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⁴⁹ For the vexed relationship between Romanticism and post-Romanticism see René Wellek, “What Is Symbolism?”, in Balakian, Anna, ed., The Symbolist Movement in the Literature of European Languages (Budapest, 1982), 17–28Google Scholar; and Abrams, M. H., Natural Supernaturalism: Tradition and Revolution in Romantic Literature (New York, 1973), 414–18Google Scholar, 445–7.

⁵⁰ Izenberg, Impossible Individuality, 13–15.

⁵¹ Taylor, Sources of the Self, 115–26.

⁵² Seigel, Jerrold, Bohemian Paris: Culture, Politics, and the Boundaries of Bourgeois Life, 1830–1930 (Baltimore, 1999; first published 1986), 242–68Google Scholar; Seigel, The Idea of the Self, 435–42, 493–507; Taylor, Sources of the Self, 422–5; Abrams, Natural Supernaturalism, 412–18.

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⁵⁵ Solov′ev, Vladimir, Stikhotvoreniia, 3rd edn (St Petersburg, 1900), 195–6Google Scholar. Solov′ev's reviews only became harsher: pp. 198–204 and 205–13. See also Solov′ev, “Predislovie,” in Solov′ev, Stikhotvorenie, 7th edn, with a foreword by S. M. Solov′ev (Moscow, 1921), iii–xiv, at xi, xii. On the response to Solov′ev's parody of Symbolists see Sergei Makovskii, Portrety sovremennikov (New York, 1955), 122–5, 138. Mochul′skii appreciated this conception of self in Valerii Briusov, 49–54.

⁵⁶ Briusov, Valerii, “Poeziia Vladimira Solov′eva,” Russkii arkhiv, 38/8 (1900), 546–54Google Scholar, at 546, original emphasis. Dmitrii Merezhkovskii articulated a similar poetic theory in the early 1890s. See D. S. Merezhkovskii, “O prichinakh upadka i o novykh techeniiakh sovremennoi russkoi literatury,” in Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, vol. 18 (Moscow, 1914), 270–547, at 272–3, 546–7. For more evidence of Briusov's fictionalizing see Briusov, “Poeziia,” 546 n.; and Merezhkovskii, Dnevniki, 89–90.

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⁷⁰ Ibid., xvi–xx.

⁷¹ S. N. Bulgakov, “Osnovnyia problemy teorii progressa,” in Ot marksizma k idealizmu, 113–55, at 148. Bulgakov had Solov′ev's Opravdanie dobra (1898) in mind. Ibid., 143.

⁷² From two letters to A. S. Glinka dated 27 Oct. 1905 and 10 June 1906, in Keiden, Vzyskuiushchie grada, 80, 85, 101; and Kolerov, Ne mir, no mech, 282.

⁷³ Ascher, Abraham, The Revolution of 1905, vol. 2 (Stanford, 1992), 302–3Google Scholar; and Anan′ich, Diakin, and Ganelin, Krizis samoderzhaviia, 323.

⁷⁴ Keidan, Vzyskuiushchie grada, 145. The letter is dated 27 May 1907.

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⁷⁷ Letter from Bulgakov to Glinka dated 7 October 1905, in Keiden, Vzyskuiushchie grada, 80 and also 84.

⁷⁸ S. N. Bulgakov, “Geroizm i podvizhnichestvo,” in Kazakova, Vekhi, 43, 44, 45.

⁷⁹ Ibid., 46.

⁸⁰ Ibid., 50–51.

⁸¹ Ibid., 54–5.

⁸² Bely, Mezhdu dvukh revoliutsii, 265–6, 271–3. S. M. Luk'ianov, O Vl.S. Solov′eve v ego molodye gody. Materialy k biografii, kn. 1 (Moscow, 1990; first published Petrograd, 1916), 344 n. 662.

⁸³ Gollerbakh, K nezrimomu gradu, 148–50.

⁸⁴ Bulgakov, S. N., “Vladimir Solov′ev i Anna Shmidt,” in Bulgakov, Tikhie dumy: iz statei 1911–1915 gg. (Paris, 1976; first published 1918), 71–114Google Scholar. See also Gertsyk, Evgeniia, Vospominaniia (Moscow, 1996), 174–5Google Scholar.

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⁸⁸ For the difference see A. A. Blok, “Rytsar′-Monakh,” in Ern, Sbornik pervyi, 96–103; and Blok's 19 Dec. 1910 letter to Bely in Lavrov, Perepiska, 381 and n. 3.

⁸⁹ Bulgakov, “Solov′ev i Shmidt,” 81, 91, 108.

⁹⁰ Ibid., 103.

⁹¹ Ibid., 82.

⁹² Finkel, On the Ideological Front, 8, 182–228; Evtuhov, The Cross & the Sickle, 230–50.

⁹³ Mochul′skii, Vladimir Solov′ev, 9–10; and Strémooukhoff, Vladimir Soloviev and His Messianic Work, 11.

⁹⁴ In English see Bulgakov, Sergei, Sophia, The Wisdom of God: An Outline of Sophiology, trans. Rev. Patrick Thompson, Rev. O. Fielding Clarke, and Miss Xenia Braikevitc (Hudson, NY, 1993Google Scholar; first published 1937).

⁹⁵ Arjakovsky, The Way, 35.

⁹⁶ Samuel Moyn, Origins of the Other, 117–34.

⁹⁷ O Sofii Premudrosti Bozhiei: Ukaz moskovskoi patriarkhii i dokladnye zapiski prof. prot: Sergeia Bulgakova Mitropolitu Evlogiiu (Paris, 1935), 54. On Antonii see Zen′kovskii Collection, Moe uchastie, pp. 20–21, BAR.

⁹⁸ N. A. Berdiaev, “Russkii dukhovnyi renessans nachala XX veka i zhurnal ‘Put’ (K desiatiletiiu ‘Puti’),” Put′, 49 (Oct.–Dec. 1935), 3–22. Cited in Arjakovsky, The Way, 52.

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¹⁰⁰ Letter from Bulgakov to Berdiaev dated 25 Jan./7 Feb. 1923, Berdiaev Papers, Box 1, Sergei Bulgakov folder, ll. 4–5, BAR. See also ibid., letter dated 13 June 1934, l. 2. For Bulgakov's attempts to persuade Florovsky see Ekaterina Evtukhova, “S. N. Bulgakov: Pis'ma k G. V. Florovskomy,” Issledovaniia po istorii russkoi mysli, 2001/2002 (2002), 175–226.

¹⁰¹ On Berdiaev's relation to interpersonalism and personalism see Moyn, Origins of the Other, 182–4; and Moyn, Samuel, Christian Human Rights (Philadelphia, 2015), 68–9Google Scholar. Herbert Spencer exercised Berdiaev's philosophical imagination into the 1930s. See Nicolas Berdiaeff, “Sujectivité et transcendance,” Bulletin de la Société française de philosophie, 37/5 (Oct.–Dec. 1937), 187–8. Spencer was the subject of Berdiaev, N. A., Sub″ektivism i individualizm v obshchestvennoi filosofii: Kriticheskii etiud o N. K. Mikhailovskom (St. Petersburg, 1901)Google Scholar.

¹⁰² Evlogii, Mitropolit, Put′ moei zhizni: vospominaniia Mitropolita Evlogiia, izlozhennyia po ego razskazam T. Manukhinoi (Paris, 1947), 187–8Google Scholar.

¹⁰³ “La colonie russe en France,” F/7/14750 (Surveillance des activités des étrangers: Japon à Ukraine), p. 1, Archives nationales de France (ANF). Evlogii's letters are preserved at ANF, F/7/16068. For the police see the file entitled “Jean Tereniak” in ANF F/7/14750. See also Archives de la Préfecture de la Police de Paris, série B, sous-série B/A, dossiers 1708–10, sous-série B/A 2e série, dossier 2016 (Milioukoff, Paul) and ANF, F/7 (Police): F/7/13017, F/7/15953/2, F/7/16068.

¹⁰⁴ On these differences see especially V. V. Zen′kovskii's memoirs, Moe uchastie v Russkoi Tserkovnoi zhizni v Zapadnoi Evrope (1920–1952), 46–8, 97, BAR; Moi vstrechi s vydaiushchimisia liud'mi, 10–20, esp. 15 (Berdiaev), 20–36, esp. 32 (Bulgakov), 93–5 (P. B. Struve), and 101–5 (Florovskii), BAR.

¹⁰⁵ V. V. Zen′kovskii Papers, Moe uchastie, BAR; and the Berdiaev Papers, correspondence with Bulgakov, Florovskii, Frank, Losskii, Mochul′skii, Stepun, Struve, and Vysheslvatsev, BAR. See also Florovskii's well-known works and V. V. Zen′kovskii, ed., Pravoslavie i kul′tura: sbornik religiozno-filosofskikh statei (Berlin, 1923).

¹⁰⁶ See “Protokol Ideologicheskago sobraniia pri R.S.Kh.D.” in Box 3, Paul B. Anderson Papers, series 15/35/54, University of Illinois Archives; Berdiaev Papers, correspondence, BAR; and Vladimir Iantsen, “Pi′sma russkikh mystlitei v bazel′skom archive Fritsa Liba,” in Issledovaniia po istorii russkoi mysli, 2001/2002 (2002), 227–563.

¹⁰⁷ See “Exhibit VII-1: Record of the Six Adult Leaders for Visits to Important Conferences,” Paul B. Anderson Papers, Box 3, University of Illinois Archives. Zen′kovskii did not enjoy such esteem. See his remarks in BAR, V. V. Zen′kovskii Papers, Moi vstrechi s vydaiushchimisia liu'mi, 15.

¹⁰⁸ Zernov, Nicolas, Moscow, the Third Rome (London, 1937)Google Scholar; Zernov, St. Sergius: Builder of Russia (London, 1939); Zernov, The Church of the Eastern Christians (London, 1942); Zernov, Three Russian Prophets: Khomiakov, Dostoevsky, Soloviev (London, 1944); and Zernov, The Reintegration of the Church: A Study in Intercommunion (London, 1952). Zernov's sister, Maria Zernov, married Gustave Kullmann (1894–1961), a German Protestant who worked closely with Anderson at the YMCA until he converted to Orthodoxy to marry Maria. Kullmann's conversion led him to leave the YMCA to work for United Nations human rights agencies in Geneva. See Arjakovsky, The Way, 168–79.

¹⁰⁹ Suri, Henry Kissinger, 92–137; Engerman, Know Your Enemy, 71–179, esp. 155–7. Karpovich taught Solov′ev according to Berdiaev's conceptualization: Martin E. Malia, “Michael Karpovich, 1888–1959,” Russian Review, 19/1 (1960), 56–76, at 67.

¹¹⁰ Stepun's Vergangenes und Unvergängliches aus meinem Leben (Munich, 1947) was published with the permission of the US Office of Military Government (OMGUS) in postwar Germany. On Stepun's work with OMGUS see Freytag-Loringhoven, Konstantin von, Erziehung im Kollegienhaus: Reformsbestrebungen an den deutschen Universitäten der amerikanischen Besatzungsszone, 1945–1960 (Stuttgart, 2012), 347Google Scholar.

¹¹¹ Zernov and Zernov, Za rubezhom, 550.

¹¹² Here I differ with Evtuhov in her Cross & the Sickle, which is subtitled Sergei Bulgakov and the Fate of Russian Religious Philosophy.

¹¹³ Freidrich and Brzezinski, Totalitarianism, 5–6. On militant democracy see Greenberg, The Weimar Century, 23, 169–210. This account of Cold War ideology suggests that Russian president Vladimir Putin's criticism of US foreign policy as a version of “exceptionalism” are not totally without merit. See Vladimir Putin, “A Plea for Caution from Russia,” New York Times, 11 Sept, 2013, at www.nytimes.com/2013/09/12/opinion/putin-plea-for-caution-from-russia-on-syria.html, accessed 3 Oct. 2015. For Russia's own peculiar views of foreign relations see Fedor, Julie, “Chekists Look Back on the Cold War: The Polemical Literature,” National Security, 26/6 (2011), 842–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and, I suppose, Charles Clover, Black Wind, White Snow: The Rise of Russia's New Nationalism (New Haven, 2016). For histories of Russian foreign policy thinking see Legvold, Robert, ed., Russian Foreign Policy in the 21st Century and the Shadow of the Past (New York, 2007)Google Scholar; and McDonald, David, “1991 and the History of Russian Gosudarstvennost ′,” Ab Imperio, 3 (2011), 223–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹²⁵ Ivanov-Razumnik, , Istoriia russkoi obshchestvennoi mysli: Individualism i meshchanstvo v rossiiskoi literature i zhizni XIX v., 2 vols. (St Petersburg, 1908)Google Scholar. The history of the self would be one way to overcome the “left–right divide” in Russian intellectual history. See Frede, Victoria, “Russian Intellectual History since 1991: Overcoming the Left–Right Divide,” Kritika, 12/4 (2011), 807–15CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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