1 Jordan of Saxony Libellus & principiis O.P., ed. D.H.‐C. Scheeben, MOPH XVI (19350 9cited below as ‘Jordan’) p. 1–88, pares. 92–6. Brooke, R.B. The Coming of the Friars (London 1975) p. 104–5Google Scholar. Cahill, B. O.P. Dominic the Preacher (London, 1988) p. 108–9Google Scholar. well, S. Tug O.P., ed. Early Dominicans — Selected Writings (New York, 1982) p. 58–9, 60, 68–9, 70, 78, 92Google Scholar. Vicaire, M.‐H. O.P. St. Dominic and his Times (London, 1964) p. 371–75Google Scholar. Jordan and the Acta Canonizationis S. Dominici ed. R.P.A. Walz, O.P., MOPH XVI (1935) p.91–194, are the principal primary sources on St. Dominic Vicaire 1964 is the standard modern life.

2 Acta p. 191f, trans. Lehner, F.C. St. Dominic — Biographical Documents Washington, 1964)Google Scholar.

3 Peter of Ferrand, ed. Laurent MOPH XV (1933) p. 204; see also Lehner 1964 p. 3, Vicaire, S. Dominique de Calereuga daprès des documents du XIII siècle (Paris 1955) p. 19Google Scholar. Constantine of Orvieto wrote a second life, based on Peter of Ferrand and commissioned by the General Chapter of 1245; Humbert of Romans, fifth Master of the Order, drew on both of these in compiling his definitive Legenda which was approved by the three General Chapters of 1254–56.

4 On this and what follows see Kemp, E.W. Canonization and Authority in the Western Church (Oxford,) 1948Google Scholar where all references may be found except where otherwise given.

5 Kemp 1948 p. 57.

6 Kemp 1948 p. 67.

7 ‘Absolute authority’, see C. Morris The Papal Monarchy 1989 p. 450.

8 Vicaire 1955 p. 196.

9 Vicaire 1964 p. 46–60.

10 Vicaire 1964 p. 80–114, J.G. Bougerol ‘La Papauté dans les sermons médiévaux français et italiens’ in RRP p. 248, Robinson, I.S. The Papacy 1079–1198 (Cambridge, 1990) p.211Google Scholar.

11 Osmund Lewry O.P. ‘Papal Ideals and the University of Pans’ in RRP at p. 368–71.

12 Bas reliefs by Nicholas Pisano on the shrine in Bologna to which he was transferred in 1267 depict Dominic in Innocent III's dream supporting the Lateran palace and Honorius confirming a book of constitutions. Neither are accurate history but both reflect the true feelings of the papacy as expressed in the bull of canonization. Plates and Comment in J. Gardner ‘Patterns of Papal Patronage c. 1260–c.1300’ in RRP at p. 444f.

13 Mann, H.K. ed. The Lives of the Popes in the Middle Ages 18 vols., Vol. XIII. (London, 1925) p. 199–200Google Scholar.

14 Jordan 96.

15 Jordan 97, trans.Tugwell, S O.P. Jordan of Saxony (Dublin 1982).Google Scholar

16 Jordan 92–9 and 120–26 constitute the primary same and Vicaire 1964 p. 376–95 gives a full history of the period from death to canonization with full source references; see also Vicaire 1955 p. 195–8.

17 The bishopric of Conserans offered by the archbishop of Auch, see Pons, abbot of Boulbone, in Acta p. 177.

18 Brother Stephen, Acta p. 155; identical evidence is given by Paul of Venice p. 161 and Frugiero of Penne p. 165 and William, abbot of St. Paul, remarks on his contempt for all temporal glory p. 182–3. Brother Ralph (or Reginald) stated: quod nolebat quod fratres intromitterent se de temporalibus, nec de facto domus, nec de consiliis temporalium…sed volebat quod alii semper essent intenti lectioni, orationi vel predicationi. Et si quem fratrum sciret utilem ad predicationem, nolebat quod iniungitur ei aliquid officium aliud. Acta p. 150–1. ‘that he did not want the brethren to involve themselves in temporal affairs, nor domestic matters, nor in the business of this world …but desired the rest [those not concerned with domestic business] to be always devoted to study or prayer or preaching. If he found me of the brothers 10 be an able preacher he wanted no other kind of duty to be imposed upon him.’

19 Morris 1989 p. 456, 460 discusses papal support for the Order and argues that Gregory was sensitive to their ideals in his recruitment of them.

20 See Tugwell, The Nine Ways of Prayer of St. Dominic (Dublin, 1978) p. 5–7Google Scholar and Acta passim.

21 Jordan 98. See also Brooke, C.N.L. Medieval Church und Society (London. 1974 p. 231–2Google Scholar, R Brooke 1975 p. 104.

22 Vicaire 1964 p. 381–2. It is clear from Jordan 121–3 that mixed feelings existed among the brethren but there was a growing awareness that neglect of their founder's sanctity was doing nothing for the glory of the Order or of the Church, and his comments suggest that as Master he was prominent among the active patty: Sique factum est, ut beati patris Dominici gloria absque omni sanctitatis veneratione per annos fere XII sopita permaneret. Iacebat nempe thesaurus absconditus, carens utilitate, et subtrahebantur beneficia desuper a virtutum largitione. … Prodibat sepius virtus Dominici sed suffocabat eam incuria filiorum. Jordan 123. ‘So it was that the glory of blessed father Dominic remained neglected and without veneration of his utter holiness for nearly twelve years. Indeed he lay as a treasure hidden, wanting its usefulness, and the gifts from the heavenly largesse of virtues were lost…. The virtue of Dominic often went forth but the neglect of his children smothered it’

23 Jordan 125.

24 Acta p. 129. cf. Jordan 93.

25 q.v. herein. Jordan 121–30 and Acta p. 131–2, 135–6, 138, 141–2, 152–3, 158–60 are the principal sources on the translation. Vicaire 1964 p. 380–4 argues that the miraculous fragrance was the proximate cause without which the other factors would not have ensured canonization and rejects suggestions that Jordan as Master contrived the events to achieve this end.

26 There is also Jordan's Encyclical Letter, see n. 28 below.

27 Jordan 39.

28 Discussed in Lehner 1964 p. 2, Tug well Early Dominicans p. viii‐ix, Scheeben in Jordan at p. 5. The ‘Encyclical Letter’ edited by Kaeppeli was probably written by Jordan on 25th may 1233, the day after the translation. It is not a life or hagiography but cites Dominic as the prime example of Dominican life for the brethren; it is not to be identified with the putative encyclical appended to the Libellus. See also Vicaire 1955 p. 16–18.

29 Vicaire 1955 p. 15. See also Scheeben in Jordan at p. 22–3.

30 Jordan 2–3.

31 C.N.L. Brooke 1974 p. 215, Lehner 1964 p. 2.

32 Jordan p. 4–5, 20–21, 25 n. a.

33 R. Brooke 1975 p. 91, 97, 103.

34 Blessed Celia ‘The Miracles of St. Dominic’, ed. A. Walz, AFP XXXVII (1967) p. 21–44. See also Tugwell Early Dominicans p. 391–3, 473. Jordan's account of the miracles was added to his revised edition her the canonization, see p. 17 infra.

35 Tugwell Jordan of Saxony p. vii.

36 C.N.L. Brooke 1974 p. 214–32. This paper includes a worthwhile discussion and a useful contrasting of SS. Francis and Dominic.

37 Jordan 1.

38 R. Brooke 1975 p. 103–4. Tugwell, in his Foreword to Cahill 1988 p. Vii, says ‘Unlike his spectacular contemporary, St Francis of Assisi, St. Dominic was a much more unobtrusive man, whose life was to a great extent hidden by his devotion to the various tasks it fell to him to perform and by his readiness to work with other people.’

39 C.N.L. Brooke 1974 p. 231–2

40 Vicaire 1955 p. 19.

41 See Vicaire 1964 p. 376–95 for a full narrative of the canonization process and sources.

42 Acta p. 114–17.

43 Acta p. 116.

44 See Vicaire 1955 p. 197–8 for an analysis of this process.

45 Acta p.169.

46 See Vicaire 1964 p. 387, n. 44.

47 Acta p. 190–4.

48 Acta p. 193.

49 Jordan 122.