¹ Eliade, Pompilu, Influența franceză asupra spiritului public în România: Originile. Studiu asupra stării societății româneşti în vremea domniilor fanariote (Bucharest, 2006)Google Scholar; Dakin, Douglas, The Greek Struggle for Independence, 1821–1831 (Berkeley, 1974)Google Scholar; Campbell, John, French Influence and the Rise of the Romanian Nationalism (New York, 1940)Google Scholar; Zub, Alexandru, Reflections on the Impact of the French Revolution: 1789, de Tocqueville, and Romanian Culture (Iasi and Portland, 2000)Google Scholar; as well as Lebel, Germaine, La France et les Principautés danubiennes du XVIe siècle à la chute de Napoléon Ie (Paris, 1955)Google Scholar; Camariano-Cioran, Adriana, Academiile domneşti din Bucureşti şi Iaşi (Bucharest, 1971)Google Scholar; Zub, Alexandru, La sfîrşit de ciclu: despre impactul Revoluției francize (Iaşi, 1994)Google Scholar; Djuvara, Neagu, Între Orient şi Occident: Țările române la începutul epocii moderne (Bucharest, 1998)Google Scholar; Zub, Alexandru, ed., Franța model cultural şi politic (Iaşi, 2003)Google Scholar; Iorga, Nicolae, Histoire des relations entre la France et la Roumanie (Paris, 1918)Google Scholar; Stamatopoulos, Dimitrios, “Hellenism versus Latinism in the Ottoman East: Some Reflections on the Decline of the French Influence in the Greek Literary Society in Istanbul,” Études Balkaniques 43/3 (2007), 79–106.Google Scholar

² In particular, J. P. Daughton uses the notion of French “influence” to think through Franco-Argentine cultural relations at the beginning of the twentieth century. Daughton does an excellent job documenting the efforts of diplomats and others to bolster France's cultural prestige in Argentina, but does not take apart the concept of French “influence.” Daughton, J. P., “When Argentina Was ‘French’: Rethinking Cultural Politics and European Imperialism in Belle-Époque Buenos Aires,” Journal of Modern History 80/4 (2008), 831–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Examples of studies that traffic in the concept of French “influence” include Ledlie Klosy, J. and Klosky, Wynn E., “Men of Actions: French Influence and the Founding of the American Civil and Military Engineering,” Construction History 28/3 (2013), 69–87Google Scholar; Armytage, W. H. G, French Influence on English Education (London, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Field, Cynthia R., Gournay, Isabelle, and Somma, Thomas P., Paris on the Potomac: The French Influence on the Architecture and Arts of Washington, D.C. (Athens, OH, 2013)Google Scholar; Bonura, Michael A., Under the Shadow of Napoleon: French Influence on the American Way of Warfare from Independence to the Eve of World War II (New York, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³ Young, Paula Lee, “Modern Architecture and the Ideology of Influence,” Assemblage 24 (1998), 6–29Google Scholar, at 7, 19.

⁴ Latour, Bruno, The Pasteurization of France (Cambridge, 1988), 13–145Google Scholar.

⁵ On the center–periphery model see Wallerstein, Immanuel, The Modern World-System I: Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European World-Economy in the Sixteenth Century (Berkeley, 2011)Google Scholar.

⁶ Historians like Maria Todorova and Larry Wolff have done a great deal to nuance such narratives, revealing how, beginning in the eighteenth century, Eastern Europe was constructed as an intermediary space between the civilized Occident and the barbaric Orient. Drawing much of their theoretical inspiration from Edward Said's Orientalism, however, Wolff, in particular, ascribes too much power to the Western gaze and not enough agency to actors in Eastern Europe. In other words, the story remains one about what the “center” did to the “periphery.” Wolff, Larry, Inventing Eastern Europe: The Map of Civilization on the Mind of the Enlightenment (Stanford, 1994)Google Scholar; Todorova, Maria, Imagining the Balkans (Oxford, 1997)Google Scholar. For a critique of Said in the same spirit see Bhaba, Homi K., “The Other Question . . . Homi K. Bhabha Reconsiders the Stereotype and Colonial Discourse,” Screen 24/6 (1983), 18–36Google Scholar, at 25. Finally, on economic backwardness in Eastern Europe, including a number of challenges to and critiques of Wallerstein's center–periphery model, see Chirot, Daniel, ed., The Origins of Backwardness in Eastern Europe: Economics and Politics from the Middle Ages until the Early Twentieth Century (Berkeley, 1989)Google Scholar.

⁷ Joseph Lancaster, a Quaker educator in England, and Dr Andrew Bell, a British schoolteacher based in India, simultaneously developed this method. In French this pedagogical system is called the méthode mutuelle (mutual method). In Greek it is referred to as αλληλοδιδατηκά (allilodidaktika), literally “learning together.” In Romanian it is alternatively discussed as metodă mutuală (mutual method), metodă Lancastrienne, and alilodidactica. I use these terms interchangably with Lancastarian and monitorial system.

⁸ On twentieth-century American policymakers’ pursuit of soft power see, for example, Nye, Joseph S., Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics (New York, 2005)Google Scholar; de Grazia, Victoria, Irresistible Empire: America's Advance through Twentieth-Century Europe (New York, 2006)Google Scholar.

⁹ Recent scholarship on the history of education has begun to move in a transnational direction, for example, Alexandre Fontaine has examined the circulation of pedagogical knowledge between France and Switzerland. Historians interested in Lancastrian schools, moreover, have long considered these establishments in an international, particularly colonial or transatlantic, context. A few studies have also dealt with the appearance of monitorial schools in Russia and their connections to foreign educators. While these analyses offer a wide geographic lens to think through the development of educational systems and pedagogical technologies, they are often limited, focusing on one linguistic milieu. Little has been published on interactions among educators and reformers in France and Southeastern Europe, even in the Romanian- and Greek-language literature. Alexandre Fontaine, “Transferts culturels et déclinaisons de la pédagogie européenne: Le cas franco-romand au traverse de l'itinéraire d'Alexandre Daguet (1816–1894)” (Ph.D. thesis, University of Fribourg (Switzerland) and University of Paris VII (Vincennes-Saint-Denis, 2013); Turin, Yvonne, Affrontements culturels dans l'Algérie colonial: Écoles, médecines, religion, 1830–1880 (Paris, 1971)Google Scholar, Rogers, Rebecca, A Frenchwoman's Imperial Story: Madame Luce in Nineteenth-Century Algeria (Stanford, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rayman, Ronald, “Joseph Lancaster's Monitorial System of Instruction and American Indian Education, 1815–1838,” History of Education Quarterly 4 (1981), 395–409CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Upton, Dell, “Lancastrian Schools, Republican Citizenship, and the Spatial Imagination in Early Nineteenth-Century America,” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, 55 (1996), 238–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Patrick Ressler, “Marketing Pedagogy: Nonprofit Marketing and the Diffusion of Monitorial Teaching in the Nineteenth Century,” Paedagogica Historica, 49 (2013), 297–313; Cohen Zacek, Judith, “The Lancastrian School Movement in Russia,” Slavonic Review, 45 (1967), 343–67Google Scholar; Alain Muller, Christian, “L'enseignement mutuel à Genève ou l'histoire de l’‘échec’ d'une innovation pédagogique en contexte: L’école de Saint-Gervais, 1815–1850,” Paedagogica Historica, 41 (2005), 95–117CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lydia Papdakis, Η αλληλοδιδακτική μέθοδος διδασκαλίας στην Ελλάδα του 19^ου Αιώνα (Ē allēlodidaktikē methodos didaskalias stēn Ellada tou 19ou Aiōna) (The Mutual Method Taught in Nineteenth-Century Greece) (Athens, 1992).

¹⁰ Through early nineteenth century, social status and religion, as opposed to ethnicity or language, divided people in the Balkans. The Orthodox Christian elite, who used Greek as their lingua franca in commerce as in culture, was relatively mobile, moving throughout the Ottoman Empire and its vassal states in pursuit of educational and economic opportunities and to assume administrative posts. Among this group, those who discussed an end to Ottoman rule in their correspondence and written works generally did not couch these aspirations in the language of national liberation. Instead, they tended to offer plans and programs for a resurrected Byzantium brought about by gradual political maneuvering and/or Russian intervention. Methodological nationalism has often obscured this pre-national past in the historiography—a past some historians conceive of in terms of an Orthodox commonwealth. Here, I accept the view that, especially before the 1820s, it is difficult, if not impossible, to identify distinct nationalist agendas among the Orthodox elite in Southeastern Europe. Therefore, at least until the Greek War of Independence (1821–32), I consider reform projects in terms of modernization programs meant to better the lot of Orthodox Christians throughout the region. Iorga, Nicolae, Byzance après Byzance (Paris, 1992)Google Scholar; Kitromilides, P. M. and Tabaki, Anna, eds., Relations gréco-roumaines: Intercultralité et identité nationale (Athens, 2004)Google Scholar; Paschalis M. Kitromilides, “Διασπορά-Δίκτυα-Διαφωτισμός,” (Diasporá-Díktya-Diaphotismós) (Diaspora-Networks-Enlightenment), Τετράδια έρyασίας (Tetrádia érgasías) (Research Notebooks) 28 (2005), 7–11.

¹¹ Journal d’éducation, 1/1 (Oct., 1815), 5.

¹² The most complete study of the mutual method in nineteenth-century France is Raymond Tronchot, “L'enseignement mutuel en France de 1815 à 1833: Les luttes politiques et religieuses autour de la question scolaire,” 3 vols. (PhD thesis, University of Paris I, 1972). Also see Chapoulie, Jean-Michel, L’école d’état conquiert la France: Deux siècle de politique scolaire (Rennes, 2010)Google Scholar; Giolittio, Pierre, Naissance de la pédagogie primaire (1815–1879) (Grenoble, 1981)Google Scholar; Jacquet-Francillon, François, Naissance de l’école du peuple, 1815–1870 (Paris, 1995)Google Scholar; Furet, François and Ozouf, Jacques, Lire et écrire: L'alphabétisation des française de Calvin à Jules Ferry (Paris, 1977), 156Google Scholar; Hager, Phil E., “Nineteenth Century Experiments with Monitorial Teaching” Phi Delta Kappa 40 (1959), 164–7Google Scholar.

¹³ Journal d’éducation 1/1 (1815), 5; For an overview of the SIE's establishment see Tronchot, “L'enseignement mutuel,” 1: 105–39.

¹⁴ The SIE and the Society for Christian Morality, for instance, shared an office and a financial agent—Eugène Casin. These organizations collaborated by cosponsoring essay prizes, promoting one another in the pages of their respective periodicals, and jointly funding various projects, including the production of Greek-language mutual-method charts in 1830s, an endeavor discussed below. Duprat, Catherine, Usage et pratiques de la philanthropie: Pauvreté, action sociale et lien social, à Paris, au cours du premier XIXe siècle, 2 vols. (Paris, 1996)Google Scholar, 2: 1042; and, among others, Journal d’éducation 12/10 (1821), 195–200; Journal d’éducation 14/11 (1822), 503; Journal d’éducation 8/12 (1819), 344; Journal de la société pour la morale Chrétienne 4/23 (1824), 307; Journal de la société pour la morale Chrétienne, 4/24 (1824), 358; Journal de la société pour la morale Chrétienne, 11/67 (1829), 64.

¹⁵ It cost about five francs a month to educate one student. The Journal d’éducation routinely published lists of subscribers as well as figures on schools. See, for example, Journal d’éducation 1/1 (1815), 17; Journal d’éducation 1/4 (1816), 287–90; Journal d’éducation 3/1 (1816), 4; Journal d’éducation 5/4 (1818), 180.

¹⁶ Tronchot argues that between 1815 and 1824, opponents of the mutual method mostly voiced pedagogical objections to the approach. From 1824 on, however, critiques became increasingly political in nature. Nonetheless, the admission of the duc d'Orléans to the SIE in 1815 also appears to have inflamed conservatives’ distaste for the Lancastrian system. Tronchot, “L'enseignement mutuel,” 1: 262; Francillon, Jacquet, Naissance de l’école du peuple, 1815–1870 (Paris, 1995)Google Scholar, 51. On the political debates surrounding mutual method schools also see Jean-Michel Chapoulie, L’école d’état conquiert, 40.

¹⁷ Instructors often had difficulty finding qualified monitors among their students and occasionally parents refused to let their children work in this capacity. As with many other aspects of the mutual method, the reality often failed to live up to the promises made by the approach's advocates. Tronchot, “L'enseignement mutuel,” 3: 456; Francillon, Jacquet, Instituteurs avant la République (Arras, 1999), 79–80.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Quoted in Prost, Antoine, Histoire de l'enseignement en France, 1800–1967 (Paris, 1968)Google Scholar, 117. A British observer visiting a Greek monitorial school in the 1860s likewise noted: “All go to the Demotikon [public school]. Hence, democracy and equality grow up with the physical and mental development. All start equal.” Wyse, Thomas, Impressions of Greece (London, 1871), 103Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Though both Pauline Guizot and her husband, François, were early members of the SIE, they would later break with the organization. As minister of education, François Guizot's reforms of the 1830s did not especially encourage the spread of the mutual method, to the disappointment of the organization's other members. Nonetheless, the class-specific instruction that the SIE's schools provided perfectly conformed to Guizot's vision for a national education system that would help maintain the social order. For more on Guizot's views of the role of instruction in French society see Guizot, François, Essai sur l'histoire et sur l’état actuel de l'instruction publique en France (Paris, 1816)Google Scholar. On Guizot's relation to the SIE and the organization's reaction to his reforms see Tronchot, “L'enseignement mutuel,” 3: 177–243.

²⁰ On Anglomania and its relation to perceptions of the SIE's members and the organization see Gerbod, Paul, “La société pour l'instruction élémentaire et la diffusion du modèle éducatif britannique en France de 1815 à 1848,” L'information historique 57/1 (1995), 32–6, at 34Google Scholar; Michèle Sacquin, “Catholicisme intégral et morale chrétienne: Un débat sous la Restauration entre le Mémorial catholique et le Journal de la Société de la morale chrétienne,” Revue historique (1991), 337–58, at 354.

²¹ Devaux, Olivier, L'enseignement à Toulouse sous la Restauration (Toulouse, 1994), 68Google Scholar; Curtis, Sarah A., Educating the Faithful: Religion, Schooling, and Society in Nineteenth-Century France (DeKalb, 2000), 97Google Scholar; and Prost, Histoire de l'enseignement, 126. Catherine Duprat, Usage et pratiques, 1: 493, discusses Protestant involvement with a range of philanthropic associations.

²² Tronchot, “L'enseignement mutuel,” 3: 401–67; Jacquert-Francillion, Instituteurs avant la République, 84; Furet and Ozouf, Lire et écrire, 92.

²³ Devaux, L'enseignement à Toulouse, 73. The statistics are difficult to nail down. Schools identified as mutual-method establishments often lacked materials and qualified teachers. Consequently, depending on the available resources, many institutions actually relied on a variety of techniques in the classroom. Chapoulie, Jean-Michel, “L'organisation de l'enseignement primaire de la IIIe République: ses origines provinciales et parisiennes, 1850–1880,” Histoire de l’éducation 105 (2005), 3–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 13.

²⁴ See, for example, “Remarques sur les écoles de Bell et Lancaster: extraits d'un voyage en Angleterre,” Journal d’éducation 1/1 (1815), 53, and Journal d’éducation 8/12 (1819), 328.

²⁵ Jan Goldstein has identified the Society for Christian Morality, an organization that closely collaborated with the SIE, as a site where Liberals continue work they had begun in office between their electoral loss in 1820 and their return to the Legislature in 1828. The SIE also fulfilled this function, allowing Liberals bypass the French administration and implement their own reform programs. Goldstein, Jan, Console and Classify: The French Psychiatric Profession in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (Cambridge, 1987), 279Google Scholar.

²⁶ Members of the SIE often claimed that the method had actually been invented in France before the Revolution. Journal d’éducation 1/1 (1815), 10, 29; Journal d’éducation 1/2 (1815), 119.

²⁷ Journal d’éducation 4/11 (1817), 294; Journal d’éducation, 15/10 (1823), 195–6.

²⁸ Harry S. Truman, “Inaugural Address,” 20 Jan. 1949, online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project, at www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=13282.

²⁹ Escobar, Arturo, Encountering Development: The Making and Unmaking of the Third World (Princeton, 1995)Google Scholar, 10.

³⁰ Journal d’éducation 15/10 (1823), 195.

³¹ Truman, “Inaugural Address.”

³² My emphasis. The French word was indeed développement. Journal d’éducation 15/10 (1823), 195–6.

³³ Escobar, Encountering Development; and Adas, Michael, Dominance by Design: Technology Imperatives and America's Civilizing Mission (Cambridge, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 10.

³⁴ Truman, “Inaugural Address.”

³⁵ Journal d’éducation 15/10 (1823), 196.

³⁶ Jomard, Edme-François, “Rapport sur les écoles étrangères,” Journal d’éducation 8/8 (1819), 79Google Scholar; Journal d’éducation 15/10 (1823), 195–6; “Rapport au nom d'une commission composée de MM. le baron Ternaux, Jomard, Basset, Jullien Renouard, J de Gérando,” Journal d’éducation 18/2 (1825), 18; Journal d’éducation 19/7–8 (1827), 146.

³⁷ Journal d’éducation 13/1 (1821), 1–2.

³⁸ As an important tool for effecting social change, scholars of technology transfer have demonstrated an avid interest in pedagogical methods. This literature is discussed in Rogers, Everett M., Diffusion of Innovations, 4th edn (New York, 1995)Google ScholarPubMed, 175.

³⁹ Invention is the first time an idea or technology appears, while innovation concerns alterations to a technology that standardize it or render it more useful or accessible. In this case, the SIE's mutual method can be seen as an attempt to standardize and, arguably, improve upon the British model. See Rogers, Diffusion of Innovations, 174.

⁴⁰ On similar dynamics in various geographic and political contexts see Headrick, Daniel R., The Tentacles of Progress: Technology Transfer in the Age of Imperialism, 1850–1940 (Oxford, 1988)Google Scholar; and Headrick, The Tools of Empire: Technology and European Imperialism in the Nineteenth Century (Oxford, 1981); Adas, Dominance by Design; Mavhunga, Clapperton, “Firearm Diffusion: Exotic and Indigenous Knowledge Systems in the Lowveld Frontier, South Eastern Zimbabwe, 1870–1920,” Comparative Technology Transfer and Society 1/2 (2003), 201–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rogers, Diffusion of Innovations, 12, 14, 196.

⁴¹ “Rapport sur la formation d'un comité des écoles étrangères,” Journal d’éducation 7/2 (1818), 80.

⁴² Ibid. The SIE kept tabs on and encouraged mutual-method schools from the Caribbean to Russia. A handful of studies have examined these schools in colonial Algeria. The majority of monitorial schools in Algeria were founded after the apogee of liberal interest in the SIE (in the 1830s). Furthermore, in Algeria, the French colonial administration could impose pedagogical practices, whereas in places like Southeastern Europe, French reformers had to seek out local allies and win them over to their cause. On monitorial instruction in Algeria see Turin, Affrontements culturels; Rogers, A Frenchwoman's Imperial Story.

⁴³ Constant was referring to Britain and Russia in particular—the two powers that not only had bested France in 1815, but also had competing economic and strategic interests in Southeastern Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean. Constant, Benjamin, Appel aux nations chrétiennes en faveur des Grecs (Paris, 1825)Google Scholar, 10, 11.

⁴⁴ “Nouvelles relative aux progrès de l'industrie,” Journal d’éducation 2/12 (1816), 384.

⁴⁵ Journal d’éducation, 8/10 (1819), 226.

⁴⁶ Blanquière, Edward, “Rapport: Présenté à la Société pour l'instruction élémentaire, à Paris, dans sa séance du 16 novembre 1825,” Journal d’éducation 18/2 (1825), 35.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Dutrône, Henri, “Grèce: Lettre de M. Dutrône, docteur en droit, à la Société pour l'instruction élémentaire à Paris,” Journal d’éducation 20/10 (1828), 316–18, at 317–18Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ In particular, Degérando.

⁴⁹ Korais, Adamantios, Mémoire sur l’état actuel de la civilisation dans la Grèce, lu à la Société des observateurs de l'homme; le 16 Nivôse, an XI (6 Janvier 1803) (Paris, 1803), 64Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Among others admitted to the SIE was the Metropolitan Ignatios, an active educational reformer in Southeastern Europe; Professor Dimitirus Gobdelos of Iaşi; and Nicholas Manos. Journal d’éducation 1/1 (1815), 47, 29; Journal d’éducation, 7/2 (1818), 78; Journal d’éducation 7/3 (1818), 157; among others; and Camariano-Cioran, Academiile domneşti, 47.

⁵¹ Throughout Kapodistrias's career, he displayed a lively interest in the science of pedagogy and actively supported educational reforms across Europe. In 1814, as an envoy of the tsar in Switzerland, Kapodistrias developed friendships with Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi and Philipp Emanuel von Fellenberg, both prominent Swiss pedagogues. In Switzerland also he collaborated closely with Frédéric-César de La Harpe, another diplomat in the service of Russia. La Harpe was likewise an important figure among Swiss educators. In 1824, moreover, Kapodistrias advocated for the creation of Lancastrian schools in Bessarabia (the present-day Republic of Moldova). Woodhouse, C. M., Capodistria: The Founder of Greek Independence (London, 1973), 94–102Google Scholar; Cohen Zacek, “The Lancastrian School,” 351.

⁵² Kapodistrias's interactions with the SIE, in particular, are addressed in greater detail below.

⁵³ Escobar similarly points out that Latin American leaders who helped bring development programs to their countries did not do so to advance US or Western European policy aims. Instead, they engaged with foreign governments and organizations as part of an effort to accommodate a changing political and economic landscape at home. Escobar, Encountering Development, 30.

⁵⁴ In addition to Korais's Report, other important works heralding or proposing sweeping changes in the Balkans included Rigas Feraios, Νέα Πολιτική Διοίκησις των κατοίκων της Ρούμελης, της Μικράς Ασίας, των Μεσσογείων νήσων και της Βλαχομποηδανίας (Néa Politikī Dioíkīsis tŏn katoíkŏn tĕs Roúmelīs, tīs Mikras asías, tŏn Messogeísn nīsŏn kai tīs Blachoboīndanías) (New Political Administration for the Inhabitants of Roumeli, Asia Minor, the Mediterranean Islands, and Wallachia) (Vienna, 1797); anonymous, Ελληνικη Νομαρχια (Ellīnikī Nomarchia) (Hellenic Nomarchy), (Athens, 2009; first published by “an anonymous Greek” in 1806).

⁵⁵ Korais described this shift in his report. A year later, his 1805 dialogue vigorously advocated for Orthodox Christians to support France over Russia. Korais, Mémoire sur l’état, 43; and Adamantios Korais, Τί Πρέπει Νά Κάμωσιν οί Γραικοί είς τάς Παρούσας Περιστάσειχ΄Διάλογος Δυο Γραικών Κατοίκων τής Βενετίας, Όταν Ήκοσαν τάς Λαμπράς τό Άυτοκράτος Ναπολέοντος (Tí prépei ná Kámōsin oí Graikoí eís tás Paroúsas Peristásseich Diálogos Duo Graikōn Katoíkōn tēs Venetías,‘Otan Ēkosan tás Lamprás tó ‘Autokrátos Napoléontos) (What Should We Greeks Do in the Present Circumstances? Dialogue of Two Greeks living in Venice, Following the Brillance of the Emperor Napoleon) (Vienna, 1805).

⁵⁶ Woodhouse, Capodistria; Georgescu, Vlad, Mémoires et projets de réforme dans les Principautés Roumaines, 1769–1830 (Bucharest, 1970)Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ Back home in Iaşi, Rosetti-Roznovanu wrote to a French correspondent, “I find myself in this semi-barbaric country and I can only console myself by thinking about that wonderful country [France], a model of civilization.” Achiziţii noi, A.N./CCLIV/72, National Archives of Romania, Bucharest.

⁵⁸ Achiziţii noi, A.N./CCLIII/36, 58, 60, 70, 95, National Archives of Romania, Bucharest. These networks were manifold. For instance, through the Iaşi-based geographer, Rosetti-Roznovanu also had access to Parisian savants like Barbie de Bocage. For a longer discussion of the web of Franco-Balkan relations Rosetti-Roznovanu was able to tap see Isar, N., “Corespondenţa lui N. Rosetti-Roznovanu cu cărturarii străini (1818–1820),” Revista de istorie şi teorie literara 4/22 (1974), 437–44Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ Achiziţii noi, A.N./CCLIII/59, CLX/11, National Archives of Romania, Bucharest. On Rosetti-Roznovanu's time in Paris and his relationship with various French figures and to French culture see N. Isar, “Corespondenţa lui N. Rosetti-Roznovanu”; N. Isar, Corespondenţa lui N. Rosetti-Roznovanu cu Sociatatea pentru instruţiune elementara de la Paris, privind introducerea învăţământului lancasterian în Moldova şi în Grecia,” Analele Universităţii Bucureşti, Istorie 59 (1978), 59–67; Isar, N., “Les relations de N. Rosetti-Roznovanu avec les érudits français et la culture française,” Revue roumaine d'histoire 18/4 (1979), 699–717.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Cleobolos had also spent time in Switzerland studying Pestalozzi's methods. Camariano-Cioran, Academille domneşti, 89.

⁶¹ Achiziţii noi, A.N./CCLIV/70, CCLIV/88, CCLIV/89, National Archives of Romania, Bucharest; Journal d’éducation 9/5 (1820), 258.

⁶² Journal d’éducation 8/10 (1819), 175–81.

⁶³ Journal d’éducation 9/5 (1820), 258.

⁶⁴ Ibid.

⁶⁵ He did write a personal letter to Jomard. Achiziţii noi, A.N./CCLIV/72, National Archives of Romania, Bucharest.

⁶⁶ First employed in print by the hellenophone, Iaşi-based geographer Daniil Philippides in 1816, the term “Romanian,” describing either a language or a people, was not yet widely used. When writers did not refer to these people as Greeks, they called them Moldovans or Wallachians and designated their languages Moldovan, Wallachian, or Moldo-Wallach. Daniil Philippides, Ιστορία της Ρουμανίας (Istoría tēs Roumanías) (History of Romania) (Leipzig, 1816); Daniil Philippides, Γεωγραφικόν Ρουμανίας (Geōgraphikón Roumanías) (Geography of Romania) (Leipzig, 1816); Mihai Tipau, “Ethnic Names and National Identity in the Greek–Romanian Historiography of the Phanariot Era,” in Kitromilides and Tabaki, Relations gréco-roumaines, 167–79.

⁶⁷ Achiziţii noi, A.N./CCLIII/81, National Archives of Romania, Bucharest, printed in the Journal d’éducation 11/3 (1820), 130.

⁶⁸ Achiziţii noi, A.N./CCLX/8, National Archives of Romania, Bucharest.

⁶⁹ Journal d’éducation 11/2 (1820), 60.

⁷⁰ Cleobolos gave at least two formal exams certifying teachers as mutual-method instructors. Rosetti-Roznovanu awarded students who passed a modest monetary prize and the metropolitan, Veniamin Costache, provided them with letters of recommendation. Camariano-Cioran, Academiile domneşti, 91–2.

⁷¹ Ibid.; Achiziţii noi, A.N./CCLIII/63, A.N./CCLIII/82, CCLIV/100, National Archives of Romania, Bucharest.

⁷² From the Russo-Turkish War of 1710–13 through the Greek War of Independence, the Porte named Phanariot, or Hellenized Orthodox Christians from the Phanar (lighthouse) district of Constantinople, to the principalities’ thrones. The “Phanariot regime” has been the subject of extensive debate in the Romanian historiography. On the one hand, the Phanariots are charged with engaging in exploitative economic practices. The historian, genealogist, and Phanariot descendant Radu Rosetti, for instance, in his memoirs likened the Phanariots’ activities in Wallachia and Moldova to those of the Spanish in Mexico and South America. On the other hand, the geographic distance that separated Iaşi and Bucharest from Constantinople, as well as the principalities’ relative autonomy, meant that Phanariots there enjoyed a greater degree of intellectual freedom than other elites in the Ottoman Empire. Scholars consequently credit them with the introduction of Western European thought in the region and a number of modernizing initiatives. Rosetti, Radu, Ce am auzit de la alţii: Amintiri (Bucharest, 2011), 25Google Scholar; Lemny, Stefan, “La critique du régime phanariote: cliché mentaux et perspectives historiographiques,” in Zub, Alexandru, ed., Culture and Society: Structures, Interferences, Analogies in the Modern Romanian History (Iaşi, 1985), 17–30Google Scholar, at 17.

⁷³ For more on Kapodistrias and education see Woodhouse, Capodistria, 422–9; Kadis, William P., John Capodistrias and the Modern Greek State (Madison, 1963), 81–93Google Scholar; Eleni (Helen) E. Koukkou, “Από το εκπαιδευτικόν έργον του Ι. Καποδίστρια: Μερικαί άγνωστοι σελίδες” (Apo to ekpaideutikon ergon tou I. Kapodistria: Merikai agnostoi selides) (From the Educational Works of I. Kapodistrias: Some Unpublished Pages) Deltion tes Historikes kai Ethnologikes Hetaireias tes Hellados (Bulletin of the Historical and Ethnological Society of Greece) 11 (1956), 214–22.

⁷⁴ Journal d’éducation 20/8 (1828), 225–9, at 225, 229.

⁷⁵ Over the next several years, numerous Greek officials and instructors would gain membership of the SIE. Often the organization bestowed this “honor” on them in return for information about the application of their method in Greece. Journal d’éducation 20/8 (1828), 225–9; Ελληνηκή Πολιτεία (Ellīnkī Politeia) (Greek State), Feb. 1830.

⁷⁶ Journal d’éducation 20/14 (1828), 399.

⁷⁷ Cassin, the SIE's agent, published Dutrône's correspondence with Kapodistrias. Near the end of Kapodistrias's life, Dutrône was asked to step down from his official position in Greece. He had become a vocal critic of Augostino Kapodistrias and several other Ionian aristocrats in the Greek administration. Dutrône, Henri, Extraits de la correspondance de M. Dutrône avec M. le Président Capodistria (Paris, 1831)Google Scholar; Dutrône, Mémoire à son excellence le président de la Grèce (Marseille, 1829); Woodhouse, Capodistria, 373, 427.

⁷⁸ Journal d’éducation 20/10 (1828), 316–20. Dutrône was a lawyer by trade and later served the French administration in Algeria. For more on Dutrône see Abi-Mershed, Osama, Apostles of Modernity: Saint-Simonians and the Civilizing Mission in Algeria (Stanford, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁹ Bulletin de la société pour l'instruction élémentaire, à Paris 1/2 (1829), 22, 31; Bulletin de la société 1/5 (1829), 94–8; Bulletin de la société 1/6 (1829), 138–9; Bulletin de la société 1/7 (1829), 141. The Journal d’éducation was renamed the Bulletin of the Society for Elementary Instruction in Paris in 1829. See also David Antonios, Η Εκπαίδευση κάτα την ελλλήνικη επανάσταη τεκμηριωτικα κειμένα τόμος Β’ 1826-1827 (Ē Ekpaidevsē kata tēn ellēnikē epanastasē tekmēriōtika keimena tomos tomos B’ 1826-1827) (Pedagogy during the Greek Revolution documentary texts volume II 1826-1827), vol. 2 (Athens, 2002), 287–92.

⁸⁰ Letters to Rosetti-Roznovanu also stressed the importance of vigilantly protecting the method's integrity. Achiziţii noi, A.N./CCLX/3, 11, 18, National Archives of Romania, Bucharest.

⁸¹ I. P. Kokkonis, Περιλήψις της γενομένης αναφοράς εις την επί της προπαιδείας επιτροπής. Περί του Έχειριδίου τοũ δι’α τ’ Άλληλλοδιδακτικά Σχολεία τησ Γαλλίας συνταχθέντος ύπό τοũ Κ. Σαραζινου (Sarazin), Έν η συνεξετάζονται καί αί είσ τήν γλώσσαν ήμών. Έρμηνειαι της Άλληλοδιδακτικης Μεθόδου, έκθετεμένων καί των άρχων, τοũ είδους, κ.τ.λ. αύτης (Perilĕpsis tĕs genomenĕs anaphoras eis tĕn epi tĕs propaideias epitropĕs. Peri tou echeiridiou dia t'Allĕllodidaktika Scholeia tĕs Gallias syntachthentos ypo tou K. Sarazinou, en ĕ synexetazontai kai ai eis tĕs glŏssan ĕmŏn. Ermĕneiai tĕs Allĕlodidaktikĕs Methodou, ekthetemenŏn kai tŏn archŏn, tou eidous, k.t.l.) (Summary of the Report Given to the Commission on Primary Instruction Concerning the Manual for the Mutual-Method Schools of France Edited by Mr. Saraziou (Sarazin), in Consideration with the Interpretation in our Language of the Mutual Method, Setting Forth Its Principles, Models, etc.) (Aegina, 1831), 8–9. Lord Guilford financed Alexis Politis's translation of the British and Foreign Schools Society's charts. Konstandas and Zonantos authored variants of the French method based on Cleobolos's translation. A hybrid method penned by Synesios also existed.

⁸² Ελληνηκή Πολιτεία (Greek State), Feb. 1830. In the preface to the manual, its translator, I. P. Kokkonis, offered further comment. Kokkonis presented a brief history of the mutual method in the hellenophone world—one that praised Cleobolos's charts and critiqued the English method. Kokkonis argued, using the kind of language often found in the Journal d’éducation, that the French had perfected this system of education and that Sarazin's manual and the corresponding charts were the most modern of any in Europe. Kokkonis contended that if Greece was to “catch up” with Europe, Greeks schools had to implement the French model. Kokkonis, Περιλήψις της γενομένης (Summary of the Report), 22.

⁸³ Almost a decade earlier, the SIE had sent Rosetti-Roznovanu a copy of the Abbé Gaultier's Le type d'une école élémentaire, ou manuel de l'inspecteur (The Form of an Elementary School, or Inspector's Manual), a precursor of Sarazin's text. The SIE included a note with the edition urging Rosetti-Roznovanu to rigorously follow the method as laid out by the organization. Numerous other letters to Rosetti-Roznovanu reiterated the SIE's directive to meticulously follow their method. Achiziţii noi, AN/CCLX/3, 11, 18, National Archives of Romania, Bucharest; Kokkonis, Περιλήψις της γενομένης (Summary of the Report).

⁸⁴ My emphasis. Bulletin de la société 1/10 (1829), 201–2; see also Ioannis Kapodistrias, Correspondance Du Comte J. Capodistrias: Président de la Grèce, comprenant les lettres diplomatiques, administratives et particulières, écrites par lui depuis le 20 avril 1827 jusqu'au 9 octobre 1831, 4 vols., (Geneva, 1839), 2: 329, 3: 124, 4: 130–34. In 1828, ninety-two schools were operational in Greece, with approximately 2,300 pupils; in 1830 enrollment rose to six thousand and in 1830 to 7,834. Woodhouse, Capodistria, 437. For more on Dr. Louis-André Gosse's early career see Daniela Vaj, Médecins voyageurs: Théorie et pratique du voyage médical au début du XIXe siècle, d'après deux textes genevois inédits: Les Mémoires sur les voyages médicaux (1806–1810) de Louis Odier et les Carnets du voyage médical en Europe (1817–1820) de Louis-André Gosse (Genève, 2002).

⁸⁵ Ελληνηκή Πολιτεία (Greek State), Feb. 1830. Kapodistrias's administration had great difficulty both collecting taxes and contracting foreign loans. The state's financial situation severely hindered his ability not only to enact educational policy, but also to govern more broadly. Loules, Dimitris, The Financial and Economic Policies of President Ioannis Capodistrias, 1828–1831 (Ioannina, 1985)Google Scholar; Kadis, John Capodistrias, 100–4; Woodhouse, Capodistrias, 403–8.

⁸⁶ Alexis Dimaras, “The Central Government and the Formation of Educational Policy in Greece in the Early Nineteenth Century,” in L'offre de l’école: Éléments pour une étude comparée des politiques éducatives au XIXe siècle: Actes du troisième colloque international, Sèvres, 27–30 septembre 1981 (Paris, 1983), 75–81.

⁸⁷ Over time, new material made its way into the charts. For instance, one edition from the 1840s used events from recent history to set up mathematical word problems. One such problem told students that the Greek War of Independence had begun in 1821; it then asked them to calculate how many years had elapsed since then. Πινάκας (Pinakas) (Charts) (Athens, 1864; first published 1846). For more on the mutual method in Greece see Papdakis, Η αλληλοδιδακτική μέθοδος (The Mutual Method).

⁸⁸ In Wallachia, Ion Heliade-Rădulescu, Daniil Romesci, and Teodor Palade, three young educators, sent a set of charts to press in 1824. The following year, Metropolitan Veniamin Costache, an honorary member of the SIE, published a second set. Camariano-Cioran, Academiile domneşti, 90–93; Journal d’éducation 7/2 (1818), 78.

⁸⁹ V. A. Urechiă, Istoria Şcolelor de la 1800–1865 (Bucharest, 1892), 121, Mirela-Luminiţa Murgescu, Între “bun creştin” şi “bravul roman” Rolul şcolii primare în construirea identităţii naţionale româneşti (1831–1878) (Iaşi, 1999), 33–8.

⁹⁰ An alternative approach, the “New Method” (metodă nouă), only appeared in 1868. Călinescu, Georges, Viaţa şi Opera lui Ion Creangă (Chişinău, 1982)Google Scholar, 118–22.

⁹¹ Quoted in Urechiă, Istoria Şcolelor, 170–71.

⁹² For more on this regime see Radu Albu-Comănescu, “Sous le signe des lumières: Les règlements organiques et la modernité constitutionnelle des principautés roumaines, 1834–1856,” Studia Universitatis Babeş-Bolyai, Europeana 60/2 (2015), 225–46; Marin Badea, “Despre începuturile edificării sistemului politic al României moderne,” Revista de Drept Public, supplement (2014), 20–25.

⁹³ Urechiă, Istoria Şcolelor, 150.

⁹⁴ The organization began to systematically distinguish Wallachia and Moldova from “Greece” in 1832.

⁹⁵ Bulletin de la société 1/10 (1829), 202.

⁹⁶ Bulletin de la société 4/43 (1832), 184; Bulletin de la société 7/77–80 (1835), 303.

⁹⁷ “Rapport sur la formation d'un comité des écoles étrangères,” Journal d’éducation 7/2 (1818), 80; Edme-François Jomard, “Rapport sur les écoles étrangères,” Journal d’éducation 8/8 (1819), 79; Journal d’éducation 15/10 (1823), 195–6; “Rapport au nom d'une commission composée de MM. le baron Ternaux, Jomard, Basset, Jullien Renouard, J de Gérando,” Journal d’éducation 18/2 (1825), 18; Journal d’éducation 18/2 (1825), 19; Journal d’éducation 19/7–8 (1827), 146.