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Women in the Hungarian Populist Youth Movement: The Szeged Youth

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 November 2018

Deborah S. Cornelius*
Affiliation:
Rutgers University, USA

Background

During the conservative period in Hungary between the two world wars, three unusual young women, Erzsébet Árvay, Judit Kárász, and Viola Tomori, joined a vanguard of youth who claimed to lead a new generation of Hungarians. As members of the Szeged Youth, they took up the cause of the peasantry of the Great Hungarian Plain, an isolated and neglected population presumed to bear “original Hungarian characteristics.” Until recently, the relationship between gender and nationalism in studies on Eastern Europe has been neglected. Current developments in post-communist societies have sharpened our realization that historical periods are experienced differently and have different implications when seen from the vantage point of women rather than men. Intriguing questions are raised concerning these women's participation in the Szeged Youth Movement and their active role with the peasantry. In a society often characterized as restrictive and limiting, what was the experience of the young woman activist? Was she accepted by her peers as their intellectual equal? How did she feel about her final place in national affairs? These questions are elusive and complex, yet the example of the Szeged Youth Movement in the 1920s and 1930s provides a compelling study of the intersection of gender and national identity in the Hungarian context.

During the interwar period in Hungary, the question of the fate of the Hungarian “nation”—which included the Hungarian population in the territories lost after World War I—took precedence over all others. This was true in respect to women's issues as well. The peace settlement was viewed as a national tragedy, reviving fears that the Hungarians or magyarsag would disappear, swallowed up by the surrounding Germanic and Slavic peoples. Virtually the whole population believed that the Treaty of Trianon of 1920, which had reduced the Hungarian state to two-thirds of its former size, leaving 33.5% of the ethnic Hungarian inhabitants outside the borders, had been unjust and should be revised. The government under Prime Minister István Bethlen struggled to restore economic stability and to regain acceptance by the Western powers, on whom revision of the treaty depended. Certain moderate reforms were introduced, including the extension of the franchise to women and the broadening of educational opportunities. Yet, social insurance reforms for the urban populations were not extended to the masses of peasantry and rural proletariat, which still constituted over half of the population. In fact, the need to maintain the support of the large landowners precluded any extensive land reform, and Hungary remained a country of large estates.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © 1997 Association for the Study of Nationalities of Eastern Europe 

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References

Notes

1. See Susan Gal's study of the recent abortion debate in Hungary, “Gender in the Post-Socialist Transition: The Abortion Debate in Hungary,” East European Politics and Societies, Vol. 8, No. 2, 1993, pp. 256286.Google Scholar

2. The extension of health insurance beginning in 1927 raised benefits for workers and introduced compulsory old age, disability, widow and waif insurance, but the masses of peasantry and rural proletariat were not insured.Google Scholar

3. The two other youth groups actively concerned with Hungarian identity and the peasantry developed among minority youth in the cut-off territories. In Czechoslovakia, there were approximately fourteen women members among the hundred students in the Sickle student movement at the University in Pozsony. They participated in meetings and seminars, but, with the exception of two outsiders, no women were active in sociographic field trips to the villages. The Transylvanian Youth, founded in Kolozsvar in Romania, had no known women participants, unless one counts the American wife of Ferenc Balazs who was a partner in his efforts to develop village cooperatives.Google Scholar

4. As Borocz and Verdery state in their discussion of gender and nation in Eastern Europe, “The study of gender is not about women: it is about women and men in relation to each other … The notion of gender focuses attention on a fundamental social relationship, the relationship between “masculine” and “feminine.”” (József Borocz and Katherine Verdery, “Gender and Nation: Introduction,” East European Politics and Societies, Vol. 8, No. 2, 1994, p. 223).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

5. In his article, “Construction of the ‘Folk Cultural Heritage’ in Hungary and Rival Versions of National Identity,” Tamás Hofer discusses the use of different images of folk culture used to legitimize various Hungarian social groups (Ethnologia Europaea, No. 21, 1991).Google Scholar

6. See the discussion of women in Russian populism in Barbara Alpern Engel, Mothers and Daughters: Women of the Intelligentsia in Nineteenth-Century Russia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983); and Richard Stites, The Women's Liberation Movement in Russia (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978).Google Scholar

7. Although actual membership in the movement had been relatively small, with leaders and many participants from the German, Jewish middle classes or aristocracy, its influence extended to many educated women of the upper and middle classes. During the 1919 revolution, the key figure, Rozsa Schwimmer, went into exile along with the many other prominent liberal Hungarian intellectuals, such as Oszkar Jaszi and György Lukacs. Mária M. Kovács discusses the Western-type feminist movement in Hungary before World War I in her article, “Hungarian Women Entering the Professions: Feminist Pressures from Left to Right,” Education and Social Structure in Central Europe in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 1990). Zsuppán, F. T. writes about the Hungarian Feminist Movement 1904-1914 and its leaders, in “The Reception of the Hungarian Feminist Movement 1904-14,” Decadence and Innovation: Austro-Hungarian Life and Art at the Turn of the Century, edited by Pynsent, Robert B. (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1989).Google Scholar

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11. Andrea Peto points out that “Hungarian political vocabulary after 1945, when dealing with the Woman Question, tended to refer more frequently to liberation, a term also used to describe Hungary's liberation by the Soviet Army, rather than emancipation. This rhetoric suggested that women had been suppressed in the past, but that under socialism “the position of women would automatically reach the level of the men” (Peto, Andrea, “As He Saw Her”: Gender Politics in Secret Party Reports in Hungary During the 1950s, in History Department Working Paper Series (Budapest: Central European University, 1994)).Google Scholar

12. Denes Nemedi, in his pioneering work on Populist Sociography, explains that the term “youth” as it was used in Hungary during the interwar period referred only to the intelligentsia, not peasants and workers. He might also have mentioned that the term excluded women (Nemedi, Denes, Populist Sociography, 1930-1938 (Budapest: Gondolat, 1985), p. 25).Google Scholar

13. The few works published on the populist youth groups include information available on women, but that information is limited. In his work on the Szeged Youth, Ferenc Csaplár supplements data on the three women gained from published sources through conversations with several members, including Erzsébet Árvay (A Szegedi Fiatalok Muvészeti Kollégiuma (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1967)). In articles on the Sickle (Sarló) movement in Slovakia, the names of women members are listed, but no other information is given. Ez volt a Sarló (Budapest: Kossuth Könyvkiadó, 1978). The editor of the one recent publication on the Transylvanian Youth made available names of several women theology students who might have participated in village sociography, but there were no women members in the group (Péter Cseke, ed., Erdélyi Fiatalok: Dokumentumok, Viták (1930-1940) (Bukarest: Kriterion Könyvkiadó, 1986)).Google Scholar

14. Váróné, Viola Tomori, “Like a Bouncing Ball…” (Mint pattogó labda …) Szeged, a Város Folyóirata, Nos 4-8, 1989-1990).Google Scholar

15. The term is that of István I. Mócsy, used to define the refugees and the difficulty of the decision to leave home (Mócsy, István I., The Effects of World War I, The Uprooted (Social Science Monographs, Brooklyn College Press, 1983), p. 13).Google Scholar

16. The majority of the refugees came from the broad middle level of the social structure: the gentry or bourgeois, and all those who had been employed in some manner by the state—including the myriad minor officials, teachers, railroad and postal workers. The Bethlen regime which derived much of its support from the gentry/middle-class found it essential to provide places for the refugees within the state administration.Google Scholar

17. Buza in Szolnok-Doboka county.Google Scholar

18. Information on Árvay's life in taken from conversations with the author, as well as from an interview with Erzsébet Árvay, recorded by András Lengyel, literary and social historian with the Ferenc Mora museum in Szeged.Google Scholar

19. Lengyel interview.Google Scholar

20. She was a member of the Zsuzsa Lorantffy Protestant women's organization where she often did theatrical readings.Google Scholar

21. Ezra Mendelsohn comments on the assimilation of much of Hungarian Jewry by the early twentieth century, explaining that “most Hungarian Jews had adopted Hungarian culture,” regarding themselves and being regarded by others as “Magyars of the Mosaic persuasion” (Mendelsohn, Ezra, The Jews of East Central Europe between the World Wars (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1983)).Google Scholar

22. Kornis, Julius, Ph.D., Education in Hungary (New York: Teachers College, Columbia University, 1932), p. 143.Google Scholar

23. The medical faculty discussed the extension of women doctors' activities during the war when they had not only practiced as doctors but had taught in the university. During this time women had advanced ahead of their male colleagues. The board proposed to exclude women, not only on the basis of competition, but because women doctors were perceived as damaged: “Some had become ruined physically, others morally,” cited one report. In their discussions, the Liberal Arts faculty had come to the conclusion that many physically and emotionally undeveloped women had been accepted in previous years, who were unable to bear the burden of serious academic work (Katalin, N. Szegvári, Numerus Clausus Rendelkezések az Ellenforradalmi Magyarországon (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1988), pp. 105107).Google Scholar

24. Szegvári, p. 112.Google Scholar

25. Bobula, Ida, “Nok az egyetemen,” Új Élet, 12 June, 1923, in Szegvári, p. 155.Google Scholar

26. Unless otherwise noted, statistics have been taken from “A foiskolai hallgatok szama és megoszlasa az 1925/26-1930/31 tanévekben,” Magyar statisztikaja kozleményel (88 kötet, 1930/31).Google Scholar

27. Statistics on women's enrollment are taken from interviews with Viola Tomori and Erzsebet Arvay, statistics on departmental and total enrollment from “A Magyar Kiralyi Ferencz-Jozsef Tudomanyegyetem Beszamolo, 1927-1929, 1929-1930.”Google Scholar

28. Miklos, Pál, “A magyar szociofoto egyik üttöröje, Kárász Judit (1912-1977),” Fotomuveszet, 1988, XXXI, 1 sz.Google Scholar

29. Csaplar, Ferenc, “Kárász Judit szociofotói,” Tiszataj, 1970/7.Google Scholar

30. Information on Bliih's life taken from Béla Albertina, Beszélgetés Blüh Irénnel (Conversations with Irén Blüh), Sarló Archives DS.X86.10339.6, as well as from correspondence with the author in fall of 1990.Google Scholar

31. According to Balogh's judgement, co-education came too late to make any changes in the social relations between men and women students which had been established through years of separation. Relations were characterized by the sugar-sweet politeness, formality, and flirting common to the gendered social relations of middle class society (István Balogh, “A magyar egyetemi hallgatono,” Korunk, 5, evf., 1930).Google Scholar

32. Csaplar, Ferenc, “A Szegedi Fiatalok Muveszeti Kollegiuma,” A halado egyetemi ifjusag mozgalmai magyarorszagon 1918-1945 (Kossuth, 1978), p. 11.Google Scholar

33. Lengyel interview.Google Scholar

34. Buday had remained in Kolozsvar until 1924 when his gymnasium lost the right to issue certificates of graduation. He then joined his family in Szeged, where his father was a professor in the University.Google Scholar

35. Erodi-Harrach, Bela Jr., Magyar Szemle, No. VII, 3 December 1929, p. 375. The isolated tanya were rented out to the landless agrarian population by large landowners; the city of Szeged, the Catholic Church, and the Pallavicini estate.Google Scholar

36. Lengyel interview.Google Scholar

37. Szabó, Dezso, “Új Magyar ideológia felé: a Magyar paraszt,” Élet és Irodalom, 5 sz., 9 July 1923, p. 20.Google Scholar

38. Interview with Viola Tomori, recorded by Lengyel, András, Ferenc Mora Museum, Szeged.Google Scholar

39. Lengyel interview with Tomori.Google Scholar

40. Lengyel interview with Tomori.Google Scholar

41. An 8 October 1926, decision by the Hungarian Catholic Bishops forbade the organization of girl scouts in any Catholic institution, because “scouting is not for girls” (Gergely, Ferenc, A Magyar Cserkészet Törtenete 1910-1948 (Budapest: Gòncól Kiadó, 1989), p. 89).Google Scholar

42. Gergely, pp. 9092.Google Scholar

43. In the chapter on cultural activities in the 1927 Szeged yearbook, more than half of the chapter on Social and Organizational Life is devoted to women's organizations and their leaders, whose hard work and tireless energy are highly commended (Szeged Yearbook 1927, pp. 360378).Google Scholar

44. Mint pattogo labda … —Varone Tomori Viola szabalytalan emlekiratai,” Szeged megyei varosi tanacs kozlonyenek varospolitikai melleklete, 1989, p. 5.Google Scholar

45. The unpublished poem is among the papers of Erzsébet Árvay.Google Scholar

46. Author's interview with Viola Tomori, Debrecen, 30 May 1988.Google Scholar

47. Letter from Gyorgy Buday to Bela Jancso (Szeged, 19 June 1931) Ferenc Mora Muzeum Archives, Szeged.Google Scholar

48. Letter from Bela Reitzer to Ferenc Erdei (Szeged, 17 August 1932) Erdei Ferenc Correspondence #16, Sociology Department, ELTE, Budapest.Google Scholar

49. The exhibit, based on the theme of “Czech Imperialism,” depicted the bleak conditions and physical debilitation of the peasantry of Slovak and Ruthenian villages.Google Scholar

50. Lengyel interview.Google Scholar

51. Anna Kéthly was Szeged's Social Democratic representative to parliament after 1931.Google Scholar

52. Magyar Egyetemi Hirado, VI, ev., 5 sz. (15 April 1932), pp. 4-5; and Dr. Tomori, Viola, “Youth Works for Rural Communities in Central Europe,” I.S.S. Bulletin, Geneva, May 1938, pp. 710.Google Scholar

53. Manuscript for speech given to Széchenyi Association, Margit Buday collection.Google Scholar

54. Many of their publications were published by the Szeged Youth Artistic College itself, financed primarily by the sale of Buday's “Little Calendar.” Each year the calendar published a new set of previously unpublished folk songs, illustrated by Buday's unique woodcut technique which blended traditional peasant motives with modernist influences.Google Scholar

55. Articles appeared in the Magyarország, Pesti Napló, Pesti Hírlap, and Budapesti Hírlap (Lengyel, András, “A Szegedi Fiatalok dudari falutanulmányozása,” Szeged Muvelodéstörténetébol (Szeged: Móra Ferenc Múzeum, 1985), p. 20).Google Scholar

56. Letter from Viola Tomori to Gyorgy Buday, Szeged, 9 August 1937.Google Scholar

57. Reitzer, Béla Dr., Structural Changes in Hungarian Peasant Society, Dudar, September 1937, from Tomori collection.Google Scholar

58. Reitzer, Dudar.Google Scholar