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Demographic Trends in Latvia
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 20 November 2018
Extract
For most North Americans demography is an esoteric subject more often tied to marketing than to social and political changes. In Latvia, as in most of Eastern Europe and the USSR, demography has long been placed on the forefront of public attention. This wave of attention in the case of Latvia is not a fad of short duration which will be readily displaced by other popular topics. On the contrary, demography has had, is having and will have a tremendous impact on a very broad range of policies and on the long term survival of the Latvian nation. Thus, in order to understand the social and ethnic tensions, the labour squeeze, and the welfare burden of Latvia, it is necessary to understand the multifaceted demographic processes: the real matrix of the political and social environment. This paper reviews the pivotal demographic role of the First and Second World Wars and analyzes population size, sex balance, age structure, urban-rural residence, nuptiality, birth and death rates, migration patterns and ethnic balance.
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References
Notes
1. Tsentralnoe statisticheskoe upravlenie SSSR (Tsu SSSR), Naselenie SSSR (Moscow: Izd. politicheskoi literatury, 1980), p. 29. J. Rutkis, ed., Latvia Country and People (Stockholm: Latvian National Foundation, 1967), p. 292. the present-day Soviet Latvian estimate for the population of 1914 is given as 2,493 thousand. Apparently the Abrene region, which formed part of independent Latvia but was transferred to the RSFSR in 1944 is excluded from estimates of 1914. Tsu Latviiskoi SSR, Narodnoe khoziaistvo Latviiskoi SSR v 1978 godu (Riga: Liesma, 1979), p. 5. (Henceforth cited as Narkhoz Lat. 1978). Google Scholar
2. A good account of the political and military turbulence of this period is provided by Stanley W. Page, The Formation of the Baltic States (New York: Howard Fertig, 1970); Edgar Anderson, “Through the Baltic Gate,” Baltic Review (January 1967), pp. 3-21; Taras Hunczak, “Operation Winter and the Struggle for the Baltic,” East European Quarterly (March 1970), pp. 40-57.Google Scholar
3. George Barr Carson Jr. ed., Latvia: An Area Study (New Haven, CT.: Human Relations Area Files, Inc., 1956), p. 72.Google Scholar
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7. Elkin, p. 42. For a full wording of the secret additional protocol concerning the division of Nazi and Soviet spheres of interest signed by J.v. Ribbentrop and v. Molotov see Documents on German Foreign Policy 1918-1945, Series D (1937-1945), Vol. 7, (Washington: 1956), pp. 246-247.Google Scholar
8. Elkin, pp. 52-58; Carson, pp. 75-77. For an excellent analysis of the events, motivations and consequences of the Soviet occupation of 1940-41 see The Soviet Occupation and Incorporation of Latvia June 17 to August 5, 1940 (New York: The Baltic Review Publishers, 1957).Google Scholar
9. Carson, p. 75.Google Scholar
10. Rudolf G. Shillers, “Population Changes of Latvia in Consequence of World War II” in Edgars Andersons, ed., Cross Road Country Latvia (Waverly, Iowa: Latvju gramata, 1953), p. 338. Carson, p. 77.Google Scholar
11. E. Blumfelds, “Vācu fasistiská okupacija Latvijā (1941-45)” in Vilis Samsons, ed., Latvijas PSR maza enciklopedija, III (Riga: Zinatne, 1970), p. 596. If it is assumed that about 70-80,000 Latvian Jews were put to death, then about 20-30,000 other ethnic persons from Latvia would have been killed on Latvian territory. For estimates of Jewish deaths see Carson, p. 79, and K.M. Smogorzewski, “The Russification of the Baltic States,” World Affairs October 1950, p. 6 of reprint article. Smogorzewski claims that 86,000 Jews “disappeared” from Latvia. His estimate is taken from the Report of the Anglo-American Committee of Enquiry Regarding the Problems of European Jewry and Palestine, Cmd. 6808 (1946), p. 58. According to Dov Levin as presented in a book review,“ over 70,000 Latvian Jews are estimated to have fallen in the hands of the Nazis” cf. S. Levenberg, “Latvian Jewry under the Nazis: Extermination and Resistance,” Soviet Jewish Affairs, no. 2, 1979.Google Scholar
12. Arturs Silgailis, Latviesu legions, 2nd ed. (Copenhagen: Imanta, 1964), p. 326.Google Scholar
13. Carson, p. 79 estimates 25,000. Colonel Silgailis in a personal interview felt that no more than 20,000 Latvians perished in military action on the German side. The two divisions of the Latvian Legion held 31,446 men under arms in July 1, 1944. Silgailis, p. 325. Relatively accurate official casualty lists were available only up to July 1944. By this time 3,914 Latvian men had been killed, 1,362 were listed as missing in action and 7,305 had been wounded. Silgailis, p. 325. The heaviest fighting for the Latvians, however, occurred later during the “Fortress Kurzeme” struggle which lasted until the May 1945 capitulation day. A. Riekstins writing in the Soviet Latvian publication Padomju jaunatne, May 22, 1974 states that “the so-called Latvian Administration illegally mobilized tens of thousands of young men in their twenties and forced them into Hitler's armed forces where 50 to 60 thousand were killed, wounded or lost in action.” If the ratio of 42% deaths of all casualties is used (i.e., based on the July 1944 ratio for Latvians) then the number of deaths would be 21 to 25 thousand.Google Scholar
14. Shillers claims that “about 20,000 Latvians tried to reach the coast of Sweden in unseaworthy fishing boats. About 6,000 escaped but thousands of refugees found a wet grave in the waves of the Baltic due to the activities of the Russian and German speedboats and airplanes.” p. 335.Google Scholar
15. Shillers provides an estimate of 115 thousand refugees in the West (p. 339). Carson claims 125 thousand (p. 79). A detailed analysis of Latvian refugees is provided by Rutkin, pp. 321-327. According to the Soviet Latvian Encyclopedia close to 280 thousand people emigrated or were transferred abroad: “Many of them died as a result of war activities, especially during English and American air raids. A number of refugees (sic) were liberated by the Soviet Army and they returned to their native land. However, about 110-120,000 Latvians remained abroad.” Samsons, I, p. 473. A Latvian geography text provides a surprisingly specific number of 163,000 Latvians living outside the Soviet Union. This number, no doubt, includes pre-war Latvian emigrants and their progeny (cf. V. Purins and J. Jankevics, eds., Latvijas PSR geografija, 2nd ed. [Riga: Zinatne, 1975], p. 240). To be sure, no serious estimates have as yet been made of the “emigration abroad” of the non-Latvian part of Latvia's population. Slavs and other minorities were also involved in the mass population movements.Google Scholar
16. Purins and Jankevics, p. 249. The numbers involved in this transfer may be deduced by comparing 1935 data of independent Latvia and 1935 data which is based on “present boundaries.” Thus Bruno Mezgailis and Peteris Zvidrins, in Padomju Latvijas iedzivotaji (Riga: Liesma, 1973) claim on page 154 that the Russian, Belorussian and Ukrainan ethnic groups in 1935 constituted a total of 194,000. Yet, according to official Latvian data from before the war the number was 235,000. Hence the difference, or 41,000 could be estimated as being part of the Abrene territorial transfer (cf. Rutkis, p. 302). The discrepency in ethnic Latvian numbers comes to about 12,000 (cf. Mezgailis and Zvidrins, p. 151-153). The difference in all nationalities can also be calculated; From the Latvian 1935 census total population of 1,915,000 people deduct “readjusted” Soviet total based on “present boundaries,” i.e., 1.905,000 people. The difference is about 46,000 people. Latvijas tautas saimnieciba 1973 gadā (Riga: Liesma, 1974), p. 6.Google Scholar
17. Carson states that some 60,000 persons were sentenced to be deported after the screening of 1945 and 1946 (p. 82). Smogorzewski, on the other hand indicates that “during the years 1945-46, 121,000 Estonians, 105,000 Latvians and 145,000 Lithuanians were removed from their native land” (p. 8).Google Scholar
18. Carson (p. 82) claims 45-50,000 deportees while Smogorzewski (p. 9), estimates 70,000.Google Scholar
19. Mezgailis and Zvidrins, p. 155.Google Scholar
20. Purins and Jankevics, p. 248.Google Scholar
21. The estimate of 1.3 million is provided by Mezgailis and Zvidrins (p. 154), and the 1950 population data is by Vestnik Statistiki, no. 4, 1964.Google Scholar
22. Mezgailis and Zvidrins have estimated that 100,000 “old” Latvians came from other republics (p. 153). They appear to base this number on the difference in ethnic Latvians living outside Latvia between the 1926 and 1959 Soviet census, stating that in 1926 there were 200,000 Latvians and in 1959, 102,000. One can question whether many Latvians were not simply assimilated. It is also known that Latvians were “favoured” by Stalin's purges in the 1930's. On the other hand, one could allow for a certain growth component because of natural increase.Google Scholar
23. Mezgailis and Zvidrins, p. 153.Google Scholar
24. Ibid, p. 154.Google Scholar
25. This figure has to remain tentative until some estimate is provided for actual deaths incurred by the Slavic population under the Bolshevik and Nazi occupations. Moreover, a large but unknown number of Slavs managed to find refuge in the West. If these losses could be estimated then the number of new Slav arrivals would be much greater.Google Scholar
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34. Russian women formed 29.5%, Belorussian women 3.9%, Polish women 2.9%, Ukrainian women 1.7%, Lithuanian women 1.6% and Jewish women 1.5% of the total of all females in Latvia. A.M., “Sieviete statistikas spoguli”, Dzimtenes balss, no. 10, (March 6, 1975), p. 5.Google Scholar
35. Ibid.Google Scholar
36. V. Purins, J. Jankevics, A. Jaunputnins and V. Melnalksnis, eds., Latvijas PSR geografija (Riga: Zinatne, 1971), p. 222.Google Scholar
37. Mezgailis and Zvidrins, pp. 146-148.Google Scholar
38. Cina, 23 June 1971. Peteris Zvidrins, Z.T., no. 3, 1973, p. 14.Google Scholar
39. Rutkis, p. 309; Itogi vsesoiuznoi perepisi naseleniia 1970. goda, IV (Moscow: 1973).Google Scholar
40. Narkhoz Lat. 1972, p. 8.Google Scholar
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43. Mezgailis and Zvidrins, pp. 97-98.Google Scholar
44. Arvids Pelse, “Par darbalauzu internacionalo audzinasanu,” Padomju Latvijas komunists, no. 9, 1959, p. 97.Google Scholar
45. Mezgailis and Zvidrins, p. 97.Google Scholar
46. Ibid, p. 99.Google Scholar
47. Janis Rudzats and Edvins Vitolins, “Dati par Latvijas iedzivotajiem,” Z.T. no. 7, 1971, p. 4.Google Scholar
48. Narkhoz Lat. 1978, pp. 5-6.Google Scholar
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50. Tönu Parming, “Roots of Nationality Differences” in Edward Allworth, ed., Nationality Group Survival in Multi-Ethnic States: Shifting Support Patterns in the Soviet Baltic Region (New York: Praeger, 1977), p. 43.Google Scholar
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52. Cina, February 9, 1980. This article claims that in terms of soil fertility the Riga region is almost the same as the Balvi region in Eastern Latvia, yet income for farms in the Riga region is twelve times as high for equivalent units as in Balvi. The average income for Kolkhozniks in the Eastern Latvian zone in 1970 was 830 rubles; in the Riga district (raion) the average income was 1,359. Latvijas PSR tautas saimnieciba 1970, p. 514. Between 1959 and 1970 the population of the Eastern zone had decreased from 100 to 79.9%, but that of the Central zone, where Riga is located, had increased very slightly to 100.4%. Mezgailis and Zvidrins, p. 104.Google Scholar
53. Riga accounted for 68.4% of all industrial profits and 52.6% of all industrial workers in 1970. Latvijas PSR tautas saimnieciba 1970 (Riga: Statistika, 1972), pp. 464 and 467. During 1977 the city of Riga produced 128.1 million cubic meters of effluent. Only 24.6 million meters or 19.2% received any treatment whatsoever. Riga produced 66.8% of all urban effluent in Latvia but its share of treated effluent was only 32.2% Latvijas PSR tautas saimnieciba 1977 (Riga: Liesma, 1978) pp. 296-97.Google Scholar
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55. Valdis Mezapuke, “Strādā Rīgā, dzivo ārpilsētā,” Z.T. no. 10, 1973, pp. 13-15. About 40,000 workers commute daily to Riga.Google Scholar
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57. Rudzats and Vitolins, p. 5. Purins and Jankevics, 2nd ed. p. 260. About 40% of all rural labor still lived in isolated homesteads in 1979. One of the biggest reasons for attempting to move people to agrotowns is the apparent difficulty of constructing the simplest amenities. In 1979 only 36% of homesteads had running water, 32% had indoor toilets, 5% did not have electricity. M. Kruzmetra, “Kadas esam un ko gribam,” Padomju Latvijas sieviete, no. 11, 1979, p. 5.Google Scholar
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60. Purins and Jankevics, 2nd ed., p. 245.Google Scholar
61. P. Zvidrins and A. Lapins, “Ka ar precesanos Latvija,” Z.T. no. 3, 1976, p. 25. Those getting married for the first time are slightly younger. In 1975 for example, males married on average at 26, females at 25. B. Mezgailis, “leinteresetiesam mes visi,” Skola un gimene, no. 9, 1975, p. 26.Google Scholar
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108. This number is based on the difference between total immigrants from outside Latvia and the sum of immigrants from all other Soviet republics (cf. Itogi perepisi 1970, VII, p. 141.Google Scholar
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125. Washington Post, October 6, 1974.Google Scholar
126. For school statistics see Tsu, Narodnoe obrazovanie nauka i kultura v SSSR published by “Statistika” in Moscow in 1971 and 1977. For data on publishing see appendix.Google Scholar
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128. Narodnoe khoziaistvo Latviiskoi SSR 1972, p. 9.Google Scholar
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130. The other parts of the study were presented in a paper by Terenteya at the 8th World Congress of Sociology in Toronto, August 17-24, 1974. Her paper was titled in English as “Forming of Ethnic Self-Consciousness in Nationally Mixed Families in the USSR.”Google Scholar
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