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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 February 2024
In order to gain an understanding of any mediaeval liturgical text, but especially the Roman Rite, which was the central liturgical text for the Latin West, it is essential to realise that the liturgy of the Middle Ages, unike the liturgy of today, was embedded in a culture which was ritual in character. The world of commerce, for example, was sacralised through its management by the economic guilds, whose liturgical basis ensured that production was perpetually crossed out by being offered in worship. This was a time when the Offertory gifts were not disconnected from the produce of everyday life; indeed, the category itself of ‘everyday life’ was perforce a thoroughly liturgical category. For the community was not seen as a given, existing prior to, or in separation from, its reception of the Eucharist. Rather, the community as such was seen as flowing from eternity through the sacraments. The historian John Bossy has shown this by stressing the sacramental nature of all social bonds in the mediaeval period.3 Supremely, the Church as ‘body of Christ’ was ceaselessly recreated through receiving the gift of the Eucharistic body of Christ. Because of this reciprocal link between life and liturgy, any liturgical reform must take into account the fact that the liturgy which it seeks to revise is as much, or more a cultural and ethical phenomenon, as a textual one. Now, criticisms of liturgical reform, such as those implicit in what I have just said, are often dismissed as conservative or nostalgic.
1 Black, Antony, Guilds and Civil Society in European Political Thought from the Twelfth Century to the Present, (London: Methuen. 1984)Google Scholar; Duffy, Eamon. The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England 1400–1580 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992). 141–154Google Scholar.
2 Pickstock, Catherine, The Sacred Polis: On the Liturgical Consummation of Philosophy (Oxford: Blackwell, forthcoming in 1997)Google Scholar. Ch. 4.
3 Bossy, John, Christianity in the West 1400–1700, (O.U.P., 1985)Google Scholar especially Chs 1–5.
4 Pickstock, The Sacred Polis, passim.
5 Jungmann, Joseph. The Early Liturgy To the Time of Gregory the Great (Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 1959)Google Scholar. Chs 18. 23; idem., The Mass of the Roman Rite: Its Origins and Development, tr. Brunner, Francis A., (London: Burns and' Oates, 1951)Google Scholar; Bouyer, Louis, Eucharist: Theology and Spirituality of the Eucharistic Prayer, tr. Quinn, Charles Underhill, (Indiana: Notre Dame, 1968)Google Scholar. Chs 11–13; Constitution on the Liturgy, tr. Fr Howell, Clifford S.J., (Cirencester: Whitegate Publications, 1963)Google Scholar; Crichton, J.D., Christian Celebration: The Mass, The Sacraments, The Prayer of the Church, (London: Geoffrey Chapman, 1971/1979)Google Scholar; Klauser, Theodor, A Short History of the Western Liturgy, tr. Halliburton, John (Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1965)Google Scholar; Vagaggini, Dom Cyprian, The Canon of the Mass and Liturgical Reform, (London, 1967)Google Scholar.
6 Jungmann, The Mass, p.37.
7 Bouer, Eucharist, p.443.
8 As well as the references in n.5 above, see Nichols, Aidan O.P.., Looking At the Liturgy (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 1996), p.84 n. 44Google Scholar.
9 Duffy. The Stripping of the Altars, pp.95–107; Rubin, Miri, Corpus Christi: The Eucharist in Late Medieval Culture. (C.U.P., 1991). pp.51–65Google Scholar
10 Lubac, Henri de. Corpus Mysticum: L'Eucharistie et L'Eglise au Moyen‐Age, (Paris: Aubier Montaigne, 1949)Google Scholar. see also Certeau, Michel de, The Mystic Fable, tr. Smith, Michael B.. (Chicago University Press, 1992). pp.82–85Google Scholar; Pickstock, The Sacred Polis, pp.151–160; Gierke, Otto, Political Theories of the Middle Age, tr. Maitland, Frederic William, (C.U.P., 1900), pp.30–34Google Scholar.
11 de Lubac, Corpus Mysticum, pp. 120—130 and passim.
12 See Eisenstein, Elizabeth L.. The Printing Press as an Agent of Change, Communications and Cultural Transformation in Early‐Modern Europe, (C.U.P., 1979)Google Scholar 2 vols.
13 Pickstock, The Sacred Polis, ch.2
14 Botte, Bernard and Mohrmann, Christine, L' Ordinaire de la Messe, (Paris: Editions du Cerf. 1953), p.58Google Scholar
15 L Ordinaire, p.60–62
16 See further Pickstock, The Sacred Polis. Ch.4
17 Bennett, Tony, Formalism and Marxism (London: Routledge. 1979). p.32CrossRefGoogle Scholar
18 Herbert Marks, “On Prophetic Stammering”, in ed. Schwartz, Regina,. The Book and the Text (Oxford: Blackwell, 1990). 60–80Google Scholar
19 Gierke, Political Theories, 30–34. 63
20 SirFilmer, Robert, Patriarcha ed. Sommerville, Johann P., (C.U.P. 1991)Google Scholar; Kantorowicz, Emst, “Mysteries of State: An Absolutist Concept and Its Late mediaeval Origins” in Harvard Theological Review, 48 (1955) 65–91.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
21 See Pickstock, The Sacred Polis, Ch 4; On attempts to disentangle the Roman Rite. see for example Keifer, Ralph A., “The Unity of the Roman Canon: An examination of its unique structure”, Studia Liturgica, 11. 1 (1976). 39–58;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Klauser. A Short History of the Western Liturgy; M.J. Connolly. “The Tridentine Canon Missa as Framework for a Liturgical Narrative”, in ed.Kodjak, Andrej et al, The Structural Analysis of Narrative Texts. (Columbus, Ohio: Slavika Publications, 1980). 24–30Google Scholar. But see Jungmann, The Mars of the Roman Rite, II. 106, and Willis, Geoffrey G., “Some Problems in the Early History of the Roman Canon Missae”. in eds A Voice For All Time: Essays on the Liturgy of the Catholic Church since the Second Vatican Council, (Bristol: Association for Latin Liturgy, 1994). 157–167Google Scholar. on the typographical intensification of the Canon.
22 J.D. Crichton. Christian Celebration. I. 68
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