^{page 358 note 3} Cf. Lightfoot, R. H., The Gospel Message of St Mark (Oxford, 1950), p. 36.Google Scholar

^{page 359 note 1} ‘Selbstverleugnung, Kreuzaufnahme und Nachfolge: eine historische Studie über Mt. xvi. 24’ in Charisteria Iohanni Kopp (Papers of the Estonian Theological Society in Exile, No. 7, Stockholm, 1954), pp. 64–94.Google Scholar

^{page 359 note 2} Ibid. pp. 83 f.

^{page 359 note 3} ‘Jesu Wort vom Kreuztragen’ in Neutestamentliche Studien für Rudolf Bultmann (Berlin, 1954), pp. 110–29.Google Scholar Cf. Schnackenburg, Rudolf, God's Rule and Kingdom (tr. John Murray, London, 1968), p. 111 n. 58.Google Scholar

^{page 360 note 1} The Sayings of Jesus (London, 1949), p. 131.Google Scholar

^{page 360 note 2} The Gospel According to Mark (2nd ed.London, 1966), p. 361.Google ScholarPubMed

^{page 360 note 3} Cf. Plutrach, , De sera num. vind. 9. 554^BGoogle Scholar: ‘Every criminal who is executed carries his own cross.’ See also the references given by Hitzig, , PW s. v. Crux (1901)Google Scholar, 1731. Hitizig shows that the cross more often awaidet the criminal in the site of the execution and that when the condemned man was made to carry it, probably only the cross-wood (patibulum) was involved.

^{page 361 note 1} J.B.L. LXXV (1956), 91.Google Scholar

^{page 361 note 2} Rabin, C., Qumaran Studies (Oxford, 1957), p. 55Google ScholarPubMed, translates, ‘expositors of smooth words’.

^{page 361 note 3} J.B.L. LXXV (1956), 191.Google Scholar Cf. Bruce, F. F., Second Thoughts on the Dead Sea Scrolls (London, 1956), p. 97Google Scholar; Howlett, D., The Essenes and Christianity (New York, 1957), p. 76Google Scholar; Cross, F. M., The Ancient Library of Quamrân (London, 1958), p. 92 n. 27Google Scholar; Burrows, Millar, More Light on the Dead Sea Scrolls (London, 1958), p. 214Google Scholar; Vermes, G., The Dead Sea Scrolls in English (2nd ed.Harmondsworth, 1965), p. 231.Google Scholar

^{page 361 note 4} The Historical Background of the Dead Sea Scrolls (Oxford, 1958), p. 40.Google Scholar

^{page 361 note 5} The Judaeon Scrolls (Oxford, 1965), pp. 289 f.Google ScholarPubMed

^{page 362 note 1} Hengel, Martin, Die Zeloten (Ledien, 1961), p. 266 n. 2.Google Scholar He suggests that is began as a formula used by the Zeslots.

^{page 362 note 2} On p. 145 he agrees with Hengel on the significance of the disciple's cross: ‘When Jesus of Nazareth called upon his disciples to take up their cross, he uttered a grim challenge that every Zealot had to face for himself. The cross was the symbol of Zealot sacrifice before it was transformed into the sign of Christian salvation.’ Cf. Larange, M.-J. ad Mark, viii. 34 (Paris, 1947)Google Scholar, Who says that ‘du temps de Jésus, un prètendant messianique eût très bien pu inviter ses partisans a braver même la croix’.

^{page 362 note 3} Crum, J. M. C., St Mark's Gospel: Two Stages of Its Making (Cambridge, 1936), p. 37.Google Scholar Cf. Barclay, W., New Testament Words (London, 1964), p. 45.Google Scholar

^{page 362 note 4} Branscomb, B. Harvie, The Gospel of Mark (London, 1937), p. 155.Google Scholar

^{page 362 note 5} The Vocabulary of the New Testament (London, 1914–1929), p. 586.Google ScholarPubMed

^{page 363 note 1} Oxford (1962), p. ix.Google Scholar

^{page 363 note 2} Op. cit. p. 333.Google Scholar

^{page 363 note 3} Ibid. p. 9.

^{page 363 note 4} Cf. Cadoux, C. J., The Historic Mission of Jesus (London, 1941), pp. 57 and 143 f.Google Scholar; Taylor, Vincent, Jesus and His Sacrifice (London, 1937), p. 268.Google Scholar

^{page 364 note 5} Theology of the New Testament (London, 1952, tr. Grobel, K.), I, 37.Google Scholar

^{page 364 note 1} An Introduction to the Theology of the New Testament (London, 1958), p. 314.Google Scholar