¹ For Victor Capuensis and his work see Bolgiani, F., ‘Vittore di Capua e il Diatessaron’, Memorie dell'Accademia delle Scienze di Torino, Classe di Scienze Morali, Storiche e Filologiche, IV, 2 (Turin, 1962), 1–97;Google ScholarFischer, B., ‘Bibelausgaben des frühen Mittelalters’, in La Bibbia nell' Alto Medioevo (Settimane di Studio del Centro Italiano di Studi sull'Alto Medioevo, x) (Spoleto, 1963), pp. 545–57.Google Scholar

² Plooij, D., A primitive Text of the Diatessaron (Leiden, 1923)Google Scholar; idem, A further Study of the Liège Diatessaron (Leiden, 1925); The Liège Diatessaron, edited with a textual apparatus by Plooij, D., Phillips, C.A. and Bakker, A. H. A. (Amsterdam, 1929–70);Google ScholarPeters, C., Das Diatessaron Tatians (Rome, 1939; reprinted 1962), pp. 139–47;Google ScholarBlack, M., An Aramaic Approach to the Gospels and Acts (3rd ed.Oxford, 1967), pp. 286–95;Google ScholarQuispel, G., ‘Der Heliand und das Thomasevangelium’, Vig. Chr. XVI (1962), 121–51;CrossRefGoogle Scholaridem, ‘The Latin Tatian or the Gospel of Thomas in Limburg’, J.B.L. LXXXVIII (1969), 321–8;Google Scholaridem, ‘Some Remarks on the Diatessaron Haarense’, Vig. Chr. xxv (1971), 131–9;Google Scholaridem, Het Evangelic van Thomas en de Nederlanden (Amsterdam-Brussels, 1971);Google Scholarvan Weringh, J. J., Heliand and Diatessaron (Assen, 1965) (also edited, with the author's name spelled Juw Fon Weringha, in Studio Germanica, V, Assen, 1965);Google Scholarcf. also Klijn, A. F. J., A Survey of the Researches into the Western Text of the Gospels and Acts, II (1949–69) (Leiden, 1969), pp. 27–8.Google Scholar

³ Fischer, B., ‘Das Neue Testament in lateinischer Sprache’, in Die alten Übersetzungen, die Kirchenväterzitate und Lektionare, ed. by Aland, K. (Berlin-New York, 1972), pp. 47–9; cf. also his ‘Bibelausgaben’, p. 557.Google Scholar

¹ I give here only one example: the Liège Diatessaron, ch. II, reads for Luke ii. 19: ‘And Mary kept all those words, and fastened them in her heart and in her memory (Ende Maria behilt alle die wart ende vestese in har herte ende in hare memorie).’ This has been compared by Quispel and van Weringh with the reading ‘in her mind…in her heart’ in the Heliand and, in the reversed order, the Syrus Sinaiticus. It is more likely, however, that the Liège text is dependent on a widespread medieval exegetical tradition found as early as the Venerable Bede; cf. his comment on Luke ii. 51, where the same expression occurs, in Homiliae, 1. 19 (CC ser. lat. 122, 138–9): ‘Omnia quae de domino vel a domino dicta sive acta cognoverat, mater virgo diligentius in corde retinebat, sollicite cuncta memoriae commendabat, ut cum domino tempus praedicandae sive scribendae incarnationis eius adveniret, sufficienter universa prout gesta posset explicare quaerentibus.’ This explanation was given to Luke ii. 19 by Bruno Astensis, Comm. in Luc. 1. 2 (PL 165, 355 c) and Ludolph of Saxony, Vita Jesu Christi 1. g. 18 (Rigollot 1. 76). As to Luke ii. 51, Bede's exegesisis found in Walafrid Strabo, Glossa Ordinaria – Evang. Luc. (PL 114, 251 D), Haymo of Halberstadt, Horn. 17 (PL 118, 125 c), Aelred of Rivaulx, De Iesu puero, 1. 9 (CC cont. med. 1, 257), Zacharias Chrysopolitanus, In Unum ex Quatuor 12 (PL 186, 88D), Bonaventura, Comm. in Ev. Luc. II. 109 (Opera Omnia VII (Quaracchi, 1895), 68), and Ludolph of Saxony 1. 15. 17 (Rigollot 1. 135). The Liège Diatessaron shows a great number of similar interpretative translations, an aspect of the work which deserves a special investigation.

² de Saxonia, Ludolphus, Vita Jesu Christi ex Evangelioet approbatis ab Ecclesia Catholica Doctoribus sedule collecta, Editio novissima curante Rigollot, L. M., 4 vols. (Parisiis–Bruxellis, 1878).Google Scholar

³ See the instances given in the text below sub 4a, 4b, 6a, 7 and 9. In some cases, Ludolph owes a Diatessaron reading to the Meditationes Vitae Christi of Pseudo-Bonaventura, (c. 1300; edited in Peltier's Bonaventura edition, torn, XII (1968), pp. 509–628), which he inserted almost completely into hiswork. So the Meditationes, ch. 17, and Ludolph, 1, 22, 12 and 16, have for Matt. iv. 5and 8 (‘assumpsit’): ‘assumpsit…et (re)portavit’. For both texts the Dutch Diatessarons all have: ‘took and carried (or led)’, and the same is found in the Pepysian Harmony: ‘toke…& ledd’ and ‘tok… and brouʐth’, and the Old French Bible: ‘le prit et le mena’. This reading is also presupposed in Zacharias Chrysopolitanus, In Unum ex Quatuor 15 (PL 186, 104B), ad Matt. iv. 5: ‘se permisit ab illo assumi et duci’. In Ephraem's Armenian commentary we find for Matt. iv. 5: ‘adduxit, evexit’, and for Matt. iv. 8: ‘sumpsit eum, adduxit, evexit’. The Syrus Sin. and Cur. read in Matt. iv. 5: ‘took him and brought him’, which the former also has in Matt. iv. 8 and Luke iv. 5. This Diatessaron reading seems to be a combination of the Matthean form and those of Luke iv, 5 and 9, but cf. Plooij, A further Study, pp. 49–51, who gives more instances of this paraphrastic formula. The tracing of Ludolph's sources is one of the most difficult problems posed by his work.Google ScholarMany of them have already been indicated by SisterBodenstedt, Mary I., The Vita Christi of Ludolphus the Carthusian (Washington, 1944), pp. 24–52, but there still remains much work to be done.Google Scholar

¹ Edited by Vögtlin, A., Vita Beate Virginis Marie et Salvatoris Rhythmica (Bibliothek des litterarischen Vereins in Stuttgart, 180) (Tübingen, 1888).Google ScholarFor some time it was thought to have been written by Hugo of Trimberg (c. 1230–1313), but this writer proved to be responsible only for the 61 lines which in some manuscripts have been attached to the text; cfLangosch, K., Das ‘Registrum multorum Auctorum’ des Hugo von Trimberg (Germanische Studien, 235) (Berlin, 1942), pp. 259–68.Google ScholarBerendts, A., Die Zeugnisse vom Christentum im slavischen ‘De Bello Judaico’ des Josephus (TU 29, 4) (Leipzig, 1906), pp. 54–7, has argued that the Greek original of the Slavonic Josephus was one of the sources of the Vita Rhythmica, but I think it improbable that its author knew Greek. For the sources and the great influence of the Vita Rhythmica,Google Scholarsee Masser, A., Bibel, Apokryphen und Legenden. Geburt und Kindheit Jesu in der religiösen Epik des deutschen Mittelalters (Berlin, 1969) pp. 45–57, and passim.Google Scholar

² Fischer, ‘Das Neue Testament in lateinischer Sprache’, pp. 45–7; Klijn, Survey, 11, p. 54.

¹ In the subsequent discussion use is made of the following abbreviations: Ephr^{carm sy}: Ephraem's Armenian and Syriac commentary (ed. Leloir 1953–4 and 1963, resp.); T^ar: Arabic Diat. (ed. Marmardji 1935); T^pers: Persian Diat. (ed. Messina 1951); T^lat: Latin Diat., especially the Codex Fuldensis (ed. Ranke 1868); Hel: Heliand (ed. Behaghel–Mitzka 1958; German translations by Stapel 1953 and Genzmer 1966; English transl. by Mariana Scott 1966); T^{ven tusc}: Venetian and Tuscan Diat. (ed. Vaccari et al. 1938); T^pepys: Pepysian Harmony (ed. Goates 1922); T^neS: Stuttgart MS of the Dutch Diat. (ed. Bergsma 1895); T^neLHC: Dutch Diat. Leodiense, Haarense, Cantabrigiense (new ed. by C. C. de Bruin in his Corpus Sacrae Scripturae Neerlandicae Medii Aevi, ser. min. I, vols. 1–3, Leiden 1970); T^neTh: Diat. Theodiscum (ed. Gerhardt in de Bruin's Corpus, I, 4, Leiden 1970); VL: Vetus Latina; Vg: Vulgate; Sy^scpeshpal: Syrus Sinaiticus, Curetonianus, the Peshitta, and the Palestinian Syriac Lectionary (ed. Lewis–Gibson 1899), respectively. Of the Diatessarons and Ephraem's commentary numbers of chapters and pages are not given; they can easily be found by aid of the indices to the editions mentioned in this note.

² For the many adaptations of this Tatianic reading to the canonical text, see Leloir, L., Le Temoignage d'Ephrem sur le Diatessaron (Louvain, 1962), p. 79, van Weringh, Heliand, p. 56, Quispel, Evangelie van Thomas, pp. 46–8. The readings of the Dutch Diatessarons are also found in other Dutch medieval writings: Limburgse Sermoenen (ed. Kern 1895, p. 334): ‘Ic ben de de dirne Gots’, and also ‘Ic ben ons Heren dirne’, cf. p. 336: ‘She called herself a handmaiden of God (ene dirne Gots)’;Google Scholarvan Delf, Dirc, Tafel van den Kersten Ghelove, ed. Daniëls, II (1937), 280, 281, 289, III, 48: ‘Sich hier die deerne Gods’ (the addition of ‘ecce’ with T^neHSTh); also in several Christmas songs,Google ScholarcfMak, J. J., Middeleeuwse kerstliederen (Utrecht-Brussels, 1948), p. 12: ‘De deerne Gods wil ick wesen’, p. 14: ‘Ic bin sijn snode deernekijn’, p. 32: ‘Sijn (sc. Gods) deerne wil ic gaerne sijn’, p. 162: ‘Gods deerne willic gerne sijn’, 17, 21, 148, 166: ‘Siet hier Gods deerne cleyne’.Google Scholar

³ Krogmann, W., ‘Heliand, Tatian und Thomasevangelium’, Z.N.W. LI (1960), 258; Quispel, ‘Heliand und Thomasevangelium’, pp. 130–1; J. A. Huisman in a ‘Nachwort’ to Quispel's article, p. 152; van Weringh, Heliand, pp. 56–7; Quispel, Evangelie van Thomas, pp. 46–8.Google Scholar

⁴ James, M. R., Latin Infancy Gospels (Cambridge, 1927), p. 37; cf. Leloir, Témoignage, p. 79.Google Scholar

¹ CfVerdam, J.–Wubbe, C. H. Ebbinge, Middelnederlandsch Handwoordenboek (The Hague, 1964), p. 324 s.v. 1, 5 and II. In the English translation of the Liège Diatessaron by A. J. Barnouw accompanying the editions of both Plooij and de Bruin the verb ‘laten’ has been translated by ‘dismiss’; in his commentary, p. 21, Plooij drew attention to the other meaning.Google Scholar

² Mak, Middeleeuwse Kerstliederen, p. 24: ‘Hy wildese laten, hy coos die vlucht’, p. 36: ‘Hi dochte ic mach wel vlien./ Ic wil marien laten’; cf. 151: ‘Hi peinsde in sinen gronde,/ Hem waer beter’ ghevlucht.

³ Van Weringh, Heliand, p. 63.

¹ Also in Dirc van Delf, Tafel van den Kersten Ghelove, ed. Daniëls, II, 321: ‘toten huse, daer si boven stont ende daer dat kind in was’.

² Van Weringh, Heliand, p. 73.

³ Bruno Astensis, Comm, in Matth. 1. 2 (PL 198, 1542 A), speaks about the house too, but not in a faithful rendering of Matt. ii. 9: ‘stat supra domum illam in qua erat Virgo Maria’. Ludolph of Saxony I. II. 9 (Rigollot I. 91), inserted between ‘supra’ and ‘ubi’: ‘locum et vicina domui’. For the meaning of ‘vicina domui’ see (Pseudo–?) Bede, Aliquot quaestionum liber I (PL 93, 456 B) and Wala-frid Strabo, Glossa Ordinaria, ad Matt. ii. 9 (PL 114, 74 D).

⁴ Ludolph of Saxony 1.9.6 (Rigollot 1. 69), who gives a related description of the ‘diversorium’, says he found this in the Venerable Bede, but I have been unable to trace this passage. Does he refer here to the same work from which he took his peculiar story of Jesus' baptism discussed below (sub 9)? For the medieval views concerning the place where Jesus was born see Mak, J.J., Middeleeuwse Kerstvoorstellingen (Utrecht-Brussels, 1948), pp. 64–72. The house of Matt. ii. II and the ‘diversorium’ of Luke ii. 7 were usually identified, cf. e.g. Rabanus Maurus, Comm, in Matth. I (PL 107, 759 B) and also Peter Comestor, Hist. Schol. (PL 198, 1542B).Google Scholar

¹ Leloir, Témoignage, p. 95; de Urbina, I. Ortiz, Vetus Evangelium Syrorum (Biblia Polyglotta Matritensia, ser. VI) (Madrid, 1967), p. 16.Google Scholar

² CfKehrer, H., Die heiligen drei Könige in Literatur und Kunst, I (Leipzig, 1908), 39–40, 46.Google Scholar

¹ Van Weringh, Heliand, p. 78.

² Leloir, Témoignage, p. 98.

¹ Augustine, Tract, in Johann. XLIX. 5 (CC ser. lat. 36, 422): ‘Non dixerunt: Veni; amanti enim tantummodo nuntiandum fuit. Non ausae sunt dicere: Veni et sana; non ausae sunt dicere: Ibi iube, et hic fiet… Nihil horum istae, sed tantummodo: Domine, ecce quem amas infirmatur. Sufficit ut noveris; non enim amas, et deseris’ Alcuin cited this literally but without acknowledging his source. The same explanation in Rupert of Deutz, In Joh. Evangelium x (CC cont. med. 9, 547); Zacharias Chrysopolitanus, In Unum ex Quatuor 135 (PL 186, 430 B); Ludolph of Saxony, Vita Jesu Christi 11. 17. I (Rigollot III. 116).

² CfRathofer, J., Der Heliand. Theologischer Sinn als tektonische Form (Niederdeutsche Studien, 9) (Cologne–Graz, 1962), p. 10.Google Scholar

¹ Messina, G., Diatessaron Persiano (Biblica et Orientalia, 14) (Rome, 1951), p. 239, with reference to B.Waltonius, Biblia Polyglotta VI, 1657.Google Scholar

² Cf. e.g. Schneider, J., μ⋯ρος, Th.Wb.NT. IV (1942), 601.Google Scholar

³ Sancti Ephraem Syri Hymni et Sermones, ed. Th. Lamy, J., I (Mechliniae, 1882), 395.Google Scholar

⁴ Cf. Ortiz de Urbina, op. tit p. 167; edition of the Syriac text by Bickell, G., ‘Die Gedichte des Cyrillonas nebst einige anderen syrischen lnedita’, Z.D.M.G. XXVII (1873), 568; German translation in P. S. Landesdorfer, Ausgewählte Schriften der syrischen Dichter (B.K.V.6) (Kempten–Munich, 1913). p. 29.Google Scholar

⁵ Demonstr. XII. 10 (Parisot I. 531/2).

¹ Cf. Ortiz de Urbina, op. cit. p. 167.

² The addition of ‘Christ’ also in the Armenian translation of John Chrysostom, cf. Leloir, Témoignage, p. 224.

³ Vita Jesu Christi II. 61. 4 (Rigollot IV. 52).

¹ Ed. Lamy, I, 563.

² Cfde Urbina, Ortiz, op. cit. p. 200; edition by M. Kmosko in Oriens Christians III (1903), 404.Google Scholar

¹ CfLeloir, L., Saint Ephretn. Commentaire de l'Evangile Concordant, Version arménienne (CSCO 145) (Louvain, 1954), p. 36Google Scholar; idem, Témoignage, 105–7; Black, Aramaic Approach, pp. 267–9; Quispel, Evangelie van Thomas, pp. 55–6. See also Bauer, W., Das Leben Jesu im zeitalter der neutestamentlichen Apokryphen (Tübingen, 1909, reprinted Darmstadt, 1967), pp. 134–9Google ScholarResch, A., Agrapha (TU, N.F. xv, 3/4) (2nd ed.Leipzig, 1906, reprinted Darmstadt, 1967), pp. 222–7.Google Scholar

² The same Jewish-Christian tradition is found in Testament of Levi, 18. 6–7: ‘The heavens shall be opened, and from the temple of glory shall comeupon him sanctification, together with the voice of the Father as from Abraham to Isaac. And the Glory of the Most High shall be uttered upon him (δ⋯ξα ὐψ⋯στου ⋯π᾽ αὐτ⋯ν ῥηθ⋯σεται), and the Spirit of understanding and sanctification shall rest upon him in the water (καταπα⋯σει ⋯π᾽ αὐτ⋯ν ⋯ν τῷ ὒδατι).’ For a discussion of the different interpretations given to this passage see Becker, J., Untersuchungen zur Entstehungsgeschichte der Testamente der zwölf Patriarche(Arb. z. Gesch. des ant. Judent. und des Urchristentums, 8) (Leiden, 1970), pp. 291–5. Becker does not even mention the possibility of extra-canonical influence; according to him, the Christian who wrote this took as his basis Mark i. 9–11 parr.Google ScholarBut Benoit, P. and Boismard, M.-E., Synopse des quatre Evangiles enfrançais I (2nd rev. ed. by Sandevoir, P., Paris, 1972), cite the passage from Test. Levi as an extra-canonical parallel;Google Scholarsee also the excellent commentary on the whole baptism story by Boismard, , Synopse II (Paris, 1972), pp. 79–83.Google ScholarFor the Jewish-Christian origin of the early interpolations in the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs see Jervell, J., ‘Ein Interpolator interpretiert’, in Chr. Burchard–J. Jervell–J. Thomas, Studien zu den Testamenten der zwölf Patriarchen (Beiheft Z.N.W. 36) (Berlin, 1969), pp. 54–8. The conception that the Spirit rested upon Jesus will be discussed below.Google Scholar

¹ CfEuripides, , Bacchae 1082–1083, and the commentary in the edition by Dodds, E. R. (Oxford, 1944), pp. 200–1;Google Scholarother references, also with respect to the birth of Buddha, in Smid, H. R., Prot-evangelium Jacobi. A Commenary (Assen, 1965), pp. 133–6.Google Scholar

¹ Peter's connection of the synoptic data is the same as that given by the Codex Fuldensis, which also after Luke iii. 21: ‘baptizato et orante’ inserted Matt. iii. 16: ‘Confestim ascendit de aqua. Ecce aperti sunt coeli…’, etc. That Jesus said his prayer in the water of the River Jordan is also found in Hel and T^tusc. Ludolph had to leave out the quotation of Matt. iii. 16, because he situated the prayer of Jesus after his ascent out of the water, with T^pers and T^ven. The Dutch Diatessarons, T^neLHCSTh, do not mention the prayer at all.

¹ Quispel, G., ‘Qumran, John and Jewish Christianity’, in John and Qumran, edited by Charlesworth, J. H. (London, 1972), pp. 140–1, has related this reading of the Gospel of the Nazoraeans and Test. Levi with that of John i. 31: κα⋯ ἔμεινεν ⋯π᾽ αὐτ⋯ν: the source used by John, ‘of course, was not identical with the Gospel of the Nazoraeans, but it preserved the same tradition’. This seems more likely than the opinion of Boismard, Synopse, II pp. 82–3, who in this context does not mention the extra-canonical tradition at all, that John is merely dependent on Matt. iii. 16; ⋯ρχ⋯μενον ⋯π᾽ αὐτ⋯ν.Google Scholar

¹ I give here only two instances. Of the word ‘Legio’ in Mark v. 9 and Luke viii. 30 it is said in T^neLTh that this means the number 6666. The same is found in T^Pepys, Old French Desmoulins, Bible Historiale, ed. 1477 (cf. Plooij's edition of T^neL, p. 115; it is of interest to note that T^pepys was translated from a French original), Vita Rhythmica, 3908, Ludolph of Saxony 1. 47. 2 (Rigollot II. 18). More interesting is an explanatory expansion of the first part of Luke xix, 42, which reads according to the Vulgate: ‘si cognovisses et tu, et quidem in hac die tua, quae ad pacem tibi’. For this T^neL has: ‘If you knew what iscoming to you as well as I do, you would weep too (kennestu also wale wat di nakende es alse ic doe du soust oc weennen).’ This reading has repeatedlybeen studied, cf. e.g. Harris, R., ‘Some notes on the Gospel-Harmony of Zacharias Chrysopolitanus’, J.B.L. XLIII (1924), 38Google Scholar; Plooij, A further Study, p. 15; idem, ‘De Commentaar van Zacharias Chrysopolitanus op het Diates-saron’, Mededeelingen der Kon. Akad. van Wetenschappen, Afd. Letterkunde 59, Ser. A (Amsterdam, 1925), pp. 8–9; edition of the Liège Diat. by Plooij et al. pp. 403–4; van Weringh, Heliand, pp. 113–14; Quispel, Het Evangelie van Thomas, pp. 41–2. From these studies it appears that the addition of both ‘what is coming to you (ventura tibi)’ and ‘would weep (fleres)’ is found in T^neLSHT, Old French Bible, T^pepys, and Zach. Chrys.116 (PL 186, 365 BC), to which can be added Bruno Astensis Comm. in Luc. II. 19 (PL 165, 438 D), Peter Comestor, Hist. Schol. 118 (PL 198, 1600 BC), and Ludolph of Saxony, II. 28. 2 (Rigollot III. 182), who literally quoted Bruno without mentioning him. ‘Ventura tibi’ is presupposed by the Heliand, 3692: ‘ you really do not know your destiny that is still to happen to you’. The reading ‘et tu fleres’ was found in Vg: D, T^ventusc and Wiclif, to which may be added that it also occurs in Dirc van Delf, Tafel, ed. Daniëls, II, 406: ‘Bekenstu mit mi, so soudstu screyen’. These texts show without any doubt that at an early date, possibly even before the Heliand was written, a glossator of the Latin Diatessaron inserted some clarifying words into the canonical text of Luke xix. 42. But we can go further: it is quite certain that the glossator borrowed his explanation from Gregory the Great, Horn, in Evang. II, 39 (PL 76, 1294 c) or from the Venerable Bede, In Lucan v (CC ser. lat. 120, 346), who adopted Gregory's commentary word for word: ‘Flevit enim prius (Bede: pius) Redemptor ruinam perfidae civitatis, quam ipsa sibi civitas non cognoscebat esse venturam Cui a flente Domino recte dicitur: Quia si cognovisses, et tu, subaudi (Bede: subaudis), fleres (Bede: fleveras), quae modo quia nescis quod imminet, exultas’.

¹ In his edition of the Liège Diatessaron, p. 46, Plooij pointed to ‘the exact equivalent of this rendering in Zach., col. 100A’, but he failed to notice that Zacharias was quoting Bede.

¹ Plooij, A further Study, p. 53; idem, edition of the Liège Diat., p. 46; Leloir, Témoignage, p. 195; van Weringh, Heliand, pp. 79–81; Quispel, Evangelie van Thomas, pp. 55–6; Boismard, Synopse, II, pp. 81.

² Epiphanius, Pan. 30. 13. 7 (Gospel of the Ebionites); Justin, Dial. 88. 4; Irenaeus 1. 7. 2 (Harvey 1, 60); and also in Origen, Contra Celsum 1. 41; Tertullian, Adv. Valent. 27; Augustine, De Trinit. 1. 7; Jerome, Epist. 121. 2. 9; Hilary of Poitiers, Comm. in Psalm, ad liv. 7; Quodvultdeus, De symbolo 2. 18 (PL 40, 648).

¹ In his Tafel van den Kersten Ghelove, II, 47 (ed. Daniëls, II, 363) the Dutch medieval writer Dirc van Delf (c. 1400) also reports the story of the appearance of the heavenly light. In composing his work he frequently made use of the works of Peter Comestor and Ludolph of Saxony and may have done so here too. His editor thought Peter to behis source, but the occurrence of the reading ‘requievit’ seems to point to Ludolph. There are also agreements with T^pepys, and therefore we should not consider it wholly impossible that he used another source. His work shows several Diatessaron readings of which some have been mentioned above (cf. also Appendix, sub 4278/9). Dirc/s report reads: ‘And when he was baptized by him he straightway came out of the water. And as he was in his prayer (Glosa:) for all those who had been baptized there, the heavens were opened and became bright of glory over him and light as tents of sapphire, and the Holy Spirit came down as a dove to rest upon him. And out of the bright heavens broke the Father's voice and said thus: “Hic est filius meus dilectus, in quo mihi bene complacui’, which means: Here is my dear Son, in whom I have been well pleased. And that long lasted the glory upon him. And some of the people said: [follows John xii. 29].

¹ de Bruin, C. C., Diatessaron Leodiense (Corpus Sacrae Scripturae Neerlandicae Medii Aevae, Ser. min. I. 4) (Leiden, 1970), p. xxxviii, supposed that the author of the Liège Diatessaron made use of ‘an older, probably annotated harmony in the redaction of the Vita Christi as known from the text family of the Codex Fuldensis’. On p. xxxix de Bruin announced a study in which the origin of the glosses and expositions in the Liège Diatessaron will be traced down.Google Scholar

² Krogmann, W., ‘Heliand, Tatian und Thomasevangelium’, Z.N.W. LI (1960), 255‘68;Google Scholaridem, ‘Heliand und Thomasevangelium’, Vig. Chr. XVIII (1964), 65–73.Google Scholar