1. Schwarz, S. M., Evrei v Sovetskom Soiuze s Nachala Vtoroi Mirovoi Voiny (1939–1965) New York, 1966): 164–171; Sh. Redlich, “The Jewish Antifascist Committee in the Soviet Union.” Jewish Social Studies, 31, 1 (January 1969): 26–36; Y. A. Gilboa, “Our Jewish Brethren the World Over.” Bulletin on Soviet and East European Jewish Affairs, no. 5 (May 1970): 78–90; Schapiro, L., “The Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee and Phases of Soviet Anti-Semitic Policy during and after World War II,” in B. Vago and G. L. Mosse, eds., Jews and Non-Jews in Eastern Europe, 1918–1945 (New York, 1974): 283–300.Google Scholar

2. The limitations of this kind of research are obvious. The most significant sources, the publications of the JAC, were heavily censored. Other sources and oral information indicate that the materials officially published by the Committee were but the tip of an iceberg. An additional drawback is that all leading members of the JAC were executed during the years 1948–1952, thus depriving us of most significant direct testimonies. When dealing with the membership profile of the Committee it has been difficult to locate biographical information on all its members.Google Scholar

3. For examples of discussion on this matter see Ettinger, Sh., “The Influence of the Holocaust on the National Resurrection of Soviet Jewry.” Massuah; A Yearbook on the Holocaust and Heroism, no. 2 (September 1974): 20–28; A Lev-Ran, “The State of Israel and Soviet Jews,” Gesher, no. 3–4(1972–1973): 246–258; V. A. Gilboa, The Black Years of Soviet Jewry (Tel Aviv, 1972): 60–89.Google Scholar

4. On the scope of the Holocaust of Soviet Jewry see Schwarz, , Evrei v Sovetskom Soiuze, pp. 64–87; Eck, N., The Holocaust of the Jewish People in Europe (Yad Vashem, 1975); V. Orbach, The Extermination of Jews in the Part of the USSR Occupied by Germans,” Yalkut Moreshet, (June 1975): 109–158.Google Scholar

5. On the participation of Jews in the Soviet military and partisan movement see Ainsztein, R., Jewish Resistance in Nazi-Occupied Eastern Europe (London, 1974), and Schwarz, Evrei v Sovetskom Soiuze, pp. 115–130.Google Scholar

6. Gilboa, Y. A., “The 1948 Zionist Wave in Moscow,” Soviet Jewish Affairs, (November 1971): 35–39; Y. Roi, “Soviet-Israeli Relations, 1947–1954,” in M. Confino and S. Sharmir, eds., The USSR and the Middle East (Jerusalem, 1973): 123–146.Google Scholar

7. On Polish-Jewish refugees in the USSR see Ph. D. Dissertation, Redlich, Sh., The Jews Under Soviet Rule During World War II (New York University, 1968): 57–110.Google Scholar

8. Interviews by the author, deposited at the Oral History Division, The Institute of Contemporary Jewry, Hebrew University, Jerusalem, with Dr. David Sfard, no. 6(93); Mrs. Esther Mark, no. 7(93); Mrs. Ida Kaminska, no. 14(93). See also Ianasovich, I., With Jewish Writers in Russia Buenos Aires, 1959).Google Scholar

9. Dolzhanskaia, T., ed., Na odnoi volne; evreiskie motivy v russkoi poezii (Tel Aviv, 1974); Gilboa, “Our Jewish Brethren.” Bulletin on Soviet and East Eurpean Jewish Affairs, no. 5; Ph. D. Dissertation, B. Choseed, Reflections of the Soviet Nationalities Policy in Literature; The Jews. 1938–1948 (Columbia University, 1968): 217–342.Google Scholar

10. For a detailed discussion of the All Slav Committee see Ph. D. Dissertation, Pawlowski, E. J. P., Pan-Slavism During World War II (Georgetown University, 1968), and L. Nemzer, The Structure of Soviet Foreign Propaganda Organization (Chicago University Press, 1948).Google Scholar

11. Goldberg, B. Z., The Jewish Problem in the Soviet Union (New York, 1961): 43–92. Some information on this Committee could also be found in its publications New Currents and Eynikayt (New York).Google Scholar

12. The author is currently writing a study in which reactions and initiatives of the World Jewish Congress, the Jewish Agency for Palestine, and other Jewish organizations are being examined.Google Scholar

13. This includes the signatories of the August 1941 appeal which preceded the actual establishment of the Committee. The information used is primarily from Brider yidn fun der gantser velt (Moscow, 1941); Tsveyter antifashistisher miting fun di forshteyer funem yidishn folk (Moscow, 1942); Evreiskii narod v bor'be protiv fashizma (Moscow, 1945); Eynikayt (Moscow, February 27, 1943; August 24, 1944; May 10, 1945; May 15, 1945; Eynikayt (New York), June-July 1945, p. 31. See also the list compiled by Gilboa, J. A., “Our Jewish Brethren.” Bulletin on Soviet and East European Jewish Affairs, no. 5 (May 1970(: 291–293. For a full list of JAC members and affiliates see Appendix A.Google Scholar

14. Some membership cases present difficulties. P. Kapitsa, the famous Soviet physicist, a Ukrainian, was among the signatories to the first Jewish appeal of August 1941. For his participation in Jewish propaganda activities and for rumors of Kapitsa being Jewish see Mikhoels, S. M., Stat'i, besedy, rechi (Moscow, 1965): 528. His identification as a Jew was perpetuated by the JAC newspaper as late as 1945, see Eynikayt (Moscow), July 7, 1945. Two leading members, Fefer and Epshteyn, although by profession poet and journalist, respectively, performed Party and Government functions as various points in their lives as well as during their membership on the Committee. It should be noted that all Party functionaries represented Birobidzhan, the Jewish Autonomous Region, and were meant to represent a Jewish entity rather than the Communist Party. It is interesting to note that the proportion among various groups within similar Soviet organizations was quite different from that of the Jewish Committee. Thus, among 48 signatories to an appeal by the All Slav Committee issued in 1943, 12 were of the military and there were only 9 writers. The 45 signatories of a document issued by the Soviet Antifascist Committee of Women contained 14 military figures. A report of an Antifascist meeting of Soviet students listed 57 signatories, out of which 22 represented the military. This information is from “Obrashchenie tret'ego Vseslavianskogo mitinga k ugnetennym slavianam Evropy.” Slaviane, no. 5(1943);6–7; Chetvertyi antifashistskii zhenskii miting (Moscow, 1944);11–12; Fellow Students to Battle (Moscow, 1942) 35–36.Google Scholar

15. The term “intellectuals” is used here in the sense of what has been defined as “creative intellectuals,” i.e., “scholars, scientists, philosophers, artists, authors, some editors and some journalists.” This definition follows Lipset, S. M. and Dobson, R. B., “The Intellectual as Critic and Rebel,” in Eisenstadt, S. N. and Graubard, S. R., eds., Intellectuals and Tradition (New York, 1973) Part 2, pp. 137–138.Google Scholar

16. According to Kaminska's testimony, Mikhoels’ attitude towards her was very ambivalent. Although he kept promising her that she would be given the opportunity to act and direct in his theatre, these promises never materialized. Kaminska, I., My Life, My Theatre (New York, 1973): 184–190.Google Scholar

17. She was also active in the Antifascist Committee of Soviet Women. Lina Shtern was imprisoned with other members of the JAC after the closing of the Committee in late 1948. She was released and rehabilitated after Stalin's death and died in 1968.Google Scholar

18. Dr. Vovsi was arrested together with a number of Soviet physicians, mostly Jews, in 1952 and charged with premeditated incorrect treatment of Soviet Party and Army Leaders. He was released and rehabilitated after Stalin's death. Vovsi died in 1960.Google Scholar

19. Eynikayt (Moscow), September 5, 1942; D. Bergelson, “Der General Yakov Krayzer.” Eynikayt (Moscow), July 6, 1944.Google Scholar

20. For a thorough study on Jews in the Red Army's Lithuanian Division see Levin, D., They Fought Back; Lithuanian Jewry's Armed Resistance to the Nazis, 1941–1945 (Jerusalem, 1974): 47–104.Google Scholar

21. Mikhoels was fascinated, for example, by the personality of the 18th century scholar and philosopher, Solomon Maimon, one of the first East European Jews to transcend the spiritual and intellectual borderline between the Jewish ghetto and the European intellectual community. Mikhoels, S. M., Stat'i, besedy, rechi (Moscow, 1965):226. Mikhoels must have experienced a growing feeling of marginality during the Zhdanovshchina. For his growing feelings of pessimism and resignation in the postwar years see interview with his daughter, Mrs. Natalya Vovsi-Mikhoels, Oral History Division, The Institute of Contemporary Jewry, Hebrew University, Jerusalem, no. 93(10). For an excellent fictional portrayal of Mikhoels during that period see Mann, M., “Moto shel ha'melekh Lir” (The Death of King Lir), Molad (March 1957): 35–46.Google Scholar

22. For additional details on Mikhoels’ relationship with Tolstoi, A. see Mikhoels, Stat'i, besedy, rechi (Moscow, 1965):502, 503, 531–537; B. Filipov, “Aktery bez grima,” Iunost' (December 1964):198, and interview with his daughter, ibid.Google Scholar

23. Leftwich, J., Abraham Sutskever: Partisan Poet (New York, 1971):88.Google Scholar

24. Mikhoels’ friendship with these personalities is discussed in Mikhoels, Stat'i, besedy, rechi, passim and in the interview with his daughter.Google Scholar

25. Filipov, “Aktery be grima,” Iunost' (December 1964):192.Google Scholar

26. Shmeruk, Ch., “Yiddish Publications in the USSR from the Late Thirties to 1948.” Yad Vashem Studies 4(1960):17, footnote 23.Google Scholar

27. Mikhoels, S. M., Stat'i besedy, rechi, p. 526; Ianasovich, With Jewish Writters, pp. 80–81; interview with the widow of Perets Markish, Mrs. Ester Markish, no. 5(93).Google Scholar

28. Fefer, I., “Tseshmetrn dem yidish natsyonalizm,” Farmest, no. 1 (1934):196–197, quoted by Kh. Shmeruk, “Yiddish Literature in the USSR,” in L. Kochan, ed., The Jews in Soviet Russia Since 1917 (Oxford University Press, 1970):257. On the Mikhoels-Fefer relationship see Ianasovich, , With Jewish Writers, and the interview with Natalya Vovsi-Mikhoels.Google Scholar

29. Belenki, M., “Dermonung vegn Mikhoelsn.” Yiddishe Shriftn (March 1968):6.Google Scholar

30. For various reactions of Mikhoels, to the Holocaust see Mikhoels, Stat'i, besedy, rechi, pp. 50, 323, 567; M. Belenki, “Der yidisher folkstribun in kamf kegn Hitlerism.” Folksshtime (May 8, 1965); J. Rotboym, “Shloyme Mikholes.” Folksshtime (January 15, 1958), and the interview with Natalya Vovsi-Mikhoels. Mikhoels was deeply moved by personal tragedies of individual Jews who wrote to him about their sorrows, J. Druker, “Bagegenishn mit Mikhoelsn.” Folksshtime (September 6, 1969).Google Scholar

31. For Mikhoels’ attitudes toward Sutskever see Leftwich, , Abraham Sutskever, pp. 81–101.Google Scholar

32. Mikhoels, , Stat'i, besedy, rechi, pp. 570–572.Google Scholar

33. Eynikayt (Moscow), March 15, 1943. Gilboa, J. A. differentiates between “minimalists” and “maximalists” among the JAC leadership, viewing Mikhoels as a careful “maximalist.” Gilboa, The Black Years, p. 45.Google Scholar

34. Mikhoels, , Stat'i, besedy, rechi, p. 508.Google Scholar

35. Mikhoels, ibid., p. 525.Google Scholar

36. Sutskever, A., “Mit Shloyme Mikhoels, .” Di goldene keyt, vol. 43 (1962):165 and interview with Natalya Vovsi-Mikhoels. Officially of course, Mikhoels was careful in his statements. See for example Mikhoels, Stat'i, besedy, rechi, pp. 203, 257.Google Scholar

37. Lvov, S., “Di Birobidzhaner teg.” Dos Naye Lebn, July 7, 1947; Vaysman, B., Yoman mahteret ivri mi'brit ha'moatsot (Ramat Gan, 1973): 131 and interview with Natalya Vovsi-Mikhoels.Google Scholar

38. Fefer, I., “Mikhoels,” Eynikayt (Moscow), February 5, 1948; A. Sutskever, “Mit Shloyme Mikhoels.” Di goldene keyt, Vol. 43, p. 156; J. Shein, Arum moskver yiddishn teater (Paris, 1964):192–193; I. Ehrenburg, The War, 1941–1945 (Cleveland-New York, 1964):125. Mikhoels was very often referred to by his friends as “the old man” and he himself had a similar self-image.Google Scholar

39. Pravda, January 17, 1948; J. Shein, “Poslednie dni Solomona Mikhoelsa,” Grani, 23:68(1968):114.Google Scholar

40. Leneman, L., La Tragedie des Juifs en URSS (Paris, 1959):127–131; interview with Natalya Vovsi-Mikhoels; Sutskever, “Mit Shloyme Mikhoels.” Di goldene keyt, Vol. 43, pp. 160–162.Google Scholar

41. For most of these biographical details see Beylin, I. B., “Shakno, Epshteynzayn lebn.” Eynikayt (New York), September 1945, pp. 14, 15, 29 and M. Epstein, The Jew and Communism, 1919–1941 (New York, n.d.):389–394.Google Scholar

42. Shakhno Epshteyn used such people as the Jewish Communist Melekh Epstein and B. Z. Goldberg, a Soviet sympathizer and columnist for the Yiddish daily Tog, to have his articles published in that newspaper under a pseudonym. Epstein, The Jew and Communism, p. 391, and Beylin, “Shakhno Epshteynzayn lebn,” Eynikayt (New York):29.Google Scholar

43. Juliet Stuart Poyntz, a graduate of Barnard College, was on friendly terms with Shakhno Epshteyn from 1916–17. Later she became a prominent member of the American Communist Party. However after spending some time in the USSR she grew disappointed with Communism. Poyntz was suspected of having written anti-Soviet memoirs exposing Soviet intelligence practices. Epshteyn was used as a decoy to deliver his former friend to a Soviet security squad in New York in June 1937. See Gitlow, B., The Whole of Their Lives (Boston-Los Angeles, 1965):338–341; Epstein, The Jew and Communism, pp. 391–393; Dallin, D. J., Soviet Espionage (Yale University Press, 1955):416.Google Scholar

44. Epstein, , The Jew and Communism, pp. 390–391. According to Epstein, a onetime leading member of the Jewish faction in the American Communist Party, Shakhno Epshteyn, after being criticized in the Soviet Jewish press his article on Stalin, agreed to carry out intelligence assignments abroad in order to prove his personal dedication and loyalty to the regime.Google Scholar

45. In eulogies following Epshteyn's death in 1945 it was stated that “When a large part of the intelligentsia was being internally torn … he (Epshtey) remained always wholesome,” E. Vatenberg in Eynikayt (Moscow), July 26, 1945. This eulogy also stated that “the deceased unsparingly exposed the opportunists in our midst.” Epshteyn's Party cell secretary admitted that “the Party entrusted him (Epshteyn) more than once with very serious tasks.” Eynikayt (Moscow), July 24, 1945.Google Scholar

46. Davies, R. A., Odyssey Through Hell (New York, 1946):222–223; interview with rabbi Elhanan Sorochkin. For Epshteyn's biting criticism of Jewish opponents of the Soviet Union see an article which he wrote a few weeks before his death, Epshteyn, Sh., “Unzer nitsokhn,” Eynikayt (Moscow), June 23, 1945.Google Scholar

47. Sutskever, A. remembered that during his meeting with Solomon Lozovskii, who was in charge of the various Antifascist committees, he saw the signature of Shakhno Epshteyn attached to a denunciation of the poet Perets Markish; see A. Sutskever, “Perets Markish un zayn svive.” Di goldene keyt, vol. 43(1962):34. See also Ianasovich, , With Jewish Writers, p. 112. Markish's widow test widow testified that Markish himself was constantly aware of Epshteyn's denunciations; interview with Ester Markish, see note no. 8.Google Scholar

48. These biographical details are according to Shmeruk, Kh., ed., A shpigl oyf a shteyn: An Anthology of Petry and Prose by Twelve Soviet Yiddish Writers (Tel Aviv, 1964):764–767.Google Scholar

49. This assessment of the Markish-Fefer relationship is based on Ianasovich, With Jewish Writers, pp. 53–129 and on the interview with Esther Markish.Google Scholar

50. Ianasovich, ibid., pp. 110–112.Google Scholar

51. Eynikayt (Moscow), December 27, 1942. An English translation was published in New Currents, 2:1(January 1944):27.Google Scholar

52. Fefer, I., “Soviet Jews Fight.” New Currents, 2:7(August 1944):14, 33.Google Scholar

53. Interview with Rachel Korn, no. 11(93).Google Scholar

54. These events are from testimonial no. 03–1671, Yad Vashem Archives, Jerusalem; Shmeruk, Kh., ed., A shpigl oyf of shteyn, p. 766; Goldberg, The Jewish Problem, p. 60. Some sources had it even that Fefer became devoutedly religious before his execution in 1952, Vaysman, Yoman mahteret ivri mi'brit ha'moatsot, p. 120.Google Scholar

55. Ianasovich, , With Jewish Writers, p. 125.Google Scholar

56. According to Markish's widow, who spoke to Lina Shtern after her release, Fefer appeared at the closed trial of the JAC leadership as a “witness for the prosecution.” According to Mrs. Markish, Fefer also assisted V. S. Abakumov, Soviet Minister of State Security, in his preparation of the arrests of leading Jewish personalities, members of the Committee. Mrs. Markish also testified that Fefer submitted to Party authorities letters from Soviet Jews addressed to the JAC, in which wishes for settling in Palestine were expressed. See also Markish, E., Le Long Retour (Paris, 1974):188, 290–292.Google Scholar

57. This poem, originally published in 1911, is quoted in Elon, A., The Israelis; Founders and Sons (New York, 1972):103.Google Scholar

58. This assessment of Ehrenburg's personality up to World War II is based on Friedberg, M., “Ilya Grigorevich Ehrenburg,” in Simmonds, G. W., ed., Soviet Leaders (New York, 1967):272–281; V. Erlich, “The Metamorphoses of Ilya Ehrenburg,” Problems of Communism, 12:4(July-August 1963):15–24; D. Caute, The Fellow Travellers; A Postscript to the Enlightenment (New York, 1973):293–298.Google Scholar

59. Ehrenburg, , The War, pp. 16, 98, 137, 140.Google Scholar

60. Ibid., p. 142. A photograph of Ehrenburg surrounded by Vilna Jewish partisans appeared in Eynikayt (Moscow) on July 27, 1944, and most of those photographed were identified in Yediot Yad Vashem, no. 33, 1964, pp. 7–9.Google Scholar

61. Sutskever, A., “Ilya Ehrenburg — a kapitl sikhroynes fun di yorn 1944–1945.” Di goldene keyt, no. 61(1967):22, 30; S. L. Schneiderman, “Ilya Ehrenburg Reconsidered.” Midstream, 14:8 (October 1968):64.Google Scholar

62. The above quotes and their English translations are from Dolzhanskaia, T., ed., Na odnoi volne, pp. 204–206 and B. Choseed, Reflections, pp. 244, 249. Besides numerous articles published in the Jewish press abroad and in the JAC Eynikayt, Ehrenburg compiled two slim volumes on Nazi atrocities against Jews and published in Yiddish in the years 1944 and 1945. He reiterated his wartime themes of Jewish tragedy and heroism in a preface to Anne Frank's diary, Dnevnik Anyy Frank (Moscow, 1960):5–10. Ehrenburg displayed during the war years a positive attitude to Hebrew, when he asked Sutskever to read for him aloud Hebrew poems, which he actually could not understand, but was impressed by their “prophetic” sound. At one point Ehrenburg expressed his wish that the materials which he collected be transferred to the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Leftwich, J., Abraham Sutskever, passim.Google Scholar

63. This was the gist of his remarks at the second JAC Plenum. Eynikayt (Moscow), March 15, 1943.Google Scholar

64. Ehrenburg, I., “To the Heroes of the Ghetto.” New Currents, 2:5(May 1944): 14. Ehrenburg published in Eynikayt (Moscow) a number of articles dealing with military Jewish contribution to the war, see for example the issues of November 7, 1942; June 25, 1943; July 27, 1944; November 8, 1944.Google Scholar

65. Ehrenburg's appeals and opinions at the various JAC functions are recorded in Brider yidn. (Moscow, 1941) pp. 35–37; Eynikayt (Moscow), March 15, 1943; Evreiskii narod. (Moscow, 1945):38–41; Eynikayt (Moscow), April 13, 1944 and January 27, 1944. To explain his complex dual relationship with Russian culture and Jewish identity Ehrenburg quoted in 1961 the Polish-Jewish poet, Julian Tuwim, who in his wartime essay, “We Polish Jews,” wrote “I hear voices … if you are a Pole why do you write ‘we Jews'? I reply: Because of blood … The blood of Jews …” in Schneiderman, “Ilya Ehrenburg.” Midstream, 14:8 (October 1968):60–61.Google Scholar

66. Ehrenburg, , Post-War Years, 1945–1954. p. 130.Google Scholar

67. Smolar, H., Heikhan atah haver Sidorov (Tel Aviv, 1973):176–179. Existing evidence suggests that documents and materials on Nazi atrocities against Jews were being collected at the same time by both the JAC and Ehrenburg. As early as July 1943 Eynikayt (Moscow) wrote about a plan to publish a Black Book jointly with the newly founded Committee of Jewish Writers in New York and an editorial committee of JAC members was established for this purpose, Eynikayt (Moscow), July 27, 1943. In January 1944 Shakhno Epshteyn stated publicly that “Ehrenburg will be one of the most active contributors to the Black Book.” Eynikayt (Moscow), January 27, 1944.Google Scholar

68. Ehrenburg was notified about the decision concerning the Black Book project by Lozovskii, S., see Sutskever, , “Ilya Ehrenburg.” Di goldene keyt, no. 61(1967):34–35. Alexandrov's article was suggestively entitled “Comrade Ehrenburg Errs,” Pravda, April 14, 1945. Ehrenburg's obsession with Nazi crimes and for the need for vengeance became less relevant to Soviet policies. Ehrenburg's persistence was even considered obnoxious in Soviet circles. See OSS report, April 21, 1945, National Archives, Washington, D.C., RG 226, XL 8036.Google Scholar

69. For Ehrenburg's derogatory remarks about the JAC see Sutskever, , “Ilya Ehrenburg.” Di goldene keyt, no 61(1967):30; Sh. Kacherginski, Tsvishn hamer un serp (Paris, 1949):56; Smolar, Heikhan atah haver Sidorov, p. 178.Google Scholar

70. For Ehrenburg, 's relationship with Mikhoels and Markish see Ehrenburg, Post-War Years, 1945–1954, p. 124; Schneiderman, “Ilya Ehrenburg,” Midstream. 14:8(October 1968):48 and the interviews with Natalya Vovsi-Mikhoels and Ester Markish.Google Scholar

71. For details on the Ehrenburg-Sutskever relationship see Leftwich, J., Abraham Sutskever, pp. 81–101. Ehrenburg's article entitled “The Triumph of Man” was published in Pravda on April 29, 1944. In 1962, Ehrenburg during a visit to Paris enquired about Sutskever who after leaving the USSR had emigrated to Palestine. The emotional response among Soviet Jewish intellectuals of the JAC to Jewish partisan survivors of the Holocaust was enormous. Interview with Shlomo Perlmutter, no. 12(93).Google Scholar

72. Ehrenburg has been accused on numerous occasions of collaborating with Soviet agencies which had conducted the purge of Jewish cultural leaders and top JAC personalities. At a meeting of Khrushchev with Soviet intellectuals in 1962, Galina Serebriakova, a veteran Bolshevik of Jewish origin and a camp returnee, openly charged Ehrenburg with complicity in the destruction of the JAC leadership. A careful analysis of this incident seems to indicate that her accusations were thinly disguised political maneuver in the then prevailing clash between conservative and liberal intellectuals. For details see Khrushchev Remembers; The Last Testament (Boston-Toronto, 1974):79; P. Benno, “The Political Aspect,” Soviet Literature in the Sixties, ed. by M. Hayward and E. L. Crowley. (New York-London, 1964):196–197. There exist indications of Ehrenburg's integrity and courage on several occasions. Khrushchev testified that “Ehrenburg sometimes stood up to Stalin stubbornly,” in Khrushchev Remembers, pp. 77–78. Ehrenburg was asked to sign a prepared statement intended for publication in Pravda, in which Soviet Jews were advised to leave the urban centers and resettle in the provinces. He refused to do so, sending a personal letter to Stalin, explaining the futility and harm of such a step. Smolar, Heikhan atah haver Sidorov, pp. 192–194. A most succinct conclusion by Victor Erlich has it that Ehrenburg's record is “too ambiguous and contradictory to yield either a blanket condemnation or a clean bill of health.” Erlich, “The Metamorphoses of Ilya Ehrenburg.” Problems of Communism. 12:4(July-August 1963):24.Google Scholar

73. For some basic concepts on the relations between political authority and intellectuals see Shils, E., “Intellectuals,” International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, vol. 7(1968):410–414.Google Scholar