Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-l7hp2 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-22T07:31:42.082Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Justice, Peace and Dominicans 1216–1999

III: Recovering the Apostolic Life: Antoninus of Florence

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 January 2024

Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

Core share and HTML view are not available for this content. However, as you have access to this content, a full PDF is available via the ‘Save PDF’ action button.

The Acts of the Apostles relates how in the Jerusalem church “the whole group of those who believed were of one heart and soul, and no one claimed private ownership of any possessions, but everything they owned was held in common. With great power the apostles gave their testimony to the resurrection of the Lord Jesus, and great grace was upon them all." The author of Acts is not simply reporting three separate facts about the apostles, how they felt, how they lived, and how they preached. Their preaching gains its power from their common faith and life. Their rejection of private property and redistribution of wealth, cutting at the roots of avarice, form an eloquent expression of their faith in the God who hears the cry of the poor, whose day of justice is at hand. The heart, the purse, and the voice are formed in a single apostolic life.

This picture of the apostolic life was at the heart of St. Augustine's vision of religious life and dear to the early Dominicans who adopted his Rule. Humbert of Romans in his Commentary on the Rule was adamant that the brother who even said “that’s my book!” and meant it committed mortal sin. All things had been shared before the Fall and would be in the Kingdom. Private property was a frequent cause of envy and strife. It tied down the heart. Humbert set out the different reasons why voluntary poverty was integral to the office of preaching. Preachers have to go everywhere and not everywhere could afford to support the retinue, the horses and servants, of a rich prelate.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © 1998 Provincial Council of the English Province of the Order of Preachers

References

1 ACTS 4:32‐33.

2 Expositio regulae B. Augustini, in Opera de Vita Regulari, ed. Berthier, J.F., Turin 7956, Vol.1 Pp.7980Google Scholar.

3 ibid, pp.51‐53.

4 Mortier, Histoire des Maitres Généraux de l'Ordre des Frères Prěcheurs, vol.III, pp.289‐305.

5 Mortier, op. cit., p. 570.

6 Langland, , The Vision of Piers Plowman, ed. Schmidt, AV.C., London 1978Google Scholar, xv, 11. 415‐416.

7 ibid, xv, 1.421.

8 ibid, xx, 276.

9 Summa Moralis, 3a pars, tit. xviii, cap. I, ii.

10 “Debbono i religiosi e religiose essere luce e specchio del mondo caduco e non solo avere pace in se ma a pace confortare tutti i tribulati e in pazienza confermare.” Letters, p.94.

11 Summa Moralis, 3a pars, tit. xvi cap. 1, iii “sollicitudo, quae adhibetur circa res communes, pertinet ad amorem caritatis, quae non quaerit quae sua sunt, sed communibus intendit.”

12 Summa Moralis, 3a, iii, 2, i, citing the Franciscan John de Ripa, trans Jarrett, B, Medieval Socialism, London, p.50Google Scholar.

13 ibid, cap. 1, iii; “habere aliquid in communi, moderate tamen, quod sufficere possit ad victum et vestitum pro aliquo tempore non prolixo.”

14 ibid, cap. 1, ii: “In religione autem ilia, quae est ordinata ad tradendum aliis contemplata per doctrinam et praedicationem, congruit permaxime ilia paupertas, quae mobilia pro tempore reservat in communi…”

15 Summa Moralis, 3a, xvi, 1, xii.

16 See R. Creytens O.P. & A. D'Amato O.P., Les actes capitulaires de la Congregation dominicaine de Lombardie, AFP (1961).

17 M. Hollingsworth sees Cosimo as breaching all rules that restrained the self‐aggrandizement of patrons in their commissions, Patronage in Renaissance Italy, 1994, p.55.

18 Domenico Lenzi, Specchio umano, 1329, cited Henderson, J., Piety and Charity in Late Medieval Florence, Chicago 1994, p.276Google Scholar.

19 Herlihy, D. & Klapisch‐Zuber, C., Tuscans and their Families: A study of the Florentine catasta of 1427, Yale 1985, p.100Google Scholar.

20 J. Henderson, op. cit., p.361.

21 Report by the captains of the Orsanmichele in 1413, cited I. Henderson, Op. cit., p.382.

22 Herlihy & Klapisch‐Zuber, Op. cit., p.100.

23 ibid, p.279.

24 J Henderson, op. cit., pp.388‐397.

25 Kent, D., ‘The Buonomini di San Martino’ in Cosimo il Vecchio… ed. Ames‐Lewis, F., Oxford 1992, p.50Google Scholar. Cosimo was behind half of all the money given in the first three years.

26 ibid, p.52.

27 “Quidquid habent clerici, pauperum est, et domus eorum omnibus debent esse communes. Non canes et aves, non equos, sed eos, scilicet homines, debent pascere, non dominos et milites, ut sibi eos amicos faciant, non histriones aut concubinas, sed eos, scilicet subditos, indigentes, et multo magis pascere debent cibo spirituali sacramentorum et praedicationum.” 3a, xix, 11, i

28 Bisticci, Vespasiano da, Vita, ed. Greco, A., Florence 1970, vol. 1, p.228Google Scholar.

29 Morcay, R., Saint Antonin. Tours, p. 133Google Scholar.

30 In the Summa Antoninus distinguishes between the poverty and chastity to which a religious is still bound after the consecration as a bishop and the withdrawal from public life, silences and fasts from which he is dispensed by reason of his public duties. 3a, xx, vii. Bisticci's description of the palace furnishings repeats the phrase come I frati.

31 Vita S. Antonii, Summa Moralis, Verona. 1740, cap. 2. 10. n 4Google Scholar.

32 ibid, where the Vita describes it as “modestissimam.” Da Bisticci's Vita puts a figure of 500 florins on his household expenses from an income of 1,500 scudi. op. cit., p.228.

33 Morcay. op. cit., p. 176.

34 Vespasiano da Bisticci, op. cit. p 230.

35 Park, K., ‘Healing the Poor’ in Barry, J. & Jones, C., Medicine and Charity before the Welfare State, London 1991. p 32Google Scholar.

36 Morcay, op cit, p 178.

37 Carmichael, A., Plague and the Poor in Renaissance Florence. CUP, 1986, pp.101102Google Scholar.

38 Gilbert Markus has also linked Antoninus with the establishment of the monies pietatis (The Radical Tradition, p.80), but most historians date their foundation to the work of the Observant Franciscans at Perugia in 1462. It was they who set up a monte pietatis in Florence after Antoninus' death in 1488.

39 Gavitt, P., Charity and Children in Renaissance Florence, Ann Arbor 1990, pp.9697CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

40 Da Bisticci, op. cit., p.235.

41 De Roover, , San Bernardino of Siena and Sant' Antonino of Florence, Boston 1967, p.31Google Scholar.

42 Summa Moralis, 3a, tit. 8, col. 299a.

43 ibid, 3a, 8, col. 312a,

44 De Roover, op. cit., Pp. 26‐27.

45 Howard, P. F., Beyond the Written Word: Preaching and Theology in the Florence of Archbishop Antoninus 1427‐1459, Rome, 1995, p.25Google Scholar.

46 ibid, p.52, n40.

47 R. Morcay, op. cit., p.184.