Article contents
Prelates and Politicians in Bosnia: The Role of Religion in Nationalist Mobilisation
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 20 November 2018
Extract
The role of historical and cultural influences in recent Balkan warfare has been the subject of considerable debate among commentators both within and outside the former Yugoslavia. For example, some observers, who might be considered members of the primordial hatred school, have emphasized the cyclical role of “ancient enmities” and atavistic impulses in the Balkans. In contrast, another group of analysts, who have subscribed to the paradise lost approach, focus on the long periods during which populations of different languages, religions, and other facets of Balkan ethnic identity, managed to peacefully co-exist. This second perspective downplays historical factors and attributes the violence and savagery of recent years to nationalist leaders who whipped up antagonisms to suit their own political agendas.
- Type
- Part II: The Politics of Disintegration
- Information
- Nationalities Papers , Volume 25 , Issue 3: The Disintegration of Yugoslavia: Inevitable or Avoidable? , September 1997 , pp. 481 - 499
- Copyright
- Copyright © 1997 Association for the Study of Nationalities
References
Notes
1. Aleksa Djilas, “Fear Thy Neighbor—The Breakup of Yugoslavia,” in Charles A. Kupchan, ed., Nationalism and Nationalities in the New Europe (New York: Council of Foreign Relations, 1995), p. 87. For an excellent survey concerning the impact of religious factors in historical and recent Balkan ethnic conflicts see, Josip Kumpes, “Religija i etnicki sukobi na prostorima bivse Jugoslavije,” in Ivan Grubisic, ed., Konfesije i rat (Split: Centar za religijska istrazivanja, 1995), pp. 257–280. The same author has also prepared the most comprehensive bibliography on the subject, “Religija, politika, etnicnost: selektivna bibliografija,” Migracije teme, Vol. 10, Nos 3–4, 1994, pp. 251–280.Google Scholar
2. Radmila Radić, Verom protiv vere: drzava i verske zajednice u Srbiji 1945–1953 (Belgrade: Institut za noviju istoriju Srbije, 1995).Google Scholar
3. Radmila Radić, “Srpska pravoslavna crkva u poratnim i ratnim godinama 1980–1985,” Republika, Vol. 7, Nos 121–122, 31 August 1995, pp. 1–24. See also Sergej Flere, “Rasprostranjenost i prihvatanje pravoslavlje danas,” in Religija i drustvo (Zagreb: Centar za idejno-terijski rad GKSKH, 1987), pp. 112–121.Google Scholar
4. Marinko Čulić, “Pastir svih Srba,” Danas, No. 386, 11 July 1989, p. 25.Google Scholar
5. Patriarch German interviewed in Milo Gligorijević, “Kosovo lekcije iz istorije,” NIN, No. 2008 (Special Supplement), 25 June 1989, p. 5.Google Scholar
6. Patriarch Pavle interviewed in Milorad Vucelic, ed., Conversations with the Epoch (Belgrade: Ministry of Information of the Republic of Survey, 1991), p. 13.Google Scholar
7. Yeshayahu Jelinik, “Clergy and Fascism: The Hlinka Party in Slovakia and the Croatian Ustasha Movement,” in Stein Ugelvik Larson, et al., eds, Who Were the Fascists: Social Roots of European Fascism (Oslo: Universitetforlaget, 1980), pp. 369–372.Google Scholar
8. Xavier Bolgarel, Le Parti de l'Action Democratique: de la marginalite a l'hegemonie (Paris: DEAIEP, 1993), pp. 50–51.Google Scholar
9. Ibid., p. 59.Google Scholar
10. Darko Tanasković, “Why Is Islamic Radicalization in the Balkans Being Covered Up?” Eurobalkans, No. 15, Summer 1994, p. 35.Google Scholar
11. Esad Čimić has suggested that from such remarks it “isn't difficult to conclude,” that the creation of “some kind of Islamic, Muslim state … is not rejected but simply postponed.” “Okrugli stol-'Što je vjerski rat,” in Ivan Ivan Grubisic, ed., Konfesije i rat, p. 294.Google Scholar
12. Xavier Bolgarel, “Le Parti de l'Action Democratique: de la marginalite a lhegemonie,” p. 62.Google Scholar
13. Ibid., p. 67.Google Scholar
14. Ibid., p. 68.Google Scholar
15. A Bosnian Muslim view of “Bosnian Islam” cited approvingly by Fouad Ajami in Elaine Sciolino, “What's Iran Doing in Bosnia Anyway?” New York Times, 10 December 1995, Section 4, p. 4.Google Scholar
16. Radmila Radić, “Srpska pravoslavna crkva u poratnim i ratnim godinama 1980–1985,” p. 24.Google Scholar
17. Gerald E. Markle and Frances B. McCrea, “Medjugorje and the Crisis in Yugoslavia,” in William Swatos Jr., ed., Politics and Religion in Central and Eastern Europe (Westport: Praeger, 1994), pp. 197–208. The Croatian-American sociologist, Stjepan Mestrovic, has argued that the central message of Medjugorje is peace, an expression of Croatian culture that is “still Gothic” and non-expansionist. He claims that any Croatian brutality committed following Yugoslavia's disintegration in 1991 is simply reactive nationalism to Serbia's “expansionist ‘civilization,'” Habits of the Balkan Heart (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1993), pp. 128–129.Google Scholar
18. S. Zimdars-Swartz, Encountering Mary (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991), p. 19, cited in ibid., p. 203.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
19. Kuharić interviewed by Marinko Čulić, “Nismo u narucju vlasti,” Danas, No. 461, 18 December 1990, p. 22.Google Scholar
20. Živko Kustić interviewed by Davor Butković, “Iz komunisticke tiranije upali smo u jos stariji tip primitivizma!” Globus, No. 140, 13 August 1993, p. 32.Google Scholar
21. Globe and Mail, 9 December 1995, p. A11.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
22. San Francisco Chronicle, 11 August 1995, p. A1.Google Scholar
23. Globe and Mail, 27 July 1992, p. A1.Google Scholar
24. The war in Bosnia led to widespread destruction of churches, church property, and even the murder of clergymen by extreme elements of all the warring sides. Most acts of church destruction were carried out as part of an effort to establish ethnically pure zones of control, particularly by Serb and Croat forces. Claims about the nature and magnitude of such activity became a regular component of the heated propaganda battle during the conflict. While such destruction and atrocities obviously illustrate a religious aspect or by-product of the warfare in Bosnia, it is extremely difficult to evaluate, comprehensively, the structure of motives and circumstances that account for numerous particular cases. Not surprisingly, the various antagonists often make claims that their side's particular religious beliefs account for a higher level of ethical conduct in the fighting. For a Croatian presentation of this position with regard to Croat-Serb fighting in Croatia, see Miroslav Vujevic, “Utjecaj vjerskih normi na ponasanje u hrvatskom domovinskom ratu,” Politička misao, Vol. 131, No. 4, 1994, pp. 147–153.Google Scholar
25. Martin Udovicic, “Hrvatska Travnicka Zajednica-Travnicka Provincija,” in Marko Karamatic, ed., Rat u Bosni i Hercegovini: uzroci, posljednice, perspeketive (Zagreb: Franjevacka teologija, Sarajevo, 1993), p. 80.Google Scholar
26. Independent, 5 October 1993, p. 3.Google Scholar
27. Cardinal Kuharic had earlier stated his views on the nature of the war in Bosnia: “One needs to clearly realize that the [Roman Catholic] Church didn't proclaim the war in the Church and that this war has completely other motives, absolutely political, that these are aggressive pretensions, and that people who are simply not open to advice from any religious community have their goal, they wish war, a war of exclusivist nationalistic policy. What can the churches do now?” Novi danas, 31 August 1992, p. 17.Google Scholar
28. In January 1994, Kuharic had issued a more direct criticism of Tudjman's policies in Bosnia, and also called for better relations among all nationalities, British Broadcasting Corporation Shortwave Broadcast/EE/1903/C, 24 January 1994.Google Scholar
29. Foreign Broadcast Information Service-Eastern Europe-95-032 [hereinafter FBIS-EEU], 16 February 1995, pp. 29–30.Google Scholar
30. Paul Hockenos, “Shreds Remain of Multicultural Bosnia,” National Catholic Reporter, Vol. 31, No. 20, 17 March 1995, p. 8.Google Scholar
31. FBIS-EEU-95-071, 13 April 1995, p. 30.Google Scholar
32. Boston Globe, 22 September 1995, p. 1.Google Scholar
33. Independent, 15 June 1992, p. 9.Google Scholar
34. FBIS-EEU-94-178, 14 September 1994, p. 57.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
35. Karadzic interview with Paul Mojzes, “Confessions of a Serb Leader,” The Christian Century, 16 August 1995.Google Scholar
36. FBIS-EEU-95-009, 13 January 1995, p. 43.Google Scholar
37. On 7 August 1995, after Croatian troops recaptured the Krajina area, Patriarch Pavle and the Holy Synod of Bishops of the Serbian Orthodox Church condemned the Milosevic regime: “With its power-hungry actions and self-serving attitude, this same leadership trampled on all promises and guarantees it gave to the Serbian Krajina and led the nation into a blind alley.”Google Scholar
38. Agence France Presse, 23 December 1995.Google Scholar
- 5
- Cited by