1. See for instance Halbach, Uwe, Ethno-territoriale Konflikte in der GUS (Cologne: Berichte des Bundesinstitut für ostwissenschaftliche und internationale Studien, 1992), p. 31; Nowak, Jürgen, Europas Krisenherde—Nationalitätenkonflikte vom Atlantik bis zum Ural—ein Handbuch (Hamburg: Rowolt Verlag, 1994); and Chinn, Jeff and Roper, Steven D., “Ethnic Mobilization and Reactive Nationalism: The Case of Moldova,” Nationalities Papers, Vol. 23, No. 2, 1995.Google Scholar

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6. Ibid., p. 3. The idea that Russophones in the non-Russian Soviet successor states may in time coalesce into separate cultural groups with an identity of their own, is discussed by Pål Kolstø in “The New Russian Diaspora—An Identity of Its Own?” Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol. 19, No. 3, July 1996, pp. 609–639; and affirmed by David Laitin in “Identity in Formation: The Russian-Speaking Nationality in the Post-Soviet Diaspora,” paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, 1994.Google Scholar

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15. In the Southern part there were also compact settlements of Bulgarians, Turkic-speaking Orthodox Gagauzi, etc.Google Scholar

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17. We owe the observation of the Moldovan–German parallel to Wim van Meurs.Google Scholar

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24. Litskai, Valerii, “My khotim zhit’ na svoei zemle,” Literaturnaia gazeta, 8 April 1992; “Doklad predsedatelia OSTK V. Emel'ianov na 5-i konferentsii OSTK, Oktiabr’ 1992,” Trudovoi Tiraspol', 4–11 November 1992.Google Scholar

25. “Dnestria, represented by its Supreme Soviet, does not pose the question of secession from Moldova. We are tied to her in many ways: common territory during 50 years, a single economic space, community of culture, and in many other ways.” Dnestrovskaia pravda, 2 November 1991. See also Igor Smirnov, “Da, nezavisimost', no nikto ne provozglashal vykhoda iz Moldovy,” Dnestrovskaia pravda, 5 November 1992.Google Scholar

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27. According to official PMR figures 78% of the voters participated and 97.7% wanted independence. See Zaria Pridnestrov'e (Dubossary), 5 December 1991; and Dnestrovskaia pravda, 2 September 1992, p. 3. The plebiscite was, however, conducted in a rather primitive fashion. On a visit to Tiraspol in September 1992 one of the present authors was shown lists on which the “yes” and “no” votes were recorded. Hence, the anonymity of the votes was compromised. In certain villages in the Dubossary and Grigoriopol regions opposition toward PMR independence was strong and attempts were made to interrupt the plebiscite. In these villages new elections were held by February 1992. See Dnestrovskaia pravda, 5 December 1991, p. 2.Google Scholar

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29. Ibid., 2 November 1991, p. 2.Google Scholar

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36. The third candidate, Blagodarnyi, G. V., running for the newly-created Dnester Democratic Party, finished last with only 1.5%. See Zaria Pridnestrov'ia, 5 December 1991, p. 1. Blagodarnyi's participation was initially banned due to technical irregularities in the nomination process. See Dnestrovskaia pravda, 12 November 1991. His party objected that the election law had been promulgated so late that it was impossible to live up to all of its regulations, and the objection was sustained by the electoral commission. After his defeat Blagodarnyi complained that in certain areas his election campaign had been actively obstructed by local authorities. On the balance, however, he hailed the multi-candidate elections as a victory for PMR democracy. See interview with Blagodarnyi in Dnestrovskaia pravda, 12 December 1991, p. 2.Google Scholar

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41. For details, see the report of the human rights centre Memorial, printed in Nezavisimaia gazeta, 22 September 1992. Reprinted in English translation in “Human rights in Moldova,” op. cit., pp. 53–69.Google Scholar

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