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Policy Toward Islam in Uzbekistan in the Gorbachev Era
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 20 November 2018
Extract
This study examines the transformation of policy toward Islam in Uzbekistan during the Gorbachev era. It considers both Moscow's policy and, as Uzbekistan began to achieve greater control over its own affairs, the policy of the republic's leaders. The article begins by placing the changes in policy toward Islam in the broader context of emerging Soviet policy toward religion during the middle of the 1960s. It then examines some of the All-Union and republic communist parties’ concessions toward Islam and attempts to use Islam in addressing the most pressing cultural, social, economic, and political problems facing Uzbekistan. The study pays particular attention to the official religious establishment and briefly explores its role in efforts by Uzbekistan's political leadership to maintain political control.
- Type
- II The USSR and Beyond
- Information
- Nationalities Papers , Volume 22 , Issue 1: Special Issue - Ethnopolitics in Poland , Spring 1994 , pp. 225 - 246
- Copyright
- Copyright © 1994 Association for the Study of Nationalities of Eastern Europe and ex-USSR
References
Note
1. M. S. Gorbachev, “Politicheskii doklad Tsentral'nogo Komiteta KPSS dvadtsat’ sed'momu s'ezdu Kommunisticheskoi Partiii Sovetskogo Soiuza,” Dvadtsat’ sed'moi s”ezd Kommunisticheskoi Partiii Sovetskogo Soiuza 25 fevralia—6 marta 1986 goda. Stenograficheskii otchet, p. 76.Google Scholar
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35. Komsomolets Uzbekistana, 23 Feb. 1989. Interestingly, in a September 1989 interview in Literaturnaia gazeta, the Mufti of Central Asia and Kazakhstan described his participation in the celebration of the 1000th anniversary of Christianity in Russia in positive terms; however, he then proceeded to say that it would be “just” if the celebration of the 1400th anniversary of Islam would be celebrated “just as broadly” (13 Sep. 1989, p. 11).Google Scholar
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38. The coverage in the other republics is mentioned in John Soper's report of June 15, 1988, but Soper did not mention any from Uzbekistan. Looking through my own extensive files from the republic press, the first analogous report I have is from Pravda Vostoka on 26 June 1988.Google Scholar
39. Among the articles which reveal these views see in particular I. Makatov, “Aktivno perestraivat’ ateisticheskuiu rabotu,” Kommunist Uzbekistana, No. 6 (June), 1986, pp. 58–65, and Komsomolets Uzbekistana, 21 and 30 Sep. 1988.Google Scholar
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44. In addition, fifty were being restored (Komsomolets Uzbekistana, 14 July 1989).Google Scholar
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50. Islam. Spravochnik (in Uzbek), (Tashkent: Ozbek Sovet Entsiklopediiasi Bash redaktsiiasi, 1986 [first edition] and 1987 [second edition]).Google Scholar
51. Oqituvchilar gazetasi, 25 Oct. 1988.Google Scholar
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53. The article was reprinted from No. 1, 1989, Nauka i religiia. See Vera Panova and Iurii Vakhtin, “Muhammad payghambar hayati,” Yashlik, No. 10 (Oct.), 1989, pp. 65–69. This installment indicated that others were to follow. However, the next part was not printed either in the November or December issue of the journal.Google Scholar
54. Interestingly, some individuals criticized the publication of the Koran in a journal as a sign of disrespect (Ozbekistan adabiyati va san'ati, 16 March 1990).Google Scholar
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56. Sovet Ozbekistani 16 Jan. 1991.Google Scholar
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59. Previously, the Uzbek edition had been printed only in Arabic-script Uzbek, which most Soviet Uzbeks cannot read.Google Scholar
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68. Ibid. During the transitional stage one way that was suggested to “finesse” the question was to distinguish between presence at a religious ceremony and actual participation in it. Some maintained that whereas the latter might be considered inappropriate for party members, the former could be accepted (T. Osipov and T. Iskanderov, “Konstitutsionnye garantii svobody sovesti,” Kommunist Uzbekistana, No. 11 [Nov.], 1989, p. 65).Google Scholar
69. Yash leninchi, 17 May 1990. By the spring of 1990 the Uzbekistan Komsomol had removed all restrictions which even theoretically prevented believers from joining the organization (Molodezh’ Uzbekistana, 25 May 1991).Google Scholar
70. According to the decree, those who took advantage of this option would have to make up the time lost on their jobs (Pravda Vostoka 12 April 1991). The issue had been discussed at the Uzbekistan Supreme Soviet session in February 1991 (Pravda Vostoka 15 Feb. 1991). It is worth noting that the analogous decree issued in Tajikistan adopted about the same time did not mandate that lost work time be made up (TASS in English 1732 GMT, 8 April 1991, translated in JPRS-UPA-91–022, 1 May 1991, p. 70).Google Scholar
71. Sovet Ozbekistani, 15 Dec. 1989.Google Scholar
72. The reversal was discussed by the Uzbek writer Pirmat Shermuhamedov who mockingly cited the treatment given the holiday not long ago in the scholar Saidbaev's work Discussions about Islam. According to Shermuhamedov, Saidbaev's book answered the question about whether certain pre-Islamic practices were in fact “religious” by saying, “Without a doubt, they are religious; they have an entirely religious character. [So] they must certainly be eliminated” (Yash leninchi, 27 Dec. 89).Google Scholar
73. Oqituvchilar gazetasi, 7 Dec. 1990. Moreover, some authors began to speak of the desirability of returning to the Arabic script.Google Scholar
74. Komsomolets Uzbekistana, 19 Jan. 1990.Google Scholar
75. Pravda Vostoka, 19 Aug. 1989.Google Scholar
76. See, for example, Ozbekistan adabiyati va san'ati, 25 Aug. 89.Google Scholar
77. Komsomolets Uzbekistana, 19 Jan. 1990.Google Scholar
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92. Ironically, in an interview published shortly before the Fergana Valley tragedy (in which Uzbeks clashed with fellow Muslim Meskhetian Turks) the mufti had urged Uzbeks to display tolerance towards Slavs. He had reminded readers that Islam instructs believers to treat people of other faiths with respect (Ozbekistan adabiyati va san'ati, 12 May 1989).Google Scholar
93. Ozbekistan adabiyati va san'ati, 16 March 1990. For the mufti's statement see Komsomolets Uzbekistana, 8 Feb. 1990.Google Scholar
94. Komsomolets Uzbekistana, 13 Dec. 1989.Google Scholar
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101. It is likely that not only the Moscow leadership welcomed a strong Soviet military. Given Karimov's reluctance to break with Moscow until the coup in August 1991, Karimov probably also favored this.Google Scholar
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103. Pravda Vostoka, 20 May 1989. The attempts by Nishanov and Karimov to use conservative Islam to counter reformers was nothing new. Even before the Bolshevik Revolution tsarist colonial administration had sought allies among the conservative religious leaders opposed to reform-minded jadids.Google Scholar
104. Sovet Ozbekistani, 21 Feb. 1991.Google Scholar
105. Sovet Ozbekistani, 30 Jan. 1991 and 7 Feb. 1991.Google Scholar
106. Sovet Ozbekistani, 31 Jan. 1991.Google Scholar
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110. Such a depiction was given in Yash leninchi, 12 March 1991. While the author made it clear that he was not advocating reinstitution of this form of punishment, he indicated that the same kind of fear of punishment which once existed would benefit contemporary society.Google Scholar
111. Literaturnaia gazeta, 13 Sep. 1989, p. 2.Google Scholar
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114. Yash leninchi, 3 Jan. 1990.Google Scholar
115. The attempt to depose the mufti was even reported as successful in some of the Moscow press. See, for example, Komsomol'skaia Pravda, 9 July 1991.Google Scholar
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