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The Geography and Economic Sociology of Recent Immigration to Italy
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 07 January 2016
Summary
This article provides an overview of the geography and economic sociology of recent immigration to Italy. Its main purpose is to offer a contextual framework for the mainly place- and nationality-specific studies which follow and make up the main contributions to this special issue of the journal. Throughout our account, stress is laid on the regional diversity of the immigrant experience within Italy, and on the diversity of migratory types and nationalities which have entered the country over the last twenty-thirty years. In the final part of the article we make a brief analysis of the Italian political response to the country's relatively new status as a receiver of large-scale immigration.
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- Modern Italy , Volume 4 , Issue 2: Special Issue: The Italian experience of immigration , November 1999 , pp. 135 - 158
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- Copyright © Association for the study of Modern Italy
References
Notes
1. Favero, Luigi and Tassello, Graziano, ‘Cent'anni di emigrazione italiana (1876–1976)’, in Rosoli, Gianfausto (ed.), Un secolo di emigrazione italiana: 1876–1976, Centro Studi Emigrazione, Rome, 1978, pp. 9–64.Google Scholar
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41. Ibid., pp. 326–41. Rome is the ‘capital of immigration’ in Italy for several reasons: its airport, its foreign embassies and its vast informal economy including a buoyant demand for domestic workers among its many wealthy and middle-class families. Also relevant here is its key role as a religious centre: in Rome 21.5 per cent of sojourn permits are issued for religious reasons, compared to less than 5 per cent nationally.Google Scholar
42. An important footnote to this map, and to all discussion about the geographical distribution of immigrants in Italy based on official registrations, is the likelihood that the incidence of undocumented migrants is much higher in the South of Italy. This is because of the greater importance of the informal economy and the higher degree of precariousness of immigrant work.Google Scholar
43. For this, published data are available only for 31 December 1994; see Bonifazi, , L'immigrazione straniera in Italia, pp. 167–9.Google Scholar
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51. Plenty of evidence exists to support the contention that Italian public opinion perceives immigration in an increasingly negative light. An Institute of Population Research survey in 1987–8 indicated that half of Italians thought that there were too many foreigners living in Italy. When the survey was repeated in 1991 the proportion had risen to three-quarters. Another survey carried out in 1991, this time by the Doxa Institute, showed that 61 per cent of respondents felt that there were only or mainly disadvantages to immigration, and 41 per cent of Italians thought that the biggest disadvantage was that ‘foreigners take away jobs from Italians’. See Bonifazi, Corrado, ‘Italian attitudes and opinions towards foreign migrants and migration policies’, Studi Emigrazione, 29, 105, 1992, pp. 21–41.Google Scholar
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