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READING DURKHEIM THROUGH OTTOMAN LENSES: INTERPRETATIONS OF CUSTOMARY LAW, RELIGION, AND SOCIETY BY THE SCHOOL OF GÖKALP*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  12 August 2015

M. SAİT ÖZERVARLI
M. SAİT ÖZERVARLI*
Affiliation:
Humanities and Social Sciences Department, Yildiz Technical University, Istanbul E-mail: [email protected]
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Abstract

This article focuses on how late Ottoman intellectuals selectively read the sociologist Emile Durkheim and used his thoughts to rediscover and reform their own classical, normative Islamic and social theories. Emile Durkheim, a late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century French thinker who combined philosophy with social and political issues, powerfully inspired one of the late Ottoman intellectual circles that aimed to provide theoretical underpinnings for a significant transformation of Turkish society. The article takes a closer look at the school of Ziya Gökalp, the acknowledged pioneer of social thought in Turkey, highlighting also lesser-known works of some of his followers, and how they perceived—in distinct ways—Durkheim's views in a Gökalpian manner, seeking a new synthesis with Islamic legal and religious interpretations to modernize their society in connection with the past. It thus explores some creative Ottoman appropriations of Durkheimian methodology for a different cultural environment.

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Modern Intellectual History , Volume 14 , Issue 2 , August 2017 , pp. 393 - 419
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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2015 

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Footnotes

*

I thank Cengiz Kırlı, Susan Gunasti, Farid Alatas, Allison Kanner, and Helen Pfeifer for reading various drafts of this article and offering valuable comments and suggestions. I am also thankful to the three anonymous readers of Modern Intellectual History and coeditor Sophia Rosenfeld for their contributon to its final revision process.

References

1 Influenced by Henri de Saint Simon (1760–1825) and Auguste Comte (1798–1857), Durkheim emphasized the mechanistic and deterministic character of communal representations based on the collective consciousness of social groups. He combined philosophy with social and political issues and with the theory of the division of labor, corporatism, and social idealism. He criticized metaphysical rationalism, historical materialism, and utilitarian individualism. See Alexander, Jeffrey C., “The Inner Development of Durkheim's Sociological Theory: From Early Writings to Maturity,” in Alexander, Jeffrey C. and Smith, Philip, eds., The Cambridge Companion to Durkheim (Cambridge, 2005), 136–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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3 The contribution of these supporters to Gökalpian ideas is highlighted by a prominent sociologist in the republican period. See Fındıkoğlu, Ziyaeddin Fahri, Gökalp İçin Yazdıklarım ve Söylediklerim (Istanbul, 1955), 60–61 Google Scholar.

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19 The journal issues (1–6) have recently been transliterated into modern Turkish by Mehmet Kanar (Istanbul, 1997). The earliest sociological journals are considered to be the American Journal of Sociology (1895) and L’année sociologique (1896).

20 Randall Collins, “The Durkheimian Movement in France and World Sociology,” in Alexander and Smith, The Cambridge Companian to Durkheim, 101–35, at 119. See also Parla, Taha and Davison, Andrew, Corporatist Ideology in Kemalist Turkey (Syracuse, 2004), 26–7Google Scholar.

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22 For his life see Fındıkoğlu, Ziyaeddin Fahri, Les sociologues Turcs I: Ziya Gökalp étude biographique, publiée a l’occasion de l’anniversaire de la mort de Ziya Gökalp (Paris, 1936)Google Scholar; Heyd, Foundations of Turkish Nationalism, 17–40; and Parla, The Social and Political Thought of Ziya Gökalp, 10–17.

23 Gökalp, Ziya, Makaleler V, ed. Kardaş, Rıza (Ankara, 1981), 91 Google Scholar.

24 Ibid., 106.

25 Fındıkoğlu, Les sociologues Turcs I: Ziya Gökalp, 20, 25.

26 See Gökalp, Ziya, “Ahlaka ve Terbiyeye Tatbik Edilmiş Muhtasar İctimaiyat,” in Göksel, A. Nüzhet, ed., Ziya Gökalp’in Neşredilmemiş Yedi Eseri ve Aile Mektupları (Istanbul, 1956), 62–5, at 64Google Scholar.

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28 Gökalp, Ziya, Makaleler IV, ed. Tuncer, Ferit Ragıp (Ankara, 1977), 43–4Google Scholar. Also see Çelik, Celaleddin, “Gökalp’in Bir Değişim Dinamiği Olarak Kültür-Medeniyet Teorisi,” Erciyes Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi, 21 (2006), 43–63 Google Scholar.

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33 He further argues that just as breathing with gills is normal for fish but not for mammals, the vendetta is normal in a tribal society but not in a developed society. Gökalp, Turkish Nationalism and Western Civilization, 151, quoted from Gökalp, “Ahlak İctimai midir?,” İctimaiyat Mecmuası, 1/3 (1917), 112–15.

34 Gökalp, Ziya, “Örf Nedir?”, İslam Mecmuası (hereafter İM), 10 (1914), 290–95Google Scholar; Gökalp, Turkish Nationalism and Western Civilization, 155.

35 Gökalp, Turkish Nationalism and Western Civilization, 162, quoting from Gökalp, “Ictimaiyat ve Fikriyat: Cemiyette Büyük Adamların Tesiri,” İctimaiyat Mecmuası, 2 (1914), 4–8.

36 Gökalp, “Örf Nedir?,” İM, 10 (1914), 290–95; Gökalp, Turkish Nationalism and Western Civilization, 154. For similar statements by Durkheim see Pickering, W. S. F., Durkheim's Sociology of Religion (London, 1984), 488 Google Scholar.

37 For Durkheim, “society requires us to make ourselves its servants, forgetful of our own interests.” See Durkheim, Emile, The Elementary Forms of Religious Life, trans. Fields, Karen E. (New York, 1995), 209 Google Scholar.

38 Kushner, David, The Rise of Turkish Nationalism 1876–1908 (London, 1977), 3–19 Google Scholar.

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41 Ali Arslan, “Prince Sabahaddin and His Sociology” (MA dissertation, Boğaziçi University, 1987); Akkaya, Rukiye, Prens Sabahaddin (Istanbul, 2005)Google Scholar.

42 Durkheim, Emile, The Rules of Sociological Methods, trans. Halls, W. D. (London, 1982), 31–3CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

43 Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of Religious Life, 421, 427, 432–33.

44 Durkheim's Les formes élémentaires de la vie religieuse on native Australian tribes aimed to prove this theory, which suggested that there is no major difference between the symbolic statue of Churinga and nationalist flags. Australian natives regard Churinga as representing the sacred totem, and flags are normally ordinary colored cloths that represent the sovereignty of modern nations. See Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of Religious Life, 228–31.

45 Ibid., 208.

46 Dodd, Clement H., Democracy and Development in Turkey (North Hemberside, 1979), 83 Google Scholar.

47 Duru, Kazım Nami, Ziya Gökalp (Istanbul, 1975), 83 and 87Google Scholar; Ülken, Hilmi Ziya, Türkiye’de Çağdaş Düşünce Tarihi (Istanbul, 1992), 331 Google Scholar.

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50 Gökalp, Ziya, “Fıkıh ve İctimaiyat,” İM, 2 (1914), 41–3Google Scholar; Gökalp, Turkish Nationalism and Western Civilization, 194.

51 Gökalp, , “Dinin İctimai Hizmetleri-II,” İM, 36 (1915), 772–6Google Scholar; Gökalp, Turkish Nationalism and Western Civilization, 186. Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of Religious Life, 34–9.

52 Gökalp, Ziya, “Dinin İctimai Hizmetleri-III,” İM, 37 (1915), 291–6Google Scholar; Gökalp, Turkish Nationalism and Western Civilization, 192.

53 Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of Religious Life, 419–20. Cf. also Lukes, Steven, Emile Durkheim, His Life and Work: A Historical and Critical Study (London, 1988), 470–77Google Scholar.

54 Yılmaz, İhsan, Muslim Laws, Politics and Society in Modern Nation States: Dynamic Legal Pluralisms in England, Turkey and Pakistan (London, 2005), 101 Google Scholar.

55 The place of religion in Gökalpian modernism raised questions among researchers. As Parla, The Social and Political Thought of Ziya Gökalp, 38–40, emphasized in 1989, Gökalp was interested in religion's social function of binding individuals together in a solidaristic nation. The ethical and spiritual aspects of Islam were needed, but its legal and metaphysical basis should be left open to society's acceptance, which is a move toward secularism. Davison, Secularism and Revivalism in Turkey, 129–33, however, suggests that Gökalp's secularism left a place for religion and therefore did not totally exclude it, pointing out the important role of Islam in Gökalp's thought and the lack of clear justification for state control of religion in his writings.

56 Günay, Ünver, “Ziya Gökalp ve Din Sosyolojisi,” Erciyes Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi, 3 (1989), 223–35, specifically 229Google Scholar.

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60 It should be remembered that although most orientalistic studies regard and describe fıkıh as Islamic law or jurisprudence, traditionally it has a larger scope that includes the ethical, social, and economic dimensions of society.

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78 See Çavdar, Ali Birinci-Tûba, “Halim Sabit Şibay,” TDV İslâm Ansiklopedisi, 15 (1997), 332–7Google Scholar.

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82 For instance, 2:180, 3:104, 9:71.

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85 al-Tirmidhi, Muhammad b. Isa, “Kitab al-Fitan,” chapter 7 of al-Tirmidhi, Sunan al-Tirmidhi, vol. 5 (Istanbul: Çağrı Yayınları, 1992), 465–7Google Scholar.

86 Sabit, Halim, “Örf-Maruf: İctimai Usul-i Fıkıh Münasebetiyle,” İM, 14 (1914), 418–20Google Scholar.

87 Ibid., 421–2.

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90 Şeref, Mustafa, “İctimai Usul-i Fıkıh Nasıl Teessüs Eder?,” İM, 6 (1914), 162–4Google Scholar.

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92 Şerafeddin, Mehmed's ideas were proposed in a series of articles in İslam Mecmuası: 15 (1914), 434–6Google Scholar; 18 (1915), 490–91; 19 (1915), 506–7; 25 (1915), 604–605; 28 (1915), 650–53. Some parts of these articles were later republished in the same author's Dini Makalelerim (Ankara, 1944), without referring to or citing İctimai İlm-i Kelam.

93 For the strong link between ideas of Gökalp and Şerafeddin see Özervarlı, M. Sait, “Transferring Traditional Islamic Disciplines into Modern Social Sciences in Late Ottoman Thought: The Attempts of Ziya Gokalp and Mehmed Serafeddin,” Muslim World, 97 (2007), 317–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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95 Şerafeddin, Mehmed, “Din Akli Değil Makuldur,” İM, 28 (1915), 653 Google Scholar.

96 Şerafeddin, Mehmed, “İctimai İlm-i Kelam-I,” İM, 15 (1914), 436 Google Scholar.

97 Şerafeddin, Mehmed, “İctimai İlm-i Kelam-III,” İM, 19 (1915), 506–7Google Scholar.

98 Şerafeddin, Mehmed, “İctimai İlm-i Kelam-IV,” İM, 25 (1915), 604–5Google Scholar.

99 Şerafeddin, “İctimai İlm-i Kelam-I,” 435–6.

100 Şerafeddin, “İctimai İlm-i Kelam-I,” 434.

101 See Sebilürreşad, issues 292 to 298 in vol. 12. For a brief summary of this discussion between Gökalp and İzmirli without analysis see Şener, Abdülkadir, “İctimai Usul-i Fıkıh Tartışmaları,” Ankara Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi İslam İlimleri Enstitüsü Dergisi, 5 (1982), 231–47Google Scholar.

102 See Hakkı, İzmirli İsmail, “Örfün Nazar-i Şer’deki Mevkii,” Sebilürreşad, 12/293 (1914), 129–32Google Scholar; Hakkı, , “İctimai Usul-i Fıkha İhtiyaç Var mı?”, Sebilürreşad, 12/298 (1914), 211–16Google Scholar.

103 See Özervarlı, M. Sait, “Alternative Approaches to Modernization in the Late Ottoman Period: İzmirli İsmail Hakkı's Religious Thought against Materialist Scientism,” International Journal of Middle East Studies, 39 (2007), 72–102 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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105 For details of his thought see Şeyhun, Ahmet, Said Halim Pasha: Ottoman Statesman and Islamist Thinker (Istanbul, 2003)Google Scholar. A more conservative scholar, Şeyhulislam Mustafa Sabri (1869–1954), also explicitly rejected Gökalp's approach of custom and its place in law. See Sabri, Mustafa, Dini Müceddidler Yahud Türkiye İçin Necat Yollarında Bir Rehber (Istanbul, 1919), 4–5 Google Scholar.

106 Sabit, Halim, “İcma: Osmanlılarda Teşri Salahiyeti,” İM, 27 (1915), 628–9Google Scholar.

107 Gökalp, Ziya, Makaleler VII, ed. Çay, M. Abdülhaluk (Ankara, 1982), 102 Google Scholar.

108 King, Michael, ed., God's Law versus State Law (London, 1995), 105 Google Scholar; Yılmaz, Muslim Laws, Politics and Society in the Modern Period, 101.