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Mater Dolorosa, Mater Misericordiae

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 February 2024

Eamon Duffy
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Here I want to offer an interpretation of one of the most striking but in some ways least congenial aspects of late medieval English (and European) piety. The late Middle Ages was one of the most exuberant and productive periods of Mariological devotion, which manifested itself in devotional treatises and prayers, in poetry, music and the visual arts. The theological content of much of this, however, is now looked on with some suspicion and incomprehension, and the extraordinary centrality of Mary in the religious consciousness of Christians in the period from Anselm to Luther would now be pretty generally attributed to a defective Christology. Thus the apparently almost desperate late medieval reliance on the Virgin Mary as intercesser, friend of sinners, Mother of Mercy, is often taken to have stemmed from a fear of Christ and a sense of his remoteness from sinful, frail humanity. Christ on the rainbow coming in judgement, the Rex Tremendae Majestatis of the Dies lrae, was the Rex Iustitiae who would weigh men and women by their actions, and before such a dreadful scrutiny, who could stand? The suffering, weak and tempted Christ of the Gethsemene narratives and the Epistle to the Hebrews, in the course of the great Christological debates of the fourth and fifth centuries, and in the millennium of missionary expansion that followed, had been divinised out of his humanity. Catholic Christology, while paying lip-service to that humanity, had succumbed to a practical Nestorianism.

Into the vacuum left by this process the longings of the collective Christian heart for an assurance that God was indeed compassionate, tender, understanding, human, forced the figure of Mary, and it was she, not Christ, who came to be addressed as Most Gracious Advocate, the Christian’s Life, Sweetness and Hope.

Type
Aquinas Lecture 1988
Information
New Blackfriars , Volume 69 , Issue 816 , May 1988 , pp. 210 - 227
Copyright
Copyright © 1988 Provincial Council of the English Province of the Order of Preachers

References

1 Formerly used in the Roman rite, for example, as the Epistle for the feast of the Immaculate Conception; it is still an optional reading in the Common of the B.V.M.

2 The best general introduction to the history of Marian doctrine in the later Middle Ages in English is Graef, Hilda, Mary, A History of Doctrine and Devotion, vol i, (London, 1963)Google Scholar. For Joseph, Jaroslav Pelikan, The Christian Tradition: A History of the Development of Doctrine, vol. iv. Reformation of Church and Dogma (1300–1700), p. 42.

3 Graef, op. cit. pp 263–4.

4 On the Salve, Thurston, Herbert, Familiar Prayers, (ed. Grosjean, P. London, 1953), pp xfp –45Google Scholar, and Enciclopedia Cattolica vol. x, (1953) cols. 1719–21; Perdrizet, P., La Vierge de Misericorde: Etude d'un theme iconographique, (Paris, 1908), p 13Google Scholar.

5 Graef, op. cit., pp 203–4.

6 Thurston, op. cit., p 116.

7 Graef, op. cit. pp 235–41.

8 ibid. p. 289.

9 Baxandall, Michael, The Limewood Sculptors of Renaissance Germany, (New Haven and London, 1980), pp 165–6Google Scholar: Henry, A., (ed.), The Mirour of Mans Salvacioun: A Middle English Translation of Speculum Humanae Salvationis, (Scolar Press, 1986) p 191Google Scholar.

10 Perdrizet, La Vierge de Misericorde, passim: Baxandall, Limewood Sculptors, pp 165–72.

11 Mirour of Mans Salvacioun, p 190.

12 ibid. p 187.

13 Perdrizet, La Vierge de Misericorde, p 247 n 1.

14 Mirour p 197.

15 For the Theophilus legend, see Jacobi a Voragine, Legenda Aurea Vulgo Historia Lombardica Dicta (3 ed. Th Graesse, Dresden 1890 reprinted Osnabruck 1969), pp 593–4; Warner, Marina, Alone of all her Sex; The Myth and Cult of the Virgin Mary (Paperback ed. London 1985) pp 323–4Google Scholar.

16 Caxton version quoted from Rock, Daniel, The Church of Our Fathers (ed Hart, G.W. and Frere, W.H., London 1905)Google Scholar vol. iii p 161n. Latin version, Legenda Aurea (ed. Graesse) p 515.

17 Text of the Mass in Dickenson, F.H. (ed.), Missale ad Usum Insignis et Praeclarae Ecclesiae Sarum., (Burntisland, 1861–83Google Scholar, Gregg reprint 1969) pp 886*–890*. An English version will be found in Warren, F.E., The Sarum Missal in English, (Alcuin Club 1911)Google Scholar vol 2 pp 227–234. The passage from Erasmus is quoted from Thompson, C.R., Ten Colloquies of Erasmus, (Indianapolis 1957) p 60Google Scholar.

18 Graef, op. cit. pp 81–2, 122–3, 228; Marina Warner, Alone of all her Sex, pp 20–223.

19 Text edited by Blume, C. & Bannister, H.M. in Analecta Hymnica Medii Aevi (Leipzig, 1886–1922) livGoogle Scholar. (1915) pp 312–8.

20 Missale ad Usum … Sarum pp 919*–923*.

21 I quote from the version in Horstmann, C., Yorkshire Writers (London 1895) vol 1 p 198Google Scholar.

22 These lines are, of course, from the Stabat Mater.

23 Brown, Carleton, Religious Lyrics of the Fifteenth Century, Oxford 1939) pp 17–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

24 The description is from Roger Martyn's account of Long Melford Parish Church before the Reformation, printed in Parker, William Sir, The History of Long Melford (London 1873) pp 70–3Google Scholar.

25 Meech, S.B. (ed.) The Book of Margery Kempe (Early English Texts Society 1940) p 148Google Scholar.

26 See the example reproduced opposite p 87 of Gray, Douglas, Themes and Images in the Medieval English Religious Lyric (London 1972)Google Scholar.

27 Antal, F., ‘The Maenad under the Cross’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institute, Vol I (19378) pp 79–83Google Scholar. Graef, op. cit pp 261–3, and compare the relatively restrained account of the Virgin's behaviour under the Cross given by Margery Kempe, The Book of Margery Kempe pp 192–3.

28 Graef, op. cit pp 267 ff.

29 ibid p 273.

30 Tugwell, Simon O.P., Ways of Imperfection (London 1984) p 165Google Scholar.

31 The best treatment of this subject is J.A.W. Bennett, The Poetry of the Passion.

32 Woolf, Rosemary, The English Religious Lyric in the Middle Ages (Oxford 1968) p 255Google Scholar ff.

33 These passages are selected from the first and third nocturnes of Tenebrae in the Post‐Tridentine Breviary from Maundy Thursday onwards.

34 Davies, R.T., Medieval English Lyrics (London 1963) p 259Google Scholar.

35 Luria, M.S. and Hoffman, R.L., Middle English Lyrics (New York 1974) number 185 p 174Google Scholar.

36 ibid number 184, p 173.

37 I have used the translation by Ward, Benedicta, The Prayers and Meditations of St Anselm, (Harmondsworth, Penguin Books, 1986) pp 122–4Google Scholar.

38 Luria and Hoffman, Middle English Lyrics number 196 p 188.

39 Graef, op. cit. p 228.

40 Luria and Hoffman, Middle English Lyrics, number 226 pp 215–217.

41 The Speculum, one of the principal popular vehicles for the spread of the devotion to the Mother of Mercy, also devotes a good deal of space to Mary as Mater Dolorosa, describing the extraordinary participation of Mary in her Son's sufferings. Yet the terms in which this unique compassion is described make it clear that we can and should emulate it. Thus a description of Mary's unique suffering resolves itself into a convention by which all Christians share her grief. The Mirour of Mans Salvacioun pp 159–161.

42 I take Julian to be conscious of the resonances of such phrases as ‘I thowte: “is any payne like this?”… there was no payne that might be suffrid leke to that sorow that I had to se him in payne’. Glassgoe, Marion (ed.) Julian of Norwich, A Revelation of Divine Love (University of Exeter 1976) p 20Google Scholar.

43 ibid, pp 20–1.

44 ibid, pp 27–8.

45 On Margery, Knowles, David, The English Mystical Tradition (London 1961)Google Scholar; Atkinson, C., Mystic and Pilgrim: the Book and World of Margery Kempe, (Cornell U.P. 1983)Google Scholar. For Julian's encounter with Margery, see The Book of Margery Kempe pp 42–3.

46 His argument, which is of course far more nuanced than my summary suggests, is brilliantly set out in Christianity in the West (Oxford 1986)Google Scholar.