^{page 419 note 1} Köster, H., ‘┌ΝωΜΑ| Δ|ΑΦΟΡΟ|: the origin and nature of diversification in the history of early Christianity’, H. Th. Rev. LVIII (1965), 279–318CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. p. 380.

^{page 419 note 2} Aspects du Judéo-Christianisme, colloque de Strasbourg, 23–25 avril 1964 (Paris, 1965).Google Scholar

^{page 419 note 3} Judéo-Christianisme. Recherches historiques et théologiques offertes en hommage au Cardinal Jean Daniélou (Paris, 1972).Google Scholar

^{page 419 note 4} Baur, F. C., ‘Die Christuspartei in der korinthischen Gemeinde, der Gegensatz des petrinischen und paulinischen Christenthums in der ältesten Kirche, der Apostel Paulus in Rom’, Tübinger Zeitschr. für Theol. (1831), 3. H. pp. 61–206, p. 84Google Scholar, cf. pp. 97/8.

^{page 419 note 5} Baur, art. cit. p. 107, about Philippians, p. 107, and about Galatians, pp. 108–14.

^{page 419 note 6} Baur, art. cit. pp. 114–15, Irenaeus, cf., adv. haer. I. 26Google Scholar, Eusebius, hist. eccl. III. 27 and Epiphanius, , pan. XXX.Google Scholar

^{page 420 note 1} Baur, art. cit. pp. 163–4.

^{page 420 note 2} Ibid. 165–6.

^{page 420 note 3} Ibid. 116–17, cf. Gal. ii. 12.

^{page 420 note 4} Schoeps, H. J., Theologie und Geschichte des Judenchristentums (Tübingen, 1949).Google Scholar

^{page 420 note 5} Hilgenfeld, A., Judentum und Judenchristentum (Leipzig, 1886, reprint Hildensheim, 1966), pp. 116–17.Google Scholar

^{page 420 note 6} Ibid. p. 117.

^{page 420 note 7} Ibid. pp. 117–20.

^{page 420 note 8} Ibid. p. 118.

^{page 421 note 1} Ibid. p. 10.

^{page 421 note 2} Hort, F. J. A., Judaistic Christianity (Cambridge and London, 1894)Google Scholar; Harnack, A., Lehrbuch der Dogmengeschichte (Tübingen, 1909 ⁴), pp. 310–34Google Scholar; and Seeberg, R., Lehrbuch der Dogmengeschichte, (Leipzig, 1922 ³, reprint Darmstadt, 1965), pp. 249–67.Google Scholar

^{page 421 note 3} Hort op. cit. pp. 1–5, Harnack, op. cit. pp. 310–11, and Seeberg, op. cit. pp. 249–55.

^{page 421 note 4} Hort, op. cit. p. 5.

^{page 421 note 5} Harnack, op. cit. pp. 311–12.

^{page 421 note 6} Seeberg, op. cit. p. 250.

^{page 421 note 7} Harnack, op. cit. p. 313.

^{page 421 note 8} Martyr, Justin, Dial. c. Tryphone 47Google Scholar, speaks about the following possibilities: Christians living according to the Jewish Law will not be saved unless they ask other Christians to do the same or when they do not wish to live in communion with other Christians; some Christians disagreeing with Justin say that Christians living according to the Law cannot be saved; Justin himself applies this to Christians who did not live according to the Law first but later changed their way of living and also to Jews who are not Christians.

^{page 422 note 1} Epiphanius based his description of the Ebionites mainly on the Periodoi Petrou, one of the sources of the Pseudo-Clementines. Deviations from Irenaeus and Hippolytus were supposed to be due to the influence of Elchasai on the Ebionite doctrine, cf. pan. XXX. 3. 2 and 17. 5–6.

^{page 422 note 2} Harnack noticed the agreement between remarks about the Elchasaite doctrine of a returning Christ (cf. Hippolytus, , ref. IX. 14. 2Google Scholar and x. 29. 1–3 and Epiphanius, , pan. LIII. 1. 8)Google Scholar and Victorinus, Marius, in ep. ad Gal. I. 15Google Scholar: dicunt (sc. Symmachians) enim eum ipsum Adam esse, et esse animam generalem, et alia huiusmodi blasphema.

^{page 422 note 3} Harnack, , Dogmengeschichte, p. 317.Google Scholar

^{page 422 note 4} Hort, , Judaistic Christianity, pp. 164–9Google Scholar, and Seeberg, , Dogmengeschichte, pp. 253–4Google Scholar. Seeberg refers to Eusebius, hist. eccl. IV. 22. 1–4, where Hegesippus is quoted as saying that the Church in Corinth lived according to the true doctrine up to Bishop Primus, and calls the primitive Church ‘virgin’ since she was not polluted by heretical doctrines, cf. also III. 32. 7.

^{page 422 note 5} Hort, op. cit. p. 200.

^{page 422 note 6} Seeberg, op. cit. p. 255.

^{page 422 note 7} Hort, op. cit. p. 176, contrary to Lightfoot, J. B., Saint Paul's Epistle to the Galatians (London, 1884 ⁸), p. 317.Google Scholar

^{page 423 note 1} Seeberg, op. cit. p. 259.

^{page 423 note 2} Seeberg agrees with Zahn, Th., Geschichte des neutestamentlichen Kanons, II (Erlangen–Leipzig, 1890), pp. 668–73Google Scholar. The Nazoraeans are mentioned for the first time by Epiphanius, pan. XXIX, and later by Jerome and Augustine.

^{page 423 note 3} Seeberg, op. cit. pp. 250 and 266.

^{page 423 note 4} Lietzmann, H., Geschichte der alten Kirche, I (Berlin-Leipzig, 1937 ²), pp. 184–99Google Scholar, supposed a rather great difference between Jerusalem and later Jewish Christianity and wrote, p. 184: ‘die geschichtliche Entwickelung ging über die Männer von Jerusalem hinweg’. After Pella Jewish Christianity was influenced by Jewish sects. More in agreement with Harnack seems Meyer, E., Ursprung und Anfänge des Christentums, III (Stuttgart–Berlin, 1923, reprint Darmstadt, 1962), pp. 583–602Google Scholar, who appears to accept a close relationship between the original Jerusalem Church – already isolated from the rest of the Church during Paul's lifetime – and the Ebionites and Nazoraeans.

^{page 423 note 5} See Bauer, W., ‘Rechtgläubigkeit und Ketzerei im ältesten Christentum’, in: Beiträge z. hist. Theol. 10 (Tübingen, 1933)Google Scholar, herausgegeben von G. Strecker (1964), p. 245. Schonfield, H. J., The History of Jewish Christianity from the first to the twentieth Century (London, 1936)Google Scholar, did not contribute to the study of this subject.

^{page 424 note 1} Schoeps, H. J., Theologie und Geschichte des Judenchristentums (Tübingen, 1949), p. 5.Google Scholar

^{page 424 note 2} Schoeps, H. J., Urgemeinde Judenchristentum Gnosis (Tübingen, 1956)Google Scholar, in which also a list of reviews can be found.

^{page 424 note 3} Schoeps, Theologie, p. 295.

^{page 424 note 4} Schoeps, Theologie, p. 8.

^{page 424 note 5} Schoeps, Theologie, p. 261, and Urgemeinde…, p. 23.

^{page 424 note 6} See Gal. ii. 12; II Cor. xi. 5 and xii. 11, see also Acts xxi. 18 ff., Schoeps, , Urgemeinde…, pp. 7–8.Google Scholar

^{page 424 note 7} Schoeps refers to Rec. I. 37 (Syriac translation), I. 39 (Latin translation) and Symmachus, Ecclesiastes 12. 5.

^{page 424 note 8} Schoeps, Theologie, p. 295.

^{page 424 note 9} Schoeps, Theologie, pp. 325–34.

^{page 424 note 10} See survey of these studies in Strecker, G., Das Judenchristentum der Pseudoklementinen, in: Texte u. Unters. 70. Bd (Berlin, 1958), pp. 1–34.Google Scholar

^{page 425 note 1} Goppelt, L., Christentum und Judentum im ersten und zweiten Jahrhundert, in: Beitr. z. Förd. christl. Theol. 2. R., 55. B. (Gütersloh, 1954), p. 97.Google Scholar

^{page 425 note 2} Ibid. p. 167.

^{page 425 note 3} Ibid. p. 167–8.

^{page 425 note 4} Ibid. pp. 168–76.

^{page 425 note 5} Kümmel, W. G., s.v. ‘Judenchristentum’, in: Rel. in Gesch. u. Gegenw. III ³, c. 967–76Google Scholar, c. 967. See also his ‘Urchristentum’, in: Theol. Rundschau XXII (1954), 138–211Google Scholar, esp. pp. 147–51.

^{page 425 note 6} Kümmel, Judenchristentum…, c. 968.

^{page 425 note 7} Strecker, G., s.v. ‘Ebionitismus’, in: Reallex. f. Ant. u. Christentum IV, c. 487–500.Google Scholar

^{page 425 note 8} Daniélou, J., Théologie du Judéo-Christianisme (Desclée, 1957).Google Scholar

^{page 425 note 9} Ibid. p. 18.

^{page 425 note 10} Ibid.

^{page 425 note 11} Ibid. p. 19.

^{page 426 note 1} Ibid. pp. 67–98. Daniélou's study was frequently reviewed, but see especially Kraft, R. A., ‘In Search of “Jewish Christianity” and its “Theology”’, in: Judéo-Christianisme…, pp. 81–92.Google Scholar

^{page 426 note 2} A number of ideas about definitions: Munck, J., ‘Jewish-Christianity in Post-Apostolic Times’, N.T.S. VI (1959/1960), 103–16, p. 103Google Scholar: ‘The words “Jewish-Christian” and “Jewish Christianity” are used in several different senses within the field of New Testament research. Some scholars –no doubt oneself included on occasion –use them with varying significance in the same article or book, so that the reader is either led astray, or discovers that the words do not have the same meaning every time they occur’; Simon, M., ‘Problèmes du Judéo-Christianisme ’, in: Aspects…, pp. 1–17Google Scholar; Simon, M. and Benoit, A., Le Judaïsme et le Christianisme Antique (Paris, 1958), p. 258Google Scholar: ‘On a maintes fois souligné la difficulté qu'il y a à définir le judéo-christianisme’, and Longenecker, R. N., The Christology of the Early Jewish \Christianity, in: Stud. in Bibl. Theol., sec. Ser. XVII (London, 1970), 1Google Scholar: ‘The expression Jewish Christianity is employed in a variety of ways today.’

^{page 427 note 1} II Cor. xi. 22, cf. Phil. iii. 5 and Tit. i. 10.

^{page 427 note 2} Gal. ii. 3–4, vi. 12 and Col. ii. 16.

^{page 427 note 3} Tit. i. 14.

^{page 427 note 4} Ignatius, Magn. VII. 1; IX. 1; X. 2, Philad. VI and VIII. 2.

^{page 427 note 5} The idea that the pseudo-apostles (II Cor. xi. 13) came from Jerusalem, cf.Käsemann, E., ‘Die Legitimität des Apostels. Eine Untersuchung zu II Korinther 10–13’, Zeitschr. f. d. neutestamentl. Wissensch. XLI (1942), 33–71Google Scholar, was not accepted, Bultmann, cf. R., ‘Exegetische Probleme des zweiten Korintherbriefes’, Symb. Bibl. Upsalienses IX (1947), 21Google Scholar, but see Strecker, G., ‘Christentum und Judentum in den ersten beiden Jahrhunderten’, Evang. Theol. XVI (1956), 458–77, p. 464Google Scholar. General information about the opponents in Köster, H., ‘Häretiker im Urchristentum’, in: Rel. in Gesch. u. Gegenw. III ³, c. 17–21Google Scholar. See literature for Corinthians in Georgi, D., Die Gegner des Paulus im 2. Korintherbrief, in: Wissensch. Monogr. z.A.u.N.T. II. Bd (Neukirchen, 1964)Google Scholar; for Galatians in Jewett, R., ‘The Agitators and the Galatian Congregation’, N.T.S. XVII (1970/1971), 198–212Google Scholar; for Philippians in Klijn, A. F. J., ‘Paul's Opponents in Philippians III’, Nov. Test. VII (1964/1965), 278–84Google Scholar and for Colossians in Lähnemann, J., ‘Der Kolosserbrief’, Stud. z.N.T. III (1971), 63–81.Google Scholar

^{page 427 note 6} Ambrosiaster, Comm. in ep. ad Rom., in: Migne, Patr. Lat. XVII, c. 46A.

^{page 427 note 7} See Hagner, D. A., ‘The Use of the Old and New Testament in Clement of Rome’, in: Suppl. to Nov. Test. XXXIV (Leiden, 1973).Google Scholar

^{page 427 note 8} Giet, S., ‘Un courant judé-chrétien à Rome au milieu de II^e siécle, in: Aspects…, pp. 95–112.Google Scholar

^{page 427 note 9} van Damme, D., ‘Pseudo-Cyrian, Adversus Iudaeos. Gegen die Judenchristen. Die älteste lateinische Predigt’, in: Paradosis XII (Freiburg, 1969).Google Scholar

^{page 427 note 10} Daniélou, J., ‘La littérature Latine avant Tertullien’, Revue des Études Lat. XLVIII, 1970 (Paris, 1971), pp. 357–75Google Scholar, and Daniélou, J., ‘Le V^e Esdras et le Judéo-Christianisme Latin au second siècle’, in: Ex Orbe Religionum I, Studia G. Widengren Oblata, in: Stud. in the Hist. of Rel. (Supplem. to Numen) XXI (Leiden, 1972), pp. 162–71Google Scholar. The Jewish apocalypses more than influenced Christianity since they were adopted by the Christian Church.

^{page 427 note 11} Irenaeus, adv. haer. I. 26. 2.

^{page 428 note 1} cf. Acts xviii. 24–5.

^{page 428 note 2} This can also be derived from the text of the New Testament used in Egypt, see Klijn, A. F. J., ‘A Survey of the Researches into the Western Text of the Gospels and Acts, Part II (1949–1969)’, in: Suppl. to Nov. Test. XXI (Leiden, 1969), 32–50 and 66–70.Google Scholar

^{page 428 note 3} The Gospel of the Hebrews is mentioned by Clement, Strom. II. 9. 45 and v. 14. 96, and by Origen, , in Joh. II. 12Google Scholar, cf. hom. in Jer. XV. 4 and in Matth. XV. 14.

^{page 428 note 4} The Ebionites are not mentioned by Clement, but cf.Origen, , de princ. IV. 3. 8Google Scholar, hom. in Luc. XVII. hom. in Gen. III. 5, hom. in Jer. XIX. 12, in Matth. comm. ser. 79, in Luc., XIV 18 ff., in epist. ad Rom. III. 11, in epist. ad Tit., and c. Cels. II. 1, V. 61 and V. 66.

^{page 428 note 5} Krause, M., ‘Aussagen über das Alte Testament in z.T. bisher unveröffentlichen gnostischen Texten aus Nag Hammadi’, in: Ex Orbe…, pp. 448–56Google Scholar, and Pearson, B. A., ‘Jewish Haggadic Traditions in the Testimony of Truth From Nag Hammadi (CG IX, 3)’, in: Ex Orbe…, pp. 457–70Google Scholar, with literature.

^{page 428 note 6} See Lohse, B., Das Passafest der Quartadezimaner, in: Beitr. z. Förd. christl. Theol. LIV (1953).Google Scholar

^{page 428 note 7} See Daniélou, J., ‘La Typologie millénariste de la Semaine dans le Christianisme primitif’, Vig. Christ. II (1948), 1–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Bietenhard, H., ‘The Millennial Hope in the Early Church’, Scot. J. Theol. VI (1953), 12–30.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 428 note 8} See Reicke, B., Glaube und Leben in der Urgemeinde, Abhandl. z. Theol. des A.u.N.T. XXXII (Zürich, 1957)Google Scholar, and Reicke, B., ‘Die Verfassung der Urgemeinde im Lichte jüdischer Dokumente’, Theol. Zeitschr. X (1954), 95–112Google Scholar. See also Munck, J., Paulus und die Heilsgeschichte, (København, 1954)Google Scholar, who emphasized the unanimity between Paul and the ‘tweleve’. In this connection it would be important to know who are meant by α̋γιοι, cf. Rom. XV. 25–6 and 31; I Cor. xvi. 1; II Cor. viii. 4, ix. 1 and 12, who receive support from Gentile Christian Churches, Nickle, cf. K. F., The Collection, in: Stud. in Bibl. Theol. XLVIII (London, 1966)Google Scholar, and Georgi, D., ‘Die Geschichte der Kollektedes Paulus für Jerusalem’, in: Theol. Forsch. XXXVIII (Hamburg, 1965).Google Scholar

^{page 429 note 1} See Strecker, Christentum…, p. 466, but especially Strecker, G., Das Judenchristentum der Pseudoklementinen, in: Texte u. Unters. 70 (Berlin, 1958), p. 214Google Scholar (about the Kerygmata Petrou): ‘Der Gnostizismus und Hellenismus der Kerygmen schließen eine unmittelbare Beziehung zu der Urgemeinde aus’. Cf. also Schmithals, W., Paul and James, in: Stud. in Bibl. Theol. XLVI (London, 1963), 105Google Scholar: ‘…it is impossible to gain from their (Jewish Christian sects') traditions authentic material for the attitude of the primitive Jewish-Christian church’ and especially Munck, J., ‘Jewish Christianity in Post-apostolic times’, N.T.S. VI (1959/1960), 103–16.Google Scholar

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^{page 429 note 5} The opinion of Brandon, S. G. F., The Fall of Jerusalem and the Christian Church (London, 1968 ²)Google Scholar, that the Jerusalem Church fought with the other Jews side by side against the Romans and was totally annihilated except for some fugitives who went to Alexandria, did not receive wide acceptance, but cf.Goguel, M., La Naissance du Christianisme (Paris, 1946), p. 154Google Scholar: ‘L'exode des Chrétiens ne prouve pas qu'ils se soient détachés des espérances nationales juives et désintéressés du sort de la ville de Jérusalem.’

^{page 429 note 6} For this reason Brandon denied the historicity of this flight, see op. cit. pp. 168–73 and 263–4, and Brandon, S. G. F., Jesus and the Zealots (Manchester, 1967), p. 209Google Scholar. Of the same opinion are Strecker, Judenchristentum…, pp. 228–31, and J. Munck, ‘Jewish Christianity’…, pp. 103–4. It is accepted by Schoeps, Theologie, pp. 47 and 269, and especially recently by Simon, M., ‘La Migration à Pella. Légende ou Réalité?’, in: Judéo-Christianisme…, pp. 37–54.Google Scholar

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^{page 430 note 1} Epiphanius, pan. XXIX. 7. 7 and Jerome, epist. 112. 13 and in Is. 9. 1.

^{page 430 note 2} See Klijn, Jerome's Quotations.

^{page 430 note 3} Klijn, A. F. J. and Reinink, G. J., Patristic evidence for Jewish-Christian sects, in: Suppl. to Nov. Test. XXXVI (Leiden, 1973), 28–38.Google Scholar

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^{page 430 note 5} See Henrichs, A.–Koenen, L., ‘Ein griechischer Mani-Codex’, in: Zeitschr. für Papyrologie und Epigraphik, Band 5, Heft 2 (Bonn, 1970).Google Scholar

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