See Locke, Ralph P., ‘The French Symphony: David, Gounod, and Bizet to SaintSaëns, Franck, and Their Followers’, in The Nineteenth-Century Symphony, ed. Holoman, D. Kern (New York, 1997), 163–94.Google Scholar The early Saint-Saëns symphonies, as well as Gounod's two symphonies and the Bizet symphony, go oddly unmentioned in James Hepokoski's otherwise wide-ranging overview, ‘Beethoven Reception: The Symphonic Tradition’, in Samson, , The Cambridge History of Nineteenth-Century Music, 424–59.Google Scholar They probably belong in his category no. 1 (traditional symphonies), which they would greatly enrich: the only other major composer listed there is Dvořàk (the early symphonies).
21 Balfe, William, The Bohemian Girl, cond. Richard Bonynge, Argo CD set 433 324/ 326–2.Google Scholar.
22 Parakilas, James et al. , Piano Roles: Three Hundred Years of Life with the Piano (New Haven, 1999), 202–4;Google ScholarClark, Maribeth, ‘The Quadrille as Embodied Musical Experience in 19th-Century Paris”, Journal of Musicology, 19 (2002): 503–26; andCrossRefGoogle Scholar Scrivens [Locke], ‘Getting Romantic’, 47–52.
23 Parakilas, , Piano Roles, 203.Google Scholar
24 Clark, ‘Quadrille’. An important book on salon music, by Andreas Ballstaedt and Tobias Widmaier, focuses primarily on character pieces for piano rather than on dances and operatic arrangements; still, it offers wide-ranging stylistic and contextual observations relevant to the quadrille: Salonmusik: Zur Geschichte und Funktion einer bürgerlichen Musikpraxis (Stuttgart, 1989Google Scholar; published as Beihefte zum Archiv für Musikwissenschaft 28), e.g. 258–67 (limited technical demands and stereotyped left-hand patterns), 305–6 (dancing in the private home).
25 Le Magasin des demoiselles, musical supplements from various issues of vols 14–28 (from 1857–58 to 1871–72), binder's collection (bound in or after 1902), purchased by me from a book dealer in the 1970s. The musical supplements also include many original dances by minor composers, e.g. a polka-mazurka entitled Berthe, by J. E. Legouix (23, no. 6). Le Magasin seems not to have been a magazine at all in the conventional sense but – befitting the word “magasin’ in French – an ever-renewable collection of objects of presumed interest to young women, such as sewing patterns, engravings of fashionable clothing (and, occasionally, ‘modes anciennes’), watercolours of birds and flowers, illustrated puzzles, a datebook-calendar every year, and, 14 times a year, musical supplements, including numbers from an opérette (advertisement to 23 (1866–67), no. 5). Thus what I've here called musical supplements weren't, in a sense, supplementary but, rather, core items.
26 Perhaps tastes varied with time: Clark, looking at quadrilles from the 1830s and 1840s, found a good number that were based on serious operas. See, in her dissertation, ‘Understanding French Grand Opera through Dance’ (University of Pennsylvania, 1998), the quadrilles reproduced on pp. 240–73, all drawing on Auber's La Muette de Portici.Google Scholar
27 Clark, , ‘Quadrille’, 505.Google Scholar
28 J. J. J. Diaz, summarized (from an article in the Revue et gazette musicale de Paris)in Clark, , ‘Quadrille’, 519–20Google Scholar.
29 Dinorah is now available, in a deft modern performance on three CDs, from the invaluable recording firm Opera Rara (ORC 5).
30 On the Jewish background and cultural identity of Johann Strauss, Jr., see Dachs, Robert, Strauss, Johann, ‘Was geh' ich mich an?’: Glanz und Dunkelheit im Leben des Walzerkönigs (Graz, 1999), 31–5, 141–53Google Scholar.
31 Clark: ‘The identity of the quadrille was linked more with the [dance] figures and the formal construction of five movements than with a strict metrical emphasis’ and implies that 2/4 and 6/8 were used more or less interchangeably, at least in the 1830s and 1840s (‘Quadrille’, 504–5). But I notice that, for example, in the first 11 quadrilles in the aforementioned binder's collection (from 1857 to 1862), all the ‘Poule’ movements are in 6/8 (whereas the ‘Eté’ movements are always in 2/4), all have a distinctive internal design (involving a coda printed in the middle of the movement; the ‘Pantalon’ movements often have this design as well), and nearly all contain (printed after that coda) a brief contrasting section in either IV or, in one refreshing case each, III, vi, or flat-VI. (I exclude as announcedly anomalous the two dances in 17, no. 6, that are described as ‘nouveau’ and contain printed choreographic instructions.) Clearly, the relationship between music (metre, form), mood, and choreographic figures in each of the standard five quadrille movements deserves closer study.
32 More precisely, Marx's version begins much like Ex. 2 and continues in that mood, but the tune closes itself out more in the manner of an earlier, less developmental passage in the overture (which is likewise in 6/8, but had a skipping accompaniment that clearly was not Poule-ish enough for Marx's needs).
33 This is made explicit in the instructions for Le Prince impérial: nouveau quadrille français (17, no. 6): ‘Chaque figure se dit quatre fois en commençant par le couple no. 1’ (p. 3). Further on the interaction of steps and musical phrases in nineteenth-century dance, see the comments of A. B. Marx summarized and elaborated in Yaraman, Sevin H., Revolving Embrace: The Waltz as Sex, Steps, and Sound (Hillsdale, NY, 2002), 17–41Google Scholar.
34 For ‘chut’, see the quadrille by Arban on Clapisson's Margot, in 14, no. 6; for ‘Turkish’ moments and varied repeats: Turcos [i.e. Turks, in Spanish]: Quadrille militaire, in 19, no. 5; for ‘menuet’: La Duchesse, a diagonal quadrille, in 20, no. 11; and, for sudden violin, the aforementioned Le Prince impérial.
35 Clark, ‘Quadrille’, 519. See also Christensen, Thomas, ‘Four-Hand Piano Transcription and Geographies of Nineteenth-Century Musical Reception’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 52 (1999): 255–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
36 Bérat, Frédéric, in his editorial comments to Musique des chansons de Béranger: airs notés et modernes … augmentée de la musique des chansons posthumes [et] d'airs composes par Béranger, Halévy, Gounod et Laurent de Rillé, 9th edn rev. (Paris, 1868), 307, 309. SeeGoogle ScholarLocke, Ralph P., ‘The Political Chansons of Béranger: Artistry for Progressive Social Change’, in Musik/Revolution: Festschrift für Georg Knepler zum 90. Geburtstag, ed. Heister, Hanns-Werner, 3 vols (Hamburg, 1997), 2: 127 (115–32), andGoogle ScholarLocke, Ralph P., ‘The Music of the French Chanson, 1810–50’, in Music in Paris in the Eighteen-Thirties / La Musique á Paris dans les années mil huit cent trente, ed. Bloom, Peter A., vol. 4 of La Vie musicale en France au xixe siécle (Stuyvesant, NY, 1987), 431–56Google Scholar.
37 Carl Michael Bellman (1740–95) was so well known that King Gustavus III put him on the royal payroll to free him to write his songs. His two best-known collections, Fredmans Epistlar and Fredmans Sånger, are recorded complete on 10 CDs: Proprius 9131–5 and 9146–9, respectively.
38 Hamm, Charles, Yesterdays: Popular Song in America (New York, 1979)Google Scholar; Finson, Jon, The Voices That Are Gone: Themes in Nineteenth-Century American Popular Song (New York, 1994)Google Scholar.
39 Scott, Derek B., The Singing Bourgeois: Songs of the Victorian Drawing Room and Parlour, 2nd edn (Aldershot, 2001).Google Scholar
40 Barbier, Pierre and Vernillat, France, eds, Histoire de France par les chansons, 8 vols (Paris, 1956–1961).Google Scholar
41 I discuss this repertoire in two articles: ‘The Political Chansons of Béranger’, and ‘The Music of the French Political Chanson, 1810–50’, in Bloom, , Music in Paris in the Eighteen-Thirties / La Musique á Paris dans les années mil huit cent trente, 431–56.Google Scholar On one particular set of ‘topian socialist’ songwriters, see my Music, Musicians, and the Saint-Simonians (Chicago, 1986),Google Scholar especially ch. 11 and app. C. The French version of the book gives the original wording of all quoted documents (which are mostly in English in the 1986 version): Locke, Ralph P., Les Saint-Simoniens et la musique, trans. Haine, Malou and Haine, Philippe (Liége, 1992).Google Scholar
42 The tune in Fig. 1 is no. 91 in Bérat, , Musique des chansons de Béranger, 58.Google Scholar
43 The full text of the song can be consulted in various Béranger anthologies, such as Béranger, P.-J. de, Œuvres de Béranger, 3 vols, 8th edn (Paris, 1861), orGoogle ScholarBarbier, and Vernillat, , Histoire de France par les chansons, 6: 67.Google Scholar A sassy recording was once available in the parallel four-LP collection Histoire de France par les chansons, Le Chant du Monde LDX 74461/64 (Paul Barré, singer, and Monique Rollin, guitar); it uses an alternative tune (no. 91bis) published in Bérat, , ed., Musique des chansons de Béranger, 58–9Google Scholar.
44 An extreme, though not unadmiring, instance of this tendency towards emphasizing the looseness in Schubert's forms is Adorno's, Theodor W. influential essay ‘Schubert’, in his Moments musicaux: Neu gedruckte Aufsätze 1928–1962 (Frankfurt, 1964), 18–33Google Scholar (essay originally published in 1928). Adorno argues that the (relatively independent) tunes in Schubert's (relatively episodic) instrumental works are like contrasting facets of a crystal (p. 29), without ‘dialectical’ connection to each other (p. 27), and thereby lend themselves to the ‘pot-pourri’ treatment that they receive in the operetta Das Dreimädlerhaus more than passages from the more tightly constructed works of Mozart or Beethoven would have (p. 22). James Webster emphasizes more forthrightly the novelty and impact of Schubert's procedures: ‘chubert's Sonata Form and Brahms's First Maturity’, 19th- Century Music, 2 (1978–1979): 18–35 and 3 (1979–80): 52–71.CrossRefGoogle Scholar A related issue, much debated, is whether Schubert is (or is perceived as) a Biedermeier figure (hence, to some degree, sentimental, decorative, weak-spined, or feminized): see various articles in the recent collection Schubert und das Biedermeier: Beiträge zur Musik des frühen 19. Jahrhunderts: Festschrift für Walther Dürr zum 70. Geburtstag, ed. Kube, Michael, Aderhold, Werner, and Litschauer, Walburga (Kassel, 2002)Google Scholar.
45 Godel, Arthur, Schuberts letzte drei Klaviersonaten (D 958–960): Entstehungsgeschichte, Entwurf und Reinschrift, Werkanalyse (Baden-Baden, 1985), 135–6.Google Scholar Godel actually says 2 + 3 (not 2 + 4), for a seeming total of 13; he seems to be momentarily miscounting (easy to do when phrases begin, as here, with long upbeats).
46 Kinderman, William, ‘Schubert's Piano Music: Probing the Human Condition’, in Gibbs, The Cambridge Companion to Schubert, 173, 155 (155–73).Google Scholar
47 Ibid., 173.
48 Adorno observes that, in Schubert sonata movements, ‘harmonic shifts” rather than ‘developmental transition passages’ are what lead to ‘a region marked by a new landscape’ (ein neues Landschaftsbereich, i.e. the contrasting theme) – ‘Schubert’, 28. For more recent instances of this emphasis on the disjunction at the beginning of the lyrical theme, see McClary, Susan, ‘Constructions of Subjectivity in Schubert's Music’, in Queering the Pitch: The New Gay and Lesbian Musicology, ed. Brett, Philip, Wood, Elizabeth, and Thomas, Gary C. (New York, 1994), 205–33;Google ScholarSolomon, Maynard, ‘Franz Schubert and the Peacocks of Benvenuto Cellini’, 19th-Century Music, 12 (1989–1990): 193–206CrossRefGoogle Scholar (esp., at the end of the article, Solomon's resonant invocation of struggle and drastic contrasts in Schubert's music); Fisk, Charles, Returning Cycles: Contexts for the Interpretation of Schubert's Impromptus and Last Sonatas (Berkeley, 2001); andCrossRefGoogle Scholar August Gerstmeier, ‘Trügerisches Glück: Zur Generalpause bei Franz Schubert’, in Kube, et al. , Schubert und das Biedermeier, 91–101Google Scholar.
49 Gerstmeier, , ‘Trügerisches Glück’, 91, 93, 101.Google Scholar Gerstmeier, to be accurate, uses expressions of this sort more or less interchangeably to refer to sudden lyrical moments (as above) and instances in which the opposite happens: an idyll is broken suddenly by a rest and followed by music that is stormy and erratically phrased.
50 Badura-Skoda, Eva, ‘The Piano Works of Schubert’, in Nineteenth-Century Piano Music, ed. Todd, R. Larry (New York, 1989), 131 (97–146).Google Scholar
51 Godel, , Klaviersonaten, 136.Google Scholar A similar point is made in Fisk, , Returning Cycles, 185–6.Google Scholar See also Wollenberg, Susan: ‘“Dort, wo du nicht bist, dort ist das Glück”: Reflections on Schubert's Second Themes’, Schubert durch die Brille: Mitteilungen, 30 (Jan. 2003): 90–100Google Scholar.
52 Schubert, Piano Sonata in C minor D958 (1827), played by Paul Badura-Skoda on an instrument by J. M. Schweighofer (Vienna, c.1846), Arcana CD A17 (942 017). For comparison, one might hear the equally remarkable but less frankly rhetorical, less choral-sounding, recording by Alfred Brendel (on a modern piano): Philips Duo CDs 438 703-2.
53 The Schubert passage thus resembles certain of the Lieder ohne Worte of Felix Mendelssohn that scholars have long recognized as being ‘choral’ in texture – see Tischler, Louise H. and Tischler, Hans, ‘Mendelssohn's Songs without Words’, Musical Quarterly, 33 (1947): 1–16.Google Scholar Badura-Skoda's interpretive pauses for ‘breath’ are similar in effect to the composed pauses in Samuel Barber's Adagio for Strings op. 11a (1939), which likewise encourages us ‘hear’ the instrumental ensemble as a kind of chorus. (Barber later arranged the movement as a choral Agnus Dei.)
54 Bartha, Denés, ‘Song Form and the Concept of “Quatrain”, in Haydn Studies: Report of the International Haydn Conference, Washington, D.C., 1975, ed. Larsen, Jens Peter, Serwer, Howard, Webster, James (New York, 1981), 353–5;Google Scholar and Dent, Edward J., comparing Bellini tunes to ‘The British Grenadiers’, in The Rise of Romantic Opera, ed. Dean, Winton (Cambridge, 1976), 169–70.Google Scholar For a more recent taxonomy, see the dissertation (University of Minnesota) by Wood, Graham, ‘The Development of Song Forms in the Broadway and Hollywood Musicals of Richard Rodgers, 1919–1943’ (Ann Arbor, 2000).Google Scholar On structural conventions in primo ottocento operatic melodies, see e.g. Moreen, Robert A., ‘Integration of Text Forms and Musical Forms in Verdi's Early Operas’, Ph.D. diss., Princeton University (Ann Arbor, 1975)Google Scholar; Balthazar, Scott, ‘Rossini and the Development of the Mid-Century Lyric Form’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 41 (1988): 102–25; andCrossRefGoogle ScholarHuebner, Steven, ‘Lyric Form in Ottocento Opera’, Journal of the Royal Musical Association, 117 (1992): 123–47CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
55 See, for an example of an enriching coda, the cantabile for Lucia and Edgardo, in Donizetti's Lucia di Lammermoor (1835), Act 1: ‘Deh! ti placa, deh! ti frena’. That coda is not unrelated to the tune itself: the primary motif of the coda (5–8–3–6–5, bar 19, on the words ‘Santo d'ogni vo[to]’) is a lightly coloratura elaboration of the 8–6–5 descent that opened the tune (filled in as 8–7–6–5) and that was made more obvious upon its second statement (bar 5: 8–7–high2–8–6–5). Particularly artful is the two-bar join between the 16-bar AA'BA' tune and the coda: it is based on the B phrase but reconfigured to move not to iii (minor mode suitable to ‘pena’) but to the subdominant major (‘l'amor t'infammi il petto’), and its IV simultaneously becomes the springboard for a cadential progression that is completed by the harmonies that begin the coda: I-6/4 V I.
56 The basic facts of Bland's career are well laid out in the various New Grove dictionaries (1980, 2001, and The New Grove Dictionary of American Music, 1986), the one remaining dispute being how many songs he wrote (40 or 600 [sic] or some number in between).
57 Facsimile (1880s?) in Popular Songs of Nineteenth-Century America: Complete Original Sheet Music for 64 Songs, ed. Jackson, Richard L. (New York, 1976), 87–90.Google Scholar The most standard version of the tune is the one given in such sources as the Sing Along with Mitch, with song arrangements by Jimmy Carroll [and Lenny Carroll] (n.p., 1961), 76–8. Wells, Paul F. informs me that the version in the Kate Smith Memories Song Book (New York, 1932)Google Scholar begins in the standard way but dips down to the low 6–6–5 for notes 14–16, as if preserving them from bar 14 (not shown in Ex. 5c) of the verse of Bland's original version. Concerning the (today) troublesome words: Mitch Miller's version, popularized on a best-selling LP recording and presumably also on his family-oriented TV show, replaces ‘you could hear us darkies singing’ with ‘you can hear our friends all singing’. Another mass-market version, perhaps more insultingly, opts for ‘we could hear those people singing [i.e. Negroes with their banjos?]’ and, perhaps out of ignorance, suppresses Bland's authorship entirely, labelling the song ‘Traditional’: The Famous Choraliers and the Longines Symphonette in the World's Most Honored Family Singing and Listening Songs, conducted by Mishel Piastro and Eugene Lowell – Columbia Records Special Products 10-LP set, n.d. [c.1965], disc 4, XSV86164).
58 Cockrell, Dale, Demons of Disorder: Early Blackface Minstrels and Their World (Cambridge, 1997);Google Scholar and Levine, Lawrence W., Highbrow/Lowbrow: The Emergence of Cultural Hierarchy in America (Cambridge, Mass., 1988), 29, 90–91Google Scholar.
59 One is the tune from the ‘sextet’, to be discussed in a moment. In contrast, Lucia's aforementioned ‘Deh, ti placa’, though set to an ottonario text, often creates longer than usual phrases through word repetition. Perhaps Donizetti was adapting the words to a pre-composed melody (as Bellini often, and Verdi sometimes, did).
60 The words ‘in de ebening by de moonlight’ are freshened by the fact of closing a two-bar musical phrase after having initiated the first two such phrases.
61 Kerman, Joseph and Grey, Thomas, ‘Verdi's Groundswells: Surveying an Operatic Convention’, in Analyzing Opera: Verdi and Wagner, ed. Abbate, Carolyn and Parker, Roger (Berkeley, 1989), 176 (153–79).Google Scholar The passage is praised (as pure music) by Lévi-Strauss, Claude, in Look, Listen, Read, trans. Singer, Brian C. J. (New York, 1997), 117:Google Scholar ‘When I hear Lucia di Lammermoor anew on the radio, recalling the plot would, I believe, add nothing to the emotion produced by the fortissimo of the sextuor’.
62 More precisely, the high passage for soprano (repeated Bs followed by Aand G: a turn around 5 of the tonic to which the music is now returning) grows out of her F EDtwo bars earlier (a turn around E, the tonic of the momentarily prevailing, and anguished, E flat minor harmony); both of these derive, through expressive alteration of the third pitch in the three-note fragment, from the codetta to the tune (beginning DC BA8 7 6 6 5 #4 5 7 6 5 5), which itself derives plainly from pitches 9–11 of the ‘Chi mi frena’ melody (a descending scale fragment on scale steps 8 7 6), which at a different scalar level began the whole tune (3 2 1 on ‘tal momen-“).
63 Yradier's El arreglito is performed by Noemì Mazoy, soprano, César Carazo, tenor, and other members of Axivil Criollo, directed by Felipe Sánchez on RTVE Música 64073.
64 Even at the end of the song, Pepito is declaring his eternal love and faithfulness and desire to marry her, whereas Chinita declares, with seemingly more restraint (or more appropriateness to a woman?), merely that she is happy to be his match (‘tu arreglito’) and will never change her mind. A note of caution: deciding which phrases (hence words) are sung by Pepito and which by Chinita is a matter for guesswork, since the voices are both written on a single line, never overlap, and the characters are not named above the staff. (We only know their names/nicknames because the two characters sing them: ‘Chinita mia’, etc.) Perhaps Yradier or his publisher intended to allow the possibility that the song be sung by a single vocalist using two differentiated voices (as in some Schubert, Schumann, and Brahms songs). My interpretation here follows the sensible but by no means indisputable decisions in the RTVE recording of which passages to assign to the man and which to the woman.
65 I discuss that moment, and Carmen's duplicitous ‘Oui’, in ‘What Are These Women Doing in Opera?’ in En travesti: Women, Gender Subversion, Opera, ed. Blackmer, Corinne and Smith, Patricia Juliana (New York, 1995), 69–74 (59–98).Google Scholar
66 Chansons espagnoles del maestro Yradier (avec double texte espagnol et français), trans. Bernard, Paul and Tagliafico, D. (Paris, c. 1870), 18–25.Google Scholar
67 Manuel, Peter, ‘From Scarlatti to “Guantanamera”: Dual Tonicity in Spanish and Latin American Musics’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 55 (2002): 311–36.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
68 The song, originally included in his theatre work El criado fingido (1804), is easily available (in a version that differs in slight but significant ways from the original – for one thing, it consistently raises the fourth degree in the vocal cadenza) in Spanish Theater Songs: Baroque and Classical Eras, ed. Mikkelsen, Carol (Van Nuys, Calif., 1998), 49–53;Google Scholar this is based on a version published in 1888 by Edoardo Ocón. Bizet probably had access to the version published in Échos d'Espagne, ed. Lacome, P. and Alsubide, J. Puig y (Paris, [1872]), 78–82Google Scholar (drastically altered instrumental opening, more obviously guitar-like; but the cadenza preserves García's natural fourth degree). For a more reliable modern edition, see Radomski, James, Manuel García (1775–1832): The Life of a bel canto Tenor at the Dawn of Romanticism (Oxford, 2000), 326–41.Google Scholar The recording with tenor Ernesto Palacio and pianist Juan José Chuquisengo (Almaviva CD DS 0114) uses a somewhat different, equally fine edition made by Celsa Alonso, based on the version published by Paccini (Regalo Lírico, no. 5; also MS 13337 in the Bibliothe`que nationale). Some relatively early (pre-Lacome/Puig and pre-Ocón) version or other of the song was known to Julien Tiersot (from Rafael Mitjana's article in the Lavignac Encyclopédie, 1920); he made astute remarks comparing it to Bizet's entŕacte – Tiersot, Julien, ‘Bizet and Spanish Music’, Musical Quarterly, 13 (1927): 566–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar (and he prints the text of Bizet's Conservatoire Library book-request slip asking for books of Spanish music but, alas, naming no composers or titles).
69 Radomski draws attention to a possible parallel between Ex. 7 (Bizet's flute solo) and García's piano introduction (not García's vocalises – my Ex. 8) by simply reprinting, without discussion, a few bars of their respective melody lines. Mikkelsen, similarly, is struck by the similarity between the Bizet flute passage and García's introduction (Spanish Theater Songs, 49). But Échos d'Espagne contains not that introduction but a substantially different one (presumably by the arranger, Puig). True, it is not inconceivable that Bizet did know some version of the original introduction, perhaps through access to the Paccini print or the MS (see previous note); this is not at all unlikely, as he knew García's daughter, the great mezzo-soprano and gifted composer Pauline Viardot. But, given that García's introduction is itself based on the vocalises later in the song and that it differs from Bizet's passage more than the vocalises do (notably in its augmented second between degrees 6 and 7), there seems no reason to grant it any influence. Radomski and Mikkelsen may have been struck by a similarity (perhaps coincidental) of structural function: Bizet's flute solo, like García's introduction, is a kind of ‘frame’ for the main tune (only it follows the tune instead of preceding it).
70 Intriguingly, Bizet's rejected first setting of the habanera text has now been reconstructed and recorded for the first time (sung by Angela Gheorghiu on Michel Plasson's recording: EMI Classics 57434).
71 Another García song, Rosal (published in Paris in the Caprichos liricos españoles, 1830, though the songs were mostly composed years earlier), ends, in aforementioned classic Hispanic fashion, ‘on the dominant chord’ (as it would be heard in non-Hispanic contexts): Celsa Alonso would, instead, describe such a passage as relying on the cadencia andaluza. And El Riqui-Riqui, Alonso notes, is an early example of a composed guaracha (‘Las canciones de Manuel García’, booklet notes to the aforementioned recording, DS 0114, pp. 23, 25 (18–25)).
72 The García connection to the Veil Song seems not to have been noticed: Budden, at least, makes no mention of it (Operas of Verdi, 3: 69: ‘pleasant little mock-Moorish folly … [whose] stylized exoticism … [includes] the flamboyant pseudo-flamenco cadenza at the end’). For other versions of the cadenza, used in rehearsals or various early performances, see the critical edition of Don Carlos (in piano-vocal score), ed. Günther, Ursula and Pettazoni, Luigi, 2 vols (Milan, 1974), 1: 158–9.Google Scholar All of the versions agree in sharpening the fourth degree in the final bars, thus departing from García's original (and from the version in Echos d'Espagne and anticipating the 1888 version and its progeny –see n. 68).
73 Deutsche Grammophon LP 415 316-1; Polygram 15316 (the opera's first complete recording sung in the original French, conducted by Claudio Abbado).
74 There are brief references to individual national anthems in Man and Music: The Early Nineteenth Century: Between Revolutions, 1789–1848, ed. Ringer, Alexander L. (London, 1991), 8, 25, 34, 287, and 290.Google Scholar (The title of the Man and Music series was altered to Music and Society for the US edition.)
75 My reaction is no doubt coloured by memories of a performance of the ballet – by a well-drilled student orchestra accompanying less-persuasive student dancers – that I attended in April 1976 at the Butler University Romantic Festival (Indianapolis, Ind.).
76 Farrell, Gerry, Indian Music and the West (Oxford, 1997)Google Scholar; Woodfield, Ian, Music of the Raj: A Social and Economic History of Music in Late Eighteenth-Century Anglo-Indian Society (New York, 2000)Google Scholar.
77 See Bellman's, Jonathan thoughtful account: ‘The “Noble Pathways of the National”: Romantic and Modern Reactions to National Music’, Pendragon Review, 1/2 (Fall 2001): 45–65.Google Scholar
78 On Europeans' and Americans' sources of knowledge about distant cultures during the nineteenth century, see my ‘Exoticism and Orientalism in Music: Problems for the Worldly Critic’, in Edward Said and the Work of the Critic: Speaking Truth to Power, ed. Bové, Paul A. (Durham, NC, 2000), 257–81, 306–12.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
79 See e.g. Taruskin's, Richard preface to his Defining Russia Musically: Historical and Hermeneutical Essays (Princeton, 1997), xi–xxxii.Google Scholar
80 In addition to oft-cited books by Bryan Magee, Jacob Katz, Mark Weiner, Paul Lawrence Rose, and Lydia Goehr, see two recent studies: Thomas Grey, ‘Masters and Their Critics: Wagner, Hanslick, Beckmesser, and Die Meistersinger’, and Hans Rudolph Vaget, ‘“Du warst mein Feind von je“: The Beckmesser Controversy’, both in Wagner's Meistersinger: Performance, History, Representation, ed. Vazsonyi, Nicholas (Rochester, NY, 2002), respectively: 165–89 and 190–208Google Scholar.
81 Citron, Marcia J., Gender and the Musical Canon (Cambridge, 1993), 132–45.Google ScholarMcClary, Susan, ‘Getting Down Off the Beanstalk: The Presence of a Woman's Voice in Janika Vandervelde's Genesis II’, in her Feminine Endings: Music, Gender, and Sexuality (Minneapolis, 1991), 112–31, esp. 126–31 (an otherwise unrevised reprint, 2002, contains a new introduction by the author); and, on newspaper and ‘general-audience’ reactions to issues of sexuality (including homosexuality) in classical music, McClary, ‘Constructions of Subjectivity’, 206–7.Google ScholarKnapp, Raymond, ‘Passing – and Failing – in Late Nineteenth- Century Russia; or Why We Should Care about the Cuts in Tchaikovsky's Violin Concerto’, 19th-Century Music, 26 (2002–2003): 195–234.Google Scholar A cautionary note about gendered readings of sonata form is sounded in Hepokoski, James, ‘Masculine-Feminine’, Musical Times (Aug. 1994): 494–9Google Scholar.
82 Notley, Margaret A., ‘Brahms as Liberal: Genre, Style, and Politics in Late Nineteenth-Century Vienna’, 19th-Century Music, 17 (1993–1994): 107–23.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
83 Parakilas, Piano Roles. The 2002 paperback has an altered subtitle (A New History of the Piano) and fewer illustrations.
84 Fisk, , Returning Cycles, 192.Google Scholar
85 See the thoughtful review by Burnham, Scott, 19th-Century Music, 26 (2002–2003): 178–84.Google Scholar
86 The uncomfortable position that such lost works put the music scholar in is well familiar to dance historians because choreographic movement was only sketchily notated before around 1900 and, even after, is not reliably reconstructable until one reaches works that were filmed or videotaped in their original productions. See e.g. Smith, Marian, Ballet and Opera in the Age of Giselle (Princeton, 2000), andGoogle Scholar the insightful review by Clark, Maribeth, Cambridge Opera Journal, 13 (2001): 191–6.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Indeed, sometimes the surviving evidence of lost dance works and lost operas, for example, is quite similar (see n. 11).