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21. The 1963 constitution elevated Kosovo to the level of automous province (pokrajina) like Vojvodina but reduced its real autonomy by eliminating its constitutional status at the federal level.Google Scholar

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25. Some 80,000 according to Yugoslavia's statistical yearbooks and over 150,000 according to Turkish sources. Hugh Poulton, The Balkans. Minorities and States in Conflict (London: Minority Rights Group, 1993), p. 92.Google Scholar

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27. Biberaj, Albania, p. 118.Google Scholar

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31. Malcolm, Kosovo, p. 324.Google Scholar

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34. Ibid., pp. 100–101.Google Scholar

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37. As early as 1971 some important amendments to the constitution were made.Google Scholar

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42. In contrast to the tribal structure in northern Albania the Kosovar Albanians lived in zadrugas (large families) like their Serbian and Montenegrin neighbours. This way of life, which largely disappeared after World War II, was still evident in many Kosovo Albanian villages in the 1990s. Life in these zadrugas was shaped by Islam. Vickers, Between Serb and Albanian, pp. 110–111.Google Scholar

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44. In 1985 it would be 3.33 times higher than the national average. Horvat, Kosovsko pitanje , p. 99.Google Scholar

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47. Horvat, Kosovsko pitanje , pp. 101–103.Google Scholar

48. The numbers were much higher according to unofficial sources.Google Scholar

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53. The first pan-Albanian organization, “Revolutionary Movement for the Unification of the Albanians,” was founded by Adem Demaci in the early 1960s. He was arrested in 1964.Google Scholar

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55. “Serbian Academy of Arts and Sciences. Memorandum 1986,” in Beljo, ed., Greater Serbia , p. 68.Google Scholar

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59. Milan Andrejevich, “Some New Dimensions in the Kosovo Crisis,” Report on Eastern Europe, 2 March 1990, p. 40.Google Scholar

60. Gazmend Pula, “Modalities of Self-Determination—The Case of Kosovo as a Structural Issue for Lasting Stability in the Balkans,” Südosteuropa , Vol. 4–5, 1996, p. 384.Google Scholar

61. According to official reports, between the years 1981 and 1988, 584,373 Albanians were handled in some way by the Serbian security apparatus. Ibid.Google Scholar

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63. This newspaper was later published in Tirana and Switzerland.Google Scholar

64. Stefan Troebst, “The Kosovo War, Round One: 1998,” Südosteuropa , Vol. 3–4, 1999, p. 156.Google Scholar

65. The Serbian authorities tried to settle the Serbs from Krajina in Kosovo.Google Scholar

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71. The Truth on Kosovo (Tirana: Encyclopaedia Publishing House, 1993), p. 335.Google Scholar

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79. Schmidt, “Albaner,” p. 83.Google Scholar

80. Shkelzen Maliqi, “The Albanian Movement in Kosovo,” in David A. Dyker and Ivan Vejvoda, eds, Yugoslavia and After (London: Longman, 1996), p. 147.Google Scholar

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82. Ibid., p. 85.Google Scholar

83. Maliqi, “Albanian Movement,” p. 148.Google Scholar

84. Ibid., p. 151.Google Scholar

85. “Milošević poslije Miloševića,” Svijet, Vol. 47, 1996, p. 30. Draskovic supported a high level of autonomy while Djindjić was in favour of regionalism.Google Scholar

86. Vickers, Between Serb and Albanian , p. 296.Google Scholar

87. Reuter, “Kosovo 1992/3,” p. 29.Google Scholar

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91. Vickers, Between Serb and Albanian , p. 294.Google Scholar

92. Pula, “Modalities,” pp. 387–390.Google Scholar

93. For the calls of the Albanian leaders for a reformulation of political objectives in Kosovo, see Pula, “Modalities,” pp. 398–404.Google Scholar

94. Vickers, Between Serb and Albanian , p. 292.Google Scholar

95. 1997 also witnessed the demonstrations of the Albanian students in Pristina who were critical of both the KLA and the LDK.Google Scholar

96. For the details of the fighting between the KLA and the Serbian forces in 1998 in Kosovo, see Troebst, “Kosovo War,” pp. 156–190.Google Scholar

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98. Jans Reuter, “Die internationale Gemeinschaft und der Krieg in Kosovo,” Südosteuropa , Vol. 7–8, 1998, pp. 289–290.Google Scholar

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100. Chris Hedges, “Kosovo's Next Masters?” Foreign Affairs, Vol. 3, 1999, pp. 26–28.Google Scholar

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104. On the other hand the quality of its military equipment and the number of experienced and professional officers among the commanders of the KLA also increased. See Svijet, Issue No. 157, 1999, pp. 20–21.Google Scholar

105. “Patriarch und Partisan,” Der Spiegel , 21/24, 1999, p. 170.Google Scholar

106. Even though some ties between the KLA and the Islamist organizations have been detected and there is suspicion that some money has been forwarded by these organizations to the KLA, it seems that there are practical rather than ideological reasons behind this. It is estimated that only in the case of disenchantment with the West might the KLA turn to the Islamic radicals. See Hedges, “Kosovo's Next Masters?” p. 39.Google Scholar

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109. Their number was some 50,000 people before the war in Kosovo.Google Scholar

110. Josef Bata, “Das Verhältnis von Christentum und Islam bei den Albanern in Geschichte und Gegenwart,” in Hans-Dieter Döpmann, ed., Religion und Gesellschaft in Südostueropa (Munich: Südosteuropa-Gesellschaft, 1997), p. 162.Google Scholar

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112. Nathalie Clayer, “National and Religious Identity among Albanian Muslims,” Islamic Studies, Vol. 2, No. 3, 1997, p. 408.Google Scholar

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117. Herbert Büschenfeld, “Die Volkszählung 1994 in Makedonien. Erste Ergebnisse,” Osteuropa, Vol. 45, 1995, p. 773. The Albanians had boycotted the previous census of 1991.Google Scholar

118. According to the OSCE monitors there were some 120,000 people without citizenship in Macedonia, but no data were given about the ethnic background of these people.Google Scholar

119. The Party of Macedonian Action had described it as a new occupation of Macedonia.Google Scholar

120. Schmidt, “Albaner,” pp. 116–117. For example the number of Albanian refugees who fled from Kosovo into Macedonia during NATO's military campaign against Yugoslavia had reached a proportion (248,400 in June 1999) that could have changed the whole ethnic balance in Macedonia, but most of the refugees were to return to Kosovo after the end of the war.Google Scholar

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124. They were using the term narod, which is close to “nation” in meaning.Google Scholar

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126. The Macedonians opposed the project on the grounds that there is no law regulating the establishment of such a university, but the Macedonian leaders pointed out that such a university would not be allowed even if there were regulations for it in force. Robert W. Mickey, “Citizenship, Status, and Minority Political Participation: The Evidence from the Republic of Macedonia,” in Gerd Nonneman, Tim Niblock and Bogdan Szajkowski, eds, Muslim Communities in the New Europe (Lebanon: Ithaca Press, 1996), p. 62.Google Scholar

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129. But Berisha would later soften his policy, particularly after the pressure exerted by the U.S.Google Scholar

130. Mickey, “Citizenship,” p. 67. Many members of the political elite of the Macedonian Albanians, such as Arben Xhaferi and Fadil Sulejmani, are from Kosovo.Google Scholar

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132. Mickey, “Citizenship,” p. 68.Google Scholar

133. On the national question in Macedonia following World War II see Paul Shoup, Communism and the Yugoslav National Question (New York: Columbia University Press, 1968), pp. 144–183.Google Scholar

134. See, for example, “Makedonskiot narod među najstarite,” Večer , 1 October 1998, p. 17; “Makedonski-Bugarski jazičen spor,” Nova Makedonija, 12 August 1998, p. 7; “Interview with Boro Mokrov. An Expression of National and Spiritual Independence,” Macedonian Times, February 1998, pp. 24–26; Gjorgi Pop-Atanasov, “Macedonia and Macedonians in the Holy Bible,” Macedonian Times, March 1998, pp. 16–18.Google Scholar

135. Wieland, “Makedonien,” pp.703, 709.Google Scholar

136. Previously Macedonia was defined as a state of the Macedonian people and the Albanian and Turkish minorities.Google Scholar

137. Ustav na Republika Makedonija (Skopje: Nip Magazin 21, 1991), p. 3.Google Scholar

138. Mickey, “Citizenship,” p. 59.Google Scholar

139. For example, after the imprisonment of Rufi Osmani (ex-mayor of Gostivar), vice-president of the DPA, Memduh Thachi declared that the Albanians who had been living for centuries together with the Macedonians had no intention of creating a parallel institution in Gostivar. See Macedonian Times , April, No. 42, 1998, p. 20.Google Scholar

140. Mickey, “Citizenship,” pp. 58–60.Google Scholar

141. According to Arben Xhaferi, with this status the Albanians would be able to prevent Macedonia from sliding into Orthodox alliances. Mickey, “Citizenship,” p. 61.Google Scholar

142. Ibid., pp. 61–62.Google Scholar

143. “Interview with Prof. Dr. Ljubomir Danailov Frchkovski,” Macedonian Times , April, No. 42, 1998, 12.Google Scholar

144. The Albanians, by contrast, complain that they are always outvoted by a coalition of Macedonian parties on issues relating to their rights and that the ministries given to them are less influential than the others. See Mickey, “Citizenship,” pp. 65–66.Google Scholar

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146. See, for example, Todor Atanasovski, “Kosovo—A New Phase in the Regional Crisis,” Macedonian Times , June, No. 44, 1998, pp. 9–11. Though Adem Demaci had declared that the KLA was not following a greater Albanian policy, some KLA officials like Krasniqi and Salihu stressed that the aim of the KLA was the unification of the Albanians in the Balkans. According to the Krasniqi, the KLA was already active in Macedonia. See Michael Schmidt Neke, “Makedonians Albaner: Konfliktpotential oder Stabilisierungsfaktor,” Südosteuropa, Vol. 3–4, 1999, p. 210.Google Scholar

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148. There are also some small parties in Macedonia like the SDA (Bosnian Muslim Party for Democratic Action) which stress Islamic brotherhood.Google Scholar

149. Simply because it is a multinational and multi-religious state. See Clayer, “National and Religious Identity,” p. 405.Google Scholar

150. Ibid., p. 407.Google Scholar

151. Ibid., p. 409.Google Scholar

152. Poulton, Balkans, p. 55; Poulton, “Changing Notions of National Identity among Muslims in Thrace and Macedonia: Turks, Pomaks and Roma,” in Poulton and Farouki, Muslim Identity, pp. 94–96. The Slavic Muslims tended to support the PDP in the elections of November 1990. Ibid.Google Scholar

153. Clayer, “National and Religious Identity,” pp. 407–408.Google Scholar

154. It was the tenth such survey focusing on prejudices among the population and the political sympathies and attitudes to political questions in the two population groups.Google Scholar

155. According to the results of this survey made in the two population groups, some 30% of the Orthodox population was devout while the proportion among the Muslims was thought to be somewhat higher, but the negative attitudes of the two communities towards members of the other faith appeared to have increased. More than 70% of both communities were against marriages with persons of different confessions while just over 45% favoured ethnically homogeneous marriages. Similar trends could be observed in the choice of neighbours, colleagues, and friends. As far as attitudes towards religious institutions are concerned, 64% of the Orthodox thought that the Islamic religious community had played a negative role in relations between the two communities, while 91% of the Muslims thought that its role was a positive one. In contrast, 67% of Orthodox Macedonians found the role of their church in relations between the two communities positive while 63% of the Muslims regarded it as negative. For the detailed results of this survey see Mirjana Najcevska, Emilija Simoska and Natasha Gaber, “Muslims, State and Society in the Republic of Macedonia: The View from Within,” in Nonneman, Niblock and Szajkowski, Muslim Communities , pp. 91–96. In the survey of 1994 there was no change in the attitudes of the two communities to the religious institutions. See Natasha Gaber, “The Muslim Population in FYROM (Macedonia): Public Perceptions,” in Poulton and Farouki, Muslim Identity, p. 110.Google Scholar

156. Najcevska, Simoska and Gaber, “Muslims,” p. 89.Google Scholar

157. Ibid., p. 86. There are also some positive results of this study. More than 80% of both populations would never start an ethnic or religious war, and over 70% of both groups harboured no emotional hatred against the other group. More than 60% of both groups believed that inter-confessional problems were the result of political manipulation mainly by other countries and in part by the political parties and the extremists on both sides. The two populations were more or less in agreement about the factors that worsened inter-ethnic relations: the main reason was the social and economic crisis, followed by extreme nationalism, the non-recognition of the Republic of Macedonia, the political parties, interference by neighbouring countries, the primitive political culture, and the role of the religious communities. See Najcevska, Simoska and Gaber, “Muslims,” pp. 92–93. The opinions of both communities on the negative factors in the inter-ethnic relations were more or less the same in the survey of 1994. Gaber, “Muslim Population,” pp. 110–111.Google Scholar

158. DA favors in their program the concept of citizenship rather than ethnic definition. It is also the only Macedonian party in which the Albanians are represented in approximate proportion to their share in the total population.Google Scholar

159. Heinz Willemsen, “Machtwechsel in der EJR Makedonien,” Südosteuropa , Vol. 1–2, 1999, p. 26.Google Scholar

160. In this way they succeeded in achieving their maximum aim in sending 25 deputies to the Macedonian assembly. The small Islamic party, Democratic Action Party, which stressed Islamic brotherhood was not succesful and failed to get a mandate.Google Scholar

161. For the programs of the Albanian parties see Neke, “Makedonians Albaner,” pp. 203–204.Google Scholar

162. Ibid., p. 204.Google Scholar

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